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SIXTH ANNUAL REPORT

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY

TO THE

SECRETARY OF THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION

Se Vee © VW 6 Is,

DIRECTOR

WASHINGTON
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
1888

xu Oey ij
UM IAUOLTAL

a\
ABUTS t)

CONTENDS.

REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR.

Page
Tete AO UNeAS IMMA ore jece eerc.ais. chereyeis ie isle sc auclabesiatercielele secs ete e Peters XXI
[ARO ONO), Gvacns oO SaRnn ORO tn oR OAR SAnnnen a AOceacr aaccete tn cere ae XXUI
LEA SIM SELIOIY gos celsig oe ten Sekl nb EB rine ob 0 Gr ETO OO acc Een En OG eRe c XXIV
LENG Rove. 3 settee mea Schmid ota Ocieiean Gare BOOS Ma OO TRO ee mTeClan a orn a metres XXVI
WikoiniaGl xq TMI S aa. chee a6 boat osounoTOnEcHIesBA be HI ondE a basenepS XXVI
Work of Prof. Cyrus minomiss dia sRoyege srs Water eSavsteie, tie ye hiatal yn sieestest de XXVI
Explorations in the Southwest ........ iGOHKE Hao ShbAdsorones sonsames -XXVIII
Wiorksot Mir James SteveDSOD . sccm = sei ccecis ene cla cereeieie or ener SXOSSVILL
WiorkoteMirs Victor miindeleth-s2 ec, sce sacs cnc amioeineren eles ee 5 3.0.6
TAIT OMT SLC HE] ea OTUs eecre rer a ayoie Tesas's verete ahs rec tare rss sichspe lt eaatote Sepeecieee vetoes asi sets XXX
NVOnkOneMirsshinminnierAs |S DIi er cvs elise aun aeieoreeieee se ee RONEN
Wiorkof Miri Hes Wer Elenshaiwy.. scenes <2 <2 sacaetesiecers Se gs cstntete vest esas XXXI
IWiOGks Ole rwAtr Sa GapSCIeby cisic. miet acie nu so emia o. 5 cinierels(ersporcrelenuie ais elors P ROROR DEL
VOT ka Of Rue vised oy OW CHUL OLSCY 2 caso, afer r= lay eve tel fercore aia, chersistere ale cist cheie ctere OO
NWOrk On Wie ereniiahl Curtin. heer curesciesce cece cine 1 ekcRO VIL
(Gracnl GAG Wo © = se ace ceenen conomcild ob BA a Eee DUNT t sd Comeanine? OO QA tn
iWork of Dr) Washington Matthews) 7s: ~ 2... sce e cs oneness XXXVI
VOT KAO DMD Trae Elie Com NANT O Wa ay sreteialavatsits auclemsiscets iam raisteeastaray. a avon se-craeranee XL
Gale OED Nive, de Lakosientels Go dagoododododopaccs cond amodeeatar ac XLI
OviOS Word hele ache ton DS I Oe AIO Sai Dao DOD TRG CeIn eer eae ee XLII
VOT ISO Le Mirai Ele avis HELONS Ha W ete myeieyenese tare sie acciorererecece kisieie ste seis Seto neice a XLV
WOEksOLe ins se EMInmic PACK Smith ere. eters, yas rsrs steerer sie eters nia oie reteteie XLV
NVOLKOLs Cole GarrickeMallonys same sp cise ange ass cease netios eeiouseare ae XLV
WOT OLE) HAAVY ccd SwELO timer eis scree rer are ay cel wo aie cic clon Sita eae Soe XLV
WWOrkxOfe Moret ames, Crs Malin Osc ye states ores x, cieus sitysj alate verer sie. aletere niece stteraysterstelere XLV
Wile oe ihe, lihgmaltc 181, (Otel mle one OScO RA BG Ob OOD AD Doe eso Sean XLVI
Wot kiOree role Gyis EN OMAS yccistiacn tiac iar eiteeie sas « staasisectciee noe) ee XL VIL
NV OEkIOheMiTsmViGhOrg NMAC lel nici crete cnc shartoucrsiotvs. kerecnioardateeiociime savas XLVI
Work of Rev. J. Owen Dorsey ..............-. ieteh ctgke onote Mate sein anes Ae eels VLE
NVOEKFOfe Mir Al bert: 9:1 GatsChebiycoarm ss cia ascites sin re eed a0 create: a seievetwetcis o1e XLVIII
Vor Karo laevis mV oe Flee OLMIES Ei ree cto natn crases ele farelenicieusiaisisinesah shooter fees RIVAL
\ivorric ie ID Yes dat, (5 WohaoNo sonosauar cM Cc ee actor ude cians cris L
WViorkrofe Moe Chanless Cn siOy CO st yate ar erste reeves lefetels le aiafealeiercieyaveve alsin Se see Li
PAC COMPANY LT Oma DOLS rer Ne tey hava stetsy sy eleven cts ote ae acfors torah eneneatotecinie ema Sarees LI
Ancient art of the province of Chiriqui, Colombia, by William H. Holmes. LI

A study of the textile art in its relation to the development of form and
GMaMent, Oya iliamisel- PELOUINES \c/-se les encfers ee cicicle 2102. oie) sinielaus «ares 4 LIV
Aids to the study of the Maya Codices, by Cyrus Thomas............... LV
Osage traditions, by Rev. J. Owen Dorsey ...........2.220.+cceeeecees LVI
heCentralsBskinios Dy WC. WEANZ BOS). crsyejewini ects aisle, aie. ales o sini sie «ciesele eis LVI
EUR AIG AMS DALEK CLL bieers meee ees. See alar cle ee saee coisa nal alenesckeyecBeuote, Wie @ <ftpaueia e,oye Napevetnae ess LVI

IV CONTENTS.

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.

ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI, BY WILLIAM H. HOLMES.

Iai nga cheYeinloy Ron eect IT AtiO neh ttcon erie o IGE OD ee Apc an nica ann GE ae aman aUr aca
Geo prays x siete cre crsrs sia) «4 tietepst aye 0D svehesHe avelalecaraye aera) terrae Urs eee tena eee A
Enemy ikl kere hes Sn a A eA OR Ea a I ECL RVO nd anders ao ety a6 acre Geno t Geen
LEG) OG oan ooutecenea go AponGg MAPGhoaboosonnhcohoosudopyba “cacctowadnod
Af at sh(e1s)an{o i211 >: pee eae aor Tenis are ce coEn Moto chica Cradlt G,cin6 onion
Melony esiwacn ie creer ccncu merce cl siete sce WE okra stops Beaten: eee eee
Lekiheatiguiy ent heal ene Sear MRO RATA etna Onondinanacmodedacaonc

Stoners sa... acwisraslavahio Seat a alate free os atayeua cays uateencieieirstayelll ofa tape des Tei Metsber aetna tee
Pictured! LOCKS) 05 «ois. «5 c/n Sere cuesse simcher 5 Clarets eerie Hee RE eS
(Gf) ist | Peete Morte oA orn enor ao oman oiLetconcdy camo
TOMAS). o scisseye cave rx ronevordin, ersicuonke terete evocey Sey tlore tavevebacetess) ole Terel shee ene Neer
Mealling: Stones’ crcntaciaiad carscetentiett rere ATC gel enero ial aS eee
SBOOIS oyecejeic ace Garet, becrs me eteeans Sais BNE eerie Meee Oe ee eae EE ae
Celtsiebe cs iscitited cee dit aya tie ee taTe ss SIRE areola aoe TES
Spearheadsi casas c vce. svete cyep terete auctal= gkko fea rereiee ee eee eae
ATKOW POMS =:202 disc sxins ahsccusist ovals ue isis) cesera ta rel eee erode spe eect
Ornaments’ 33s s.s ce siees cde trast eee Ee OE Cee
Metall Fics canabectelss pyate aie oicuel tie dusiahn seem ache cleric aReR kere ae ETC ete ican
Gold and ‘Coppers ier .5 sto craic sieve eievehel aioiers cheusts stone erase ole eea revels tee
BEONZO cate teveters. sabe Seteeie cis pee sen aaa chat elgste Bienes ere OC Ee RCE ae
Clay Ge Bo bberyi.. vrei icrooracres on io teioe isc rere ee SEN eRe aera
Pereliv 1m By 2p o.fvene ites eave va eye yanste <p och gent et creer ese AEE ete Te eS
ETO WP LOUNGE) seas si2 be se ceetuee ao cata eb «ee eee areee eiee ers

Unpainted: waren sss so. seen eiseree acre sche evade ae ese eecmicl arctan
Terra COwla sey OUP iaisc.stics nese alae Masia are eRe
Black incised group...... wi £8 Sheps aha en othe oes teks Poteau am eT Cpe ttc

Painted! wares cir acc iiss rs ete iereereiers Soe ith siaheter ulead eyes
Scarifiedievoup i fstcys+ esters cer teat aera ce pea ee Ree
Han dledteroup sis. ad tse Sees cy aere es rySered acre ORE oe ee er eee
APTI pod iSTOUD cme emis cl-es aero nee
Mat oom: TOU i rie cies fave artic sinceeeiele sie eee ener
Red line-eroupe..coctsgenwere &.one 1 aele ce cps trae arene
White line! groups 525s. terdcnetiaister- eke pos eerste est eee Reese
Lost iGolormeroupists< «ruse. ek ecm tnaectiels eee oor aE EE ere
Alligator’ Group ser. « sepa ors cis lees ove = alee ce cllehosevernereteee raysene Seperate een
Poly chrome group's i-jtestess ae «ghee crete chases aver sreisne teers eats eee
Unclassified.) 2 sot cece stdae Sees Chics Sores eee eee

Miscellaneous objects! sain. Senne ser nace coe e ern earache aici eter tae
Spindleswihorlss Axsececcs sere vot cucretcie eiclore ete alee ste are = err aes
Needlecases i. <i i:tiicacatas are baepanvsiseclelcte charteaceone ee eae cae oT
Figurines
Stools

CONTENTS, V

: Page.
Objects of art —Continued.
Miscellaneous objects — Continued.
AVMUISLCSUINIM SHRINE a bs eetesstne Wer ar re cite Pcl rere ester cteuetater oa victeravaecciattersmyet 156
INKS cacti bb BE Oa OUR ae BORD od Dein dor age brn cho Comrie Tee 156
NBVYUNTIAS epee cee retote se icasuctiane ©. cieuctessucyereccherayohatel Che nas v.8 agate olancie tate Mhaudls Mussels 157
VAMC SHIUINEN Ue erase ccs 4 tees te eso tact tevsccrolere Mietiners wa aoe eustesene ava 160
Life forms in vase HQAUIMGLIN ONam Recs eatet Ne apestensral crave ev atascel ars rerate renee sa rclate le ce eye 171
TRISS PITTS. 4c a oe oak 7 Oded OE SOSH aD Cee aECt ACI niet: eran trees a eee 186

A STUDY OF THE TEXTILE ART IN ITS RELATION TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF FORM
AND ORNAMENT, BY WILLIAM H. HOLMES.

TEAR ROLG FELELU CON. Acaconato arene cio eu Seats Cate Si TERE CHE CHEE EIT OR Penn hc lence pe one hace ean a 195
HOTA MY GSMS AM epee cxeeayaleutiaseieiel yc ahaa nso yet wpe ssts/ses 5) x20 Sele oy dievoveyabssa:ciawele,« 196
RGLatrOnSiOLeLOUIMmUOLO CM AITLON ber ierctaremere ate ere eiereiari-p ele mvtonay ection eyerene cae eae rax 201
Colonainetextileyartrea-vacie chs cfs tye rte eis seislevaee Nin oats cusssta et rss eens teases 201

Anes ail Exaln nao) tht OAee nonin gices bed Gein iO eee teaae 2 Geico aca aia oa Cicero 202
Development of a geometric system within the art...................... 202

TEA AOTC) As ce OA OSA Came ROe On ompd hoe ae oC orc centers. 202
Realiefephen Omen arreecscrecmtrre cys ias tele var vatehae italiane teyee Crete rec eie sleee yon 203
Giaslhaeiiy WARS aga op oosee aasomve tec mndaden dn seca Vaaate 208
Reticulated work 210
SIU ORE VRCOVAS AHURA AE WISENADERES qo onc mods oc ob te caborobeneotosabucene 211
Colonphenomengremrryc cits see eect seieiae seis t festive icre 215
OpdamamryeatUnes te cir ses cis jepaascorsye srole eras: < etajo suede feyayevstste la icles teeters 215
Non-essential constructive features. ........ 0-2... eee cece etree 226
SUPErCOnStLUCtbve NM CabUNES myiersis 2) ju) a15 ohn ci-palavs ete semaitra ss abieePas =) 228
AAMON UIE OUS SLE aAESh ae cyercps co sien feyesert vcr sieueycossere is speveyeasieeheys cess erers 231
Geometricity imposed upon adopted elements of design ................ 232

Extension of textile ornament to other forms of art..................... RB

AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES, BY CYRUS THOMAS.
IinRROG KONO Son gpoceudach Gh opas tea Cdneo BOaRenas aba daa ceae ssa s ora moae te 259
CHAP ws he numerals an the Dresden! Godex: -« a5. sccm ose ee eae eee oe 261
Iie (Cieyatelhnsitorih $4 ao Ue et ono ohio Seace co cheemo aria ares OAcerin Groce 339
TOU “Ub a(ctaraknba tes 4 ctag Aateroad cae a toe Suet Pcs hes ates anos eee 345
Sigmiicahiom ofthe chanacensme cit telecielsiloeiele sere ee elelere ere B47
Shr nollst ole Beir} 2) Keres aadnonaoeegd pone eanhsade acnenanoo 348
Shea sols @rr Clehtess ¢ Vaca connote OoouSboDd se CoSUDUALONSDCObOGobGS 358
Discussion as to phonetic features of the characters... ........ 365
OSAGE TRADITIONS, BY REV. J. OWEN DORSEY.

TT PROCLULC LOM Mere retiree a staan ace ect evtticsuseche eben cy n eaul beter mccostocia niet pain ees 377

PradionsrOt CHeVelQerse es er crielesieit-saje<\elste malas ater : Meresesieke 381
Unt" u¢aye. Tsiou wactaye itade (Tradition of th 381

MRCS aGoonasrocuncmubsogDaASsBAs acoso pop oO Uae bone anAOd GOGO 388

Uni u¢aye. Qii¢apasa" itade (Tradition of the Bald Eagle subgens).... 390

TRA RHO 4c. om deen eG ork. te ocean dee po gdeotnds ORD On aaa Bode 394.

(Cancinahine namin, o obo coukwonccds aong Deus uoHene moose sueReos dUaoKSnaoNe 396
THE CENTRAL ESKIMO, BY DR. FRANZ BOAS.

[pMFLO HNO MONG ams cuossg oo Aades ow Oa eyo OOnac On 0 dee cites Dorion ame srin om pac encccre 409
/NW tI MOAT OT CMOKEGLs ove coco eos ned eos out dee dodenpacodaddosDogoo oocgoD 410
Cir NoERAPLY 25 abocooesdingascouneoeare peaneoup cuoDeeRUSnGoDoRonbEoqone 413

Geography, of northeastern America 35 ws. ele weiss ieee ee inci 413

VI CONTENTS.

Mistmbntioniof the yribes sev, teae seca ren eis ear eer eee Rene
General tobservatious’ icc co criss nena eee oe aan e Lar
LES Haab aly Oech es Ee ear eet Roe eT Om Orca eae Gh MOTO ER AS AAS ro ets ee

LNG GQ AMIMIAUANSMIG ere cies ceyevssessteon wicisstin eehesstemn erertierels ate ree eels
A WateyIN rea) F801 es pen ee oro eer a ose HeAnn AS AIEEE GaC CATION Un wcaoeds
The! Og oniUlUtirc ca ceciccs < eletetsoe. ele tine seie s+ Oa elole ake ese ee era
ThetPadlimyutiand the Atkare waite een eerste ested baer eee ete
Ab its.Carevo) 10111 eeAiog a BORER MBH O enon oo.co Gartanos cUtan hose Gueet cc
MhegMelulirmMiwtss eee coer eee iy RARE mee Rers alco =
AbaYo cal ccc eR oan c moon eB Sobonte fogs -oObCn sono s aca c oe
The |Sagdlirmiut ..:. 4c 2 sess sivas as he ciate Mee sles aeeleeroae here
iIWesternishorelofs EludSOn Bayi terre terete elerelstelapersotette teeter eee etal
WNUK Same AMS oORtem GONE KODACACoNS DOO AgdoOUy Os ADS
ANOGHICaT ity evel UO PU AWEGIIN he no bpoDoeoduCDe Hoon Act PROD ODOGO. ORK oU SOOr
The Sagdlirmiut of Southampton Island’.................. ........
JUIEHS THT Pee er ee ApR GOO OCAAnGds oAGatoacseononooaccaDS
Boothia, Pelrxand) Back River’: 222 «<= cc overscan seem aie ee ere
MhewNetehillimm ta byeyeteeseerdeye syste sites ace eel tae eee ee een re
UUM U aA emGooEM oD doomeOpUdGo de taOdoocb tot S6nsce sdemr abana
ThevUikusiksalinm Tut 0% stavate- steels, oces ere seireneterole ie eee oe etter ret
Smith Sound sa. .20 «cass s4 cers os oeee deca censor + See aac eee ets
The natives of Ellesmere Wand %. f..5<:5/< oe sae 3) aceleeis ieee isos
The yNorthy Greenland ers mace cie see settee letter terrier
Influence of geographical conditions upon the distribution of the settlements. .
Trade and intercourse between the tribes...............-...5--+-+ee +e evens
Lustiof the Central’ Bskamovtribes® ocr.) 25 tine «ro ceieic eieere ites ree vere rete
[eivvaynbaya img iaGlNtee oo peop cgomsemadegnon GodhocoNeheberosoososnnocnonadese
Seale walrus and awihalelhumninn oye ceritde = sect ae ee ere eit erate
Deersmusk ox, and [bear NUM tin Ops -a-lar-tele oistile orereceierateletetare etree Seyeeletar
IshpwNyEn Gece Mlle eNEE Coos Sono OdGocOdonogunDonodtooHs ongOsaDOnSeSuE
ITSM snags pace pbva coon a neues NHEDD OOD FoUSAUaIdSDOFOGSeOZONS a Sous
Man UPACEUITES. 2.5 x.c6e tox erereaststercveie ciate anctSsstataag «cote tedat over afer ene rs ieee eee eer
Making leather/and prepanineiSkinsy ee. aes cjeren ere cletay-delsv ere tstaielereiets tetera
Sundryaimplements eet rececieritiste icra etic eee aerate ee ete
Lransportation bys bOabsrand Sled OOS caver rcratoy tater raisteyavatodatate(etetetere fete iate netstat
AH yo) Pee oe eta aso anon cee Umea obec sno deSocadelon unos Ge
The'sledretand dogs wemerie- iene rere ee SDT o6 Geb oreo
Habitations and sdress 23. Saket otaen daw scion cule oecae oe Peneplee eideecid See oereats
The WOUSC ry fas sais tose lomicrae) Nelctarg oe oneal cick ete Ce eee eer
Clothing, dressing of the hair, and tattoome...5-- 2.5. -+3244-. seeds
Social: and! relioious if: so no tec e eit Ge ccd cee ate ent aie SEE ER eee
Domestic occupations and amusements ....5.5..5..-- 0s. 5-2 eee
AS) nt) ee ees Een atc sooo seen ctos fron coda aoopo se cetioc
Social! customs:inisummMersao. co sos ete le ee oslo ree eraser
Social order and VAwS:. sysisc aie sayo cistspstecsyete crovsiessietons cncteheiatel halos ico eee
Religious ideas and the angakunirn (priesthood) ..................+.----
Sober ye ave len yaEhY CRG adosocadedn con cans blocs Ke coo CooE SUMO eCRectS
The itornait andthe vam gaat oe as ese iste savers olen cietere alefoh-taiaheieieredareeeieterets
The flieht tothe moon. -7-eycet veers eects healer eel a oe eee eer
Kadlu the thundeveric sc. 0cic205 ice to siolesistevere Orsmisterlomereniot aes tatters
Feasts, reliciousiand secular. .).c-e= clo noieicie cena einer eee ee leteererite
Customs and regulations concerning birth, sickness, and death. .........

CONTENTS.

PalenrAn Cau acd Ons erwerery eit de sisicttcien rei erstseis ore telras one ie ekeounitesaslosinrs

MG bana yen Pree areataiee erst tootsie tate oeemelaes« eisie Mais siSeveesties calog Se yne distances s
Mietemienaionmo tthe scay lamas se ajersyceaayelse spehsiese erecterstter 4 je areieie es
ISGAlLOp RING EN. oct Oo Go gue Nach Re atak OF. CS Santcnd Goma toon c Eee tee
The Uissuit..... RODEO. GQOsddoe todo e608 65h CnC HDAC UAL Ome aRooeAenn
SESW AAMT I eee ater een aye eaueere ole, ae Semiahe ne era Mua thos aele sfaialevachlare, syoraiereisier love ee a.0c8

SIV RVAS OO Ve terrae eTRCee ayer core ee aatcie Pepe ovove cect clavate ete eos eieua ee “lene cele
Bhestu citi weve OMI OM irre crater cteic there ecelersic ches Come Mises eee ueiave &, sioneiere
Oanrdyaqayudpmermcrres reer cca crete ch ween sree aiemnie choo mterae
Tee cOLyaOm the hree!bYOChers) jes: cersisiere eitersscsvetewintereasiei sarees, 6,010

HER Orie aay ges ers le salsa siayan Sis osvel eras rskersoln sore «TSA /aieusrcrovspaloravee
Igimarasugdjuqdjuaq the cannibal................... Paitin Sa OOD pte
ERNE RROEDIGS erate eres csiane Yefe: Sieaps Siore s dS hoe. avs saw Sareiorela shee wR GE Sane a noes:
The woman and the spirit of the singing house ...................04.
‘MherconsteallatonU Gleqa Fwy ryrsserseers eyeic esis ere eto sieas seelsn ce ee seat
The origin of the Adletand of the Qadlw ait .......... 2. ceete esses
NH GOT ea tRLO OC niet rpteon er cateers ciate sie ias aeactais Gis resin neta ie creche
mus pag diya wal Serres secteyecre se etsy oreracces cto creleave ics nyareis oedaminorstere: axe
MHERPEATISLONY aie eresra oet= sessraieiaun eaters Ce Zine, cianait eeyeisiavsia ns Slaubv aes veya, slelas ele

Comparison between Baftin Land traditions and those of other tribes...

Seienceran ditherarts seers eee tte savers erste rales sisie sie ieee ah weit apscea) alsus

GeorranhysanGsnravA Ca mor ty tere. 5 nfo = afsteve elejacore craic ciawierset 5 shsveielersieisiereieceia wrsies
Poetry gana yniUsic trecpsre nici tes oiscts ets «Saree 00s tis eVs oretaleneueCiyeraie,czele elean(e ime wie ee
Merny -makinsvam oneaihemorni terrae ati eye eile cine reedeieie- alerts
presenti GASt SON Pore tretteels oaiac aie chteicic levees emul sre) ch arsucloners ieee
PACE TE pISSiNe an (GHEVKALeTISESONE) sete mryeteers ys chs aisictol=-l cleleta tore ctenelsiorer
PSM OMIM SOMO. taateieterereterst aisyspstste vege « easels sishesapefcrs cin eosle.cie cielave cle epsees
DieMbe we ttm in os UT eM aac sasis sr seveie ake teere eo sf eleroi ies) sislada|eferwleie nies
TUDE, Soverer oer ste) donned hoe pa eun ap aoeiean oonamas Bhoso oboe us GocuD ocoue
IV. Song of the Inuit traveling to Nettilling.......................--
Wo (OvEMCe [IN Mote, pds soccah sda sono cboopspeanUeenoNsn GogecmpOdsOnO
WIL. IEE RS RON occa c oda Hod ed oodUn UNS OCS roMGh coon odoDueNoobOboe
WAITS (SON ee 5 ON Oba SGn a Tmo OF DOSE aoc Domne nmirO marearo Oe ana
NAUNIS Stott een boas Astle o pcos Gi GhOnice Somer occen eam td OL ceate
LX SOneOpatbhe; MOLaluteeisaeredecr <tc SAS areca GouteverGherengayea rentals ore
DX, AMaesivoys Enel me) yoann Soo cecooosseaanoocoe.+ocoacboS cord sebooE
Rl, AMA ER EMSS Sk cogeoucun oneeoao GoTo Dob dps oe Goclban Oouscoan
SOU, Sloat Gre A jeiclbiewey, oo sos oncomeenedencescaacah Condos ubeacooenoouD
DAME Toh YeES solves 6 Faeor coasonsednnsseononnS Heroes comet
2M, Wey ani, SEM ceougensac ceocdcourasnnonson mMopob gnu DUDsooooDE
MOVs Iba ye min lop) Gboo cases oraadaeste Seo do me cou Coo Knee mmauee Cas
DWT SRY ibe ip Versi oe ek ol: ivan cio codemmon Somvanct adaconoc Sreneece 65 7,

(GORGE Ir rape pints tecet settee aoe oiotene aha ; Srinhh eoanaetin hove GUC Cece COR CROOEE

IMG exsa eee oleae reer ties Oy Mee ners i er] MICRO TIO CI proc

as DRAG TOMS:

PuateE . Map of Chiriqui.............0.. ses eee eee eee ee eee ence ee
Tl. Map showing in detail the geographical divisions of territory occu-
pied by the Eskimo tribes of northeast America ...........-..
1. Ogo and Akudnirn.
2. Frobisher Bay.
3. Eclipse Sound and Admiralty Inlet.
4. Repulse Sound and Lyon Inlet.
5. Boothia Isthmus and King William Land.
III. Map of the territory occupied by the Eskimo tribes of North Amer-
ica, showing the boundaries. ........---.--2s:es eee eee eee ees
IV. Cumberland Peninsula, drawn by Aranin, a Saumingmio..........
Wh, 1d ennra beh ality ong acudaceccso suunn055 dopo aNeoduadenedomaasco
WAL, Ia lahavoysbenyaunio9 yoncoqonosdosagodcoped ay cododcone soo >0DD000K0
WAU, ID aiaao) ChehymbaVayo 6 nano ns so oobamoo anes o do ONO OSD aa DaoEohOodueDE
WAIL, 1D abanorCr Abts) nou Gano: GnoGoOoOnUDeOne Abe OORT Usa Go eR OCEanS
IDG, TnG STONER oo ose coon cadou seuEEooOs6 sD UE ooDGaoSoDdeEeoOuReO
ee Moderne Eskimoumplemienthspetictere iets bejeieiel ots te) ale) ot- ele =fe lattes yer T
ime, il, Sleethtoyn (ore Oval Cats 5 a edo dopo S000 00000 G00 Dp aeoO ddan oOuRceono
2. Section of a quadrangular grave ...... ...-.. ee esse eee eee eee
3) (Ghen® Gaulel wllknss, noosa gdeecd sop sno dosbes casos sons soso euds
ZS (Chosen syourbntel (esi in nod ep obbo Sab Ooupddso neds eneno sabe DOoODboUdudEooe
5. Southwest face of the pictured stone.........................+---
6. A goddess of the ancient Chiriquians..............+.. .+++.++.++:.
7. A god of the ancient Chiriquians................-..+.-..-s.s.esees
8. Fragmentary human figure in gray basalticmock: sauce. ve- ce cisiectos

. Mealing stone with large tablet ornamented with animal heads ....
). Puma shaped metate .............-....-
5 Stroll elie oetel WoW eet. os.4n40d650000 bodeDodsugou dauaancHandegobouopnE
. Stool with columnar base
. Stool with perforated base
. Large partially polished celt..................-
. Celt of hexagonal section
3. Small wide bladed celt
. Celt with heavy shaft

. Celt or ax with constriction near the top
. Flaked and partially polished celt
. Well polished celt
> INEMROy OU! Calls no ooocsoe anos ope buasonD BUGH pH IGoUeAaDenbOnOS
» NEI OME CEliinc 56 ade08 nooo andes odauEogoseos Gober puoRUaCOE
. Cylindrical celt with narrow point
. Leaf shaped objects suggesting spearpoints

*In pocket at end of volume.
Ix

Fiad. 25.
26.

ry
27

. Grotesque human figure in gold
28.
29.
30.

. Small figure of a frog in base metal plated with gold

. Triple bell or rattle found on the Rio Grande

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Arrowpoints
Human figure formed of copper-gold alloy

Rudely shaped human figure in gold..............0.0.-2-c0eeeerees
Grotesque human figure in nearly pure copper
Grotesque human figure in nearly pure gold
Rudely executed image of a bird in gold

} dimage: of ‘abird amigold. 2% oc. <iq eins veccss oretcieleuate aiote tale se ietetne rere erare
. Puma shaped figure in gold
. Puma shaped figure in base metal
. Quadruped with grotesque face in base metal

Ricure of ja dish ino old iy: cei ct eden oreo are eC Ee iae
Large figure of a frog in base metal plated with gold

hieurerof an allicatoninn cold meee sae ieee aero eno
Animal figure in base metal plated with gold....
Bronze bells plated or washed with gold
Bronze bell with human features

44, Ancient Mexican bell... .

45. Fundamental forms of vases —convex outlines................. F

46. Fundamental forms of vases—angular outlines.................. ae
7. Vases of complex outlines— exceptional forms ...................

ASS Viases ob Compound! LOnUaS ra). o-y-7 frets eo eee eet ee crete ete

AOS Squarewippedtivesselee. te. \teee antes taccree is nl eer armrests

50. Variations in the forms of necks and rims

on on
moe

Mu
or

cr
(oe)

ol
so

. Arrangement of handles............
. Types of annular bases or feet

. Grotesque figure forming the handle of a small vase

or)

ME Grobtesque tio Une yy tete ster yeasts sari
. Grotesque figure .....

. Series of bowls and cups of unpainted ware

. Vase of graceful form
. Vase of fine form ornamented with grotesque heads

Horms: Of legs. siz. ie sate v's Fre) suekeictoe oh Si chensue recnve ee afeusie eueicleawiensictsrone eke
Grotesque figure forming the handle of a small vase

Grotesque figure forming the handle of a small vase
Monstrous figure with serpent shaped extremities. ...
Monstrous figure with serpent shaped extremities
Grotesque figure

Figure of a monkey
IANO LVN MCh monet nohAckopoGbUcobot non Obado Hoe dos eonOA
Bigureoiapmonke vanerrern eee eerie eae

. Animal forms exhibiting long proboscis....................-..
. Vase illustrating ornamental use of animal figures ............
. Vase illustrating ornamental use of animal figures

Vase illustrating ornamental use of animal figures ...........
Vase illustrating ornamental use of animal figures...........
Vaselofieracefallttonmin ee nee cid cic iisiat eeeietters tel elas

Vase of fine form ornamented with grotesque heads ...............
Vase with ornament of applied nodes and fillets...................
Vase with mantle covered with incised figures ..................-.
Vase with frieze of grotesque heads... 2.0... .24.-2. 20sec ceeese sees’
Vases with flaring rims and varied ornament

65
65
65
66

Fia.

79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
86.
87.
88.
89.
90.
91.
2.
93.
94.
95.
96.
Oe
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
103.
104.
105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
110.
ah
112.
113.
114.
115;
116.
alee
118.
119.
120.
121.
122.
123.
124.
125.
126.
127.
128.
129.
130.
131.
132.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Vases with complex outlines and varied ornament.................
Large vase with two mouths and neatly decorated necks...........
LGR VASO adn Nel enll eaanacemenescoomonon acape sooaAboeaeeS
Noy var Os looaatarnaollstel Wes 5 nou sosad ko poopen bese Doon CaOCaEbaC
Handled vase
Handled vase
Handled vase
Small cup with single handle, ornamented with grotesque figure. . .

Small cup with single handle, ornamented with grotesque figure, ...

WEES OP Ceceainaloitoyaitasagoatosaogacboreoenoora dpe nosopouacobsepe
Vessel illustrating forms of legs
Viesselaltustrahine Onm sy OLelGr apy pcsismrcrscieistelue(cletae tele ialersiarciens clceisiere
Vessel with large legs decorated with stellar punctures ............

. Vases of varied form with plain and animal shaped legs ...........

Gane ORVASELO Les bEU KAT OTS NAC tvs lapainavelelatelalote oferere) tere arave elalote elatelsrelelerejois
Cup with leesimitating: animal forms... 6. ieee cence eee
Cup with legs imitating a grotesque animal form..................
Cup with legs imitating the armadillo.......................-.....
Cup with legs imitating the armadillo........°.............2....4.
Ciuphwathutropashapedelec site rerertercratelsrletnctenrlateney-teniate tele lotelanstalalayre tarsi
Cup with legs imitating an animal anl its young..................
Cups supported by grotesque heads .................05. eens eeeeees

‘Large cup supported by two grotesque figures ................2...

Cup with two animal heads attached to the sides ..................
Cup with two animal heads attached to the sides ..................
Weise nimuiynoates ha Eiaihaneil iota 5 ooanoousd og abun tecsUdbdondesaddK
Waseumitatinovanianimall (form ma asicyaes aie) eteisiciel elete siete ieise« sisieistel ale oie
Mase nmiltabimesamrani mall fi Ormsrreteyeeictalsle a etree eis/ereters si ceia niece eieieis) «ere
Bishishapedmyesseliiey.t reyes crsiciecicp sista arotsjovoi vieiels viel slecsisvcisisists aleichsteais aise
Mophyew, Of farishishiapedMessell sic ericlteress) ecctoke w)erociaie seis vicdere/ivietne ove
Cup with grotesque head attached to the rim...............-......
Black cup with imeised reptilianitiguresi:.. o. 020. seas cere ces ees
Black cup with incised reptilian figures... 2.2.2... .0.ccsssscceeese
Black vase with conventional incised pattern......................
Small cup with conventional incised pattern....................005
Smal Firipodyempawath mpi siaGe welll Seyaayeretel sreteyaieieye revere ei ecretcbeisieleteieve ©
Vase with flaring rim and legs imitating animal heads.............
Vase modeled to represent the head of an animal................
Patternsu pon the backsoty the wasn. i.csie) fe leeier! sceiel= cele oveiteiisie
Mripodsbowlor mediscarihiedawane@lrn ccmei-rinctemielce s-reeaeircetreres
Tripod bow! of red scarified! ware. . 222. a2.co..c0c: ce ence eee «
Obloneybasin’ wath scarihied designe) vajce cence | 2 sels eee eel ee
Large scarified bowl with handles imitating animal heads......

Jar with flat bottom and vertical bands of incised ornament ...
Vase with stand and vertical incised bands ..................--+
Vase with handles, legs; and vertical ribs. .................0c0e008-
Tripod with owllike heads at insertion of legs....................
Tripod with legs rudely suggesting animal forms..................
Heavy red vase with four mouths...............c..ss.eese0es ;
Vase with horizontally placed handles and rude designs in red.....
Unpolished vase with heavy handles and coated with soot .........
Round bodied vase with unique handles and incised ornament .....
Vase with grotesque figures attached to the handles.... ..........
Vase with upright handles and winged lip...................0ee00+

we:

Co Co Ge tO

Cree He eH co

aonwcw co

~~ +

Sere ee ee

oe eo OD ©

) FE 2 2 FP PP A

XIT

Fig. 133.
134.
139.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140.
. Tripod vase with shallow basin and eccentric handles.............
. Tripod vase with shallow basin and eccentric handles.............
. Tripod vase of graceful shape and neat finish ....................
. Heavy tripod vase with widely spreading feet ............... z
. Neatly modeled vase embellished with life forms and devices in 16d 5
. High tripod vase with incised designs and rude figures in red .....

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Lop: view: of vase: with winged lips qo: gece. oa severe aeeaiee:
Vase with grotesque animal shaped handles ....................-.
Vase with handles representing strange animals ........ SBOE ODE
Vase with handles representing grotesque figures.... .......

Vase with handles representing animal heads.....................
Vase with arched handles embellished with life forms in high relief.
Vase with arched handles embellished with life forms in high relief.
Tripod vase with shallow basin and eccentric handles .............

Handsome tripod vase with scroll ornament....................--

8.) Vaseuwithilizard Shaped lers-mancs<c8: pee eee ene ee eee
=) Vaseiwaith)serolliornamentas- sacar. Seer are ae eee eee
. Large vase with flaring rim and wide spreading legs... .=.......--
. Fragment of a tripod vase embellished with figure of an alligator. .
52. Vase supported by grotesque human figures......................
- Round bodied vase embellished with figures of monsters..........
. Cup with incurved rim and life form ornamentation..............

Cup with widely expanded rim and constricted neck...............

j. Small tripod cup with animal features in high relief........... ...
57. Handsome vase supported by three grotesque figures. .............
. Vase decorated with figures of frogs and devices in red ...........
. Vase of unique shape and life form ornamentation ...............
. Two-handled vase with life form and linear decoration. ...........
. Small tripod vase with animal figures in white ...................
2. Shapely vase with designs in white paint...............-.........
3. Small red bottle with horizontal bands of ornament...............
. Small red bottle with encircling geometric devices................
5. Bottle with zone occupied by geometric devices ...................
5. Bottle with broad zone containing geometric figures..............
- Bottle with decoration of meandered lines........................
’. Bottle with arched panels and geometric devices..................
9. Bottle with arched panels and elaborate devices ................4
170.

Vase: withrosette=like: panels... 22. cisco syle sot vaso arrears

170a:Ornamentifromypreceding was. oes eee isie eee eee e

173.

174.
175.
176.
177.
178.
179.

Vase with rosette- like se peuels eecape Wale tone eStore (ears eee ean Sue St.d0

Theoretical origin of the arched panelS)ei ove dee actk cee aciscios
Theoretical origin of the arched panels............-.--+++-+-+e++-+
Theoretical origin of the arched panels................:----------
Vase decorated with conventional figures of alligators.............
Portion of decorated zone illustrating treatment of life forms......
Portion of decorated zone illustrating treatment of life forms......
Vase decorated with highly conventional life forms.............-.

19a. Design from preceding, vase ...2-4-. se see seal ee Se bine 5.0%

180.
181.
182.
188.
184.

Vase decorated with highly conventional life forms...............
Vase decorated with highly conventional life forms...............
Decorated panel with devices resembling vegetal growths.........
Vase offunusual! shapes a0.(/occ-aa ve ces toe ae cee ea oes
Vase of unusualishape: esa cose eee eee eee Reece eels

Fig. 185.
186.
187.
188.
189.
190.
191.
192.
198.
194.
195.
196.
197.
198.
199.
200.
201.
202.
203.
204.
205.
206.
207.
208.
209.

210.
211.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

WESCHOE TS DENIC Eek .cas 4.4 ciodeig see. 20n0.0 Fach oer ae OD DCO Donan
Double vessel with high arched handle.....................eece0.
Double vessel with arched handle... .......0. 60.0. ccc ecccccccece

Vase modeled to represent a peccary ..............0cec cece ee enees
Umderisunfacciol peccalryy Vasey ar ct-1-\os 21 tersesne (ey -vecterseeaieto oes
Small vessel with human figures in high relief....................
Tripod cup with figures of the alligator. .......0.... -.........0..
Large shallow tripod vase with geometric decoration .............
Large bottle shaped vase with high tripod and alligator design... ..
Large bottle with narrow zone containing figures of the alligator. .
Vase with decorated zone containing four arched panels..........
Vase with four round nodes upon which are painted animal devices. .
Vases of varied form and decoration. .................2-2ee0000:
Alligator vase with conventional markings.......................
Alligator vase with figures of the alligator painted on the sides... .
Wase withiserpent ormamentation...-:..0.-c.cmessseenenen sess:
Vase representing a puma w.th alligator figures painted on sides . .
Shallow vase with reptilian features in relief and in color.........
Waseiwithitunnellshaped!mouthiss 1. 1s seems series orcs nee
Mopeview= Olmavase ine es LOLS se tarere thelr ate eve ec Bee eae ee sisi versie
ndrview. of vaseun Rips 204 ee mcisacrvance neni mee eee Steines
Large vase with decorations in red and black ............:........
Devices of the decorated zone of vase in Fig. 207, viewed from above
Handsome vase with four handles and decorations in black, red,
ANG UTED emer hearer Meee atest bieiterny = ohio ence Matas aaa ee
Painted design of vase in Fig. 209, viewed from above ............
Vase of unusual shape, with decoration in black, red, and purple...

212. Ornament occupying the interior surface of the basin of vase in
LAIR Pail Les aigiacte ne yicole ae hacia ot COE on Dome ttn Grd cite hnrd aoc eI
213. Large vase of fine shape and simple decorations..................
214. Vase with extraordinary decorative designs ......................
215. Painted design of vase in Fig. 214, viewed from above .... .......
PIG Vaseon uniquejtormirand decoratonescaceasee esse ees oeleoel oe
Piiebaimbedidesioniot wasedmebio wel Ges emcees see dcsiee seicceeen ce
218: spindle whorl withiannular nodes... ..-.c.s+ «0+. 2+eeee <= ccs cae.
219. Spindle whorl decorated with animal figures.....................
220. Spindle whorl with perforations and incised ornament ...........
ae lamINCEC CCAS sayetee, Fey sete cee Pre tre SIONS rd al Unione lee a etme ine
Reyren, AB RSS UID RC Sele nine eSrah o HOS. Aa MODE Cok onic L ne OIC a IERIE eee
223. Needlecase with painted geometric ornament ..................-
224. Needlecase with incised geometric ornament. ...................
225. Needlecase with incised geometric ornament .... ...............
DeO el OUALUGULCE te optate si sreteia seers retiree IE OA oye eds Save Sa gre ea te eo eele
Pais SEWED ae wa ibc So DRA SIO OCR GOOD ioe McG Gee IIO DIS ce een eT
PIR IS EARL CIUS 5:56 ayo oan On. Cons aa eacnd bac a dorein Aieaae nice am ORO on ies
PEG Me SUALILOULC Meet Pertereety tape statctnre cystine cris teieiein crema tia a ache eve yraetoete Miesshrsiare
Pp motoolot plain herna(COubalr slew.crtla sete crete e Weeeiss alors oa reeieif are
231. Stool of plain clay, with grotesque figures........................
POS LOOM Ole) laanMGern a) COLLA ae mieereicleterel fake ote cians as eect c'aee ee cies
Paseo Me LUAUULO water Bayern Seeds eedeyatst rere ieiseniey are fois ae ete eva ibe ak oie sisted eS
Pave Siocintoivohinacini elected s pos wadeancn copied Cuno Goce cree noe aerate
2305 Ratilewith protesque figures! yo ..c 2. ccc eee s esc ee eserves ee
OO DEUMO ta PTays UM PAN LAG CLA Yem Hele iicinnk «(onic levanlale Siete iste e eel nea ee

ctu or or ot ot ot
co et eS kd

(o"e)

XIV

FIG.

237,
258.
239.
240.
241.
242.
243.
244.
245,
3. Section, top, and bottom views of whistle ................
Drumtshapediwihistle wy 2-2 seats eteratsteyavs ites vere yetsteeensle
Vase Shaped! wihisble siren sci jeter oats el ee se etter eee eres
» Crabishaped (whistles. 2 itis. asericieiiicte ecieisire anteiaceiree
PeAllizator/shapedswihistleto-y-y.secsite pe eaters rent ele
. Cat shaped whistle
. Whistle with four ocelot-like heads..................:-.-
; Bird/Shaped whistle a7. <.0 ccntotcrec Seemann se cele ereee
. Bird shaped whistle

20 ty to Ww tw

eS 0
or cr
GO

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Drum with painted ornament: .:......2:........--+---s-
Painted design of drum in Fig. 237
Double whistle

Tubular instrument with two finger holes ...............
Section: of whistles “22.515 entitle Sockets sees moe teeta
Small animal shaped! whistles .y.c.5seas a esyacs eee
Smailltanimalishapedtwihistlevs v-smieyak sate ceeie cme ance serait
Mop Shaped twihistle weasel emer ele etre erect se nein

262. Two-headed form of the alligator..:...................-

. Figure of the alligator much simplified .................
. The alligator much modified by ceramic influences... ....
. Conventional figure derived from the alligator...........
». Conventional figure derived from the alligator...........
. Conventional figure derived from the alligator ...................
. Conventional figure derived from the alligator...........
. Conventional figure derived from the alligator...........
. Conventional figure derived from the alligator. ...............----
. Conventional figure derived from the alligator.................---
. Conventional figure derived from the alligator...........
. Conventional figure derived from the alligator...........
. Conventional figures derived from the alligator..........
. Conventional figure derived from the alligator........ ..
. Conventional figure derived from the alligator........ ..
. Conventional figures derived from the alligator. ...... ..
. Conventional figures derived from the alligator....... ..
. Conventional figures derived from the alligator...... ...
. Conventional figures derived from the alligator...... ...
. Conventional figures derived from the alligator.........

. Conventional figures derived from the alligator. .........
. Conventional figures derived from the alligator..........
. Vase with decorated zone containing remarkable devices
Or ISETICS OL (EVICES aac vetsey- tel eter srete totter oereteretaieereetar lott
}. Mat or tray with esthetic attributes of form...........-.
. Tray having decided esthetic attributes of form.........
3. Pyxiformewatertvessels a -iciise asters eee etter terry ere
289.
290.

Basket with esthetic characters of form...........-..-.-
Basketiof (eccentric'forml sca es ccs e ices = em ielera tele sttetstet

= birdishaped! whistles jacceacte teenie sitet tal aie reter
. Whistle in grotesque life form
. Conventional figure of the alligator.....................
. Conventional figure of the alligator....................-.
. Conventional figure of the alligator.....................
. Conventional figure of the alligator.....................
. Conventional figure of the alligator.....................

ILLUSTRATIONS. XV

Page.
Fia. 291. Character of surface in the simplest form of weaving ............ 204
SoeNSuriace PLOGUCEd: byeimipa Chim pit. tra siete teielsielel=/s/aieloleie\eieiolela eel = «les 204
293. Surface produced by use of wide fillets..............2.....0..5.0.- 204
Bil. ise acln Waullesen oleae WDNR Keeve ag boon ade Gro onooao ne Po nuren. sooo ae - 205
295. Bottle showing obliquely ribbed surface........................55 205
Bis, Abe ions ie bEM IDSs non coun oases Fon00 done po aoueoOsRoodomac 205
297. Combination giving herring bone effect .......................-.- 206
998) (Combination ceiving: trianoularheures.: 6.200. eeeecns sees are ese one 206
2OOs MECKUVAATN WOT DASKObsp.\c). 6 aisie cleteicie = sisteiesciers sieis) s/cisislsie Sieve alee steels aie 206
B00 Me BaskenOmocnlnolenvotkmmanms hip ncmem ee eriacelisae sebertiierele «rele 207
301. Surface effect produced in open twined combination. ............. 207
302. Surface effect produced in open twined combination............. 207
303. Surface effect produced by impacting in twined combination... ... 208
304. Surface effect produced by impacting the web strands in twined
COMMON ALON renee hays mice tole feners, veneers atsaeia] Ver tapes syste nieraie ec 208
305. Surface effect produced by crossing the web series in open twined
ROI Rats loo bS Ga OaDoODane het canmaer doloanlibe Ss oopeocob oppc oD oud 208
306. Tray with open mesh, twined combination ...............--....65 208
307. Conical basket, twined combination... .................+-.+0.+-.- 209
308. Example of primitive reticulated weaving ....................... 210
BO9s Sin le ormncofere uC aulOn selenite erty aterieeieretetsielelarisieoncierereiete ere cies pall
310. Reticulated pattern in cotton cloth... .. 0... .5..022cs.e- esses ewes 211
Sep erUviany COL OLOLeDY. ysr ie crrsrctele cero reel e reve ete aaat orn can as cree sacte ee icles 212
al2. Basket wath) pendent ormamients).: 3.2 yene. sosec sees ys ee anaes ee 218
3132 Basket withipendentiormaments 22.2902. -c.-2-.00ce-ssnuece. sss 213
SAS Masseled shen vaaMs MAM UL Ves2cc7. exer a ayeishets ciel See citiay= cue eeses Greeters ie 214
315. Pattern produced by interlacing strands of different colors. ....... 216
316. Pattern produced by interlacing strands of different colors 216
317. Pattern produced by interlacing strands of different colors. ....... 216
318. Pattern produced by interlacing strands of different colors........ 217
SLORMBASe Oe COMCALDASKC ips apereycysrayeei aie elvis Voc tea sysy sarees oi Ve lelandacis ctawslstareisss 218
320. Coiled basket with geometric ornament........................0- 218
321. Coiled basket with geometric ornament ....................00000. 219
322. Coiled basket with geometric ornament ..................00..0205 220
323. Coiled basket with geometric ornament ..................0.00ee0-- 220
324. Coiled basket with geometric ornament .......................-+-- 22
825. Coiled basket with geometric ormament..............0000.seee0ee Q2e
326. Coiled tray with geometric ornament .........................0-- 22
327. Coiled tray with geometric ornament ..................-....+.--- 225
Sooo LRA witly SCOMeLEICGOLMAIMN CM year emia) a) aeiehersieeie eine sae Gee are 220
Seo inayat hee COM ObLIC OLMAM CIR esis) jeeeitiaie cleats ein eerie ciate ae 226
330. Ornament produced by wrapping the strands..................... 22
331. Ornament produced by fixing strands to the surface of the fabric... 22
daz. Basket with feather ornamentation ..............02.ccss0ceseeeee 227
333. Basket with feather ornamentation ..........5.....0. 000. cceeeees 227
334. Piece of cloth showing use of supplementary warp and woof ..... 228
339. Piece of cloth showing use of supplementary warp and woof ..... 228
Soo mera elOLEP TASS GMDLOMM eI ya mery ccciisciet-ieyelne is cies aiaeienie save 230
Sole skxample:oLsteatber CMpPLOIMCLY: =). sei) -niy-is- = ce oles ealeistsa cease me 231
338. Figures from the Penn wampum belt..................-..+00e020 233
339. Figures from a California Indian basket....................-..02- 234
4.0 i Caltorni ala dian bes KOUs seit ce meyer stche ricievatels\a avcratey evens Wire ayeiereis wees 234
Bal mbioures from ameerivian DASKet se scce¢.. 2 te ass acine sss clecs ses -cie 235

342. Figure from a piece of Peruvian gobelins......................-- 236

XVI

FIG. ¢

360.

361.
362.
363.
364.
365.
366.
367.
368.
369.
370.
371.

372.

373.
374.
B75.

376.

sey
‘i

378.
379.
380.
381.
B82.
383.
384.
385.
386.
387.
388.
389.
390.
391.
392.

. Figures from a Peruvian vase
. Figure from a circular basket
945. Figure of a bird from a Zuni shield
i. Figure of a bird woven in a tray
. Figure of a bird woven ina basket
. Figures embroidered on a cotton net by the ancient Peruvians
. Figures of birds embroidered by the ancient Peruvians...........
. Conventional design painted upon cotton cloth
. Herring bone and checker patterns produced in weaving

. Earthen vase with textile ornament
. Example of textile ornament painted upon pottery
. Textile pattern transferred to pottery through costume
3, Ceremonial adz with carved ornament of textile character ....
B07.
3d8.
359.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Herring bone and checker patterns engraved in clay..............

MiguresiuponyatapastaMipryaceee cele aaa alee reer sees
Design in stucco exhibiting textile characters ....................
Line of day and numeral symbols from Plates 36¢ and 87c, Dresden

(Boas) an GeNabrc Samo Sea anda CCaOaChDAom opopbo dap oged ras cid peein
Line of day and numeral characters from Plates 33-39, Dresden

,Ci0\s (->. come ean a aa eit SOC toi nomr ockic hao noc td aa oe sia
Unusual symbol for Akbal from Plate 8 of the Dresden Codex ....
Copyiot late50> Dresdenil@odexs- seen stetrcei iene ieee eee
Copy of Plate:oill; Dresden) Codex:je5-s-heraone eee eee
Copysof vPlate’d2; Dresden) Codex... 4-0 aeete eee eee eee
Copy of Blateibs; Dresden’ Codex e.sacon eee caeasieeee easier
Copy of Plate 54, Dresden Codex
Copy of Plate 55, Dresden Codex
Copy of Plate 56, Dresden Codex
Copy of Plate 57, Dresden Codex
Copyzof Plate%585 Dresden) Codex: sme. e eee
Specimens of ornamental loops from page 72, Dresden Codex.....
Numeral character from the lower division of Plate XV, Manu-

SCLIpt TLOANO.. ain cediaoc sees ote Oe wee Te Aes em Te eee
Turtle from the Cortesian Codex, Plated7...............-..++-.-:
Jar trom the Cortesian Codex, Plater. me.) <2 ceisler ele
Worm and plant from Manuscript Troano, Plate XXIX...........
Figure of a woman from the Dresden Codex.....................

. Copy of middle and lower divisions of Plate XTX, Manuscript Tro-

ETA nn ren enciae te AAA e SO PALE: Homan aeuniGo-dy ono ead dades
Copy of lower division of Plate 65, Dresden Codex ...............
The moo or ara from Plate 16, Dresden Codex...........
The god Ekchuah, after the Troano and Cortesian Codices

The long nosed god (Kukulean) or god with the snake-like tongue.
Copy of head from the Borgian Codex (Quetzalcoatl ?). .

The supposed god of death from the Dresden Codex..............
The supposed god of death from the Troano Codex...............
The god with the banded face from the Troano Codex............

Thercodiwithitherold manisitaces sn nena cetera
The god with face crossed by lines..............-.
Wooden idol in vessel with basket cover
Symbolic chart of the Osage
Elarpoon'-fromwAllas la ty taciieia tities s taeeirciaetrer ta tseicrancr ects
Modern or sealing harpoon

Old style naulang or harpoon head......

Fig. 393.
394.

395.
396.
397.
398.
399.
400.
401.
402,
403.
404.
405.
406.
407.
408.
409.
410.
411.
412.
413.
414.
415.
416,
417.
418.
419.
420.
421.
422.
423.
424.
425.
426,
"4217.
428.
429.
430.
431.
432.
433.
434.
435.
436.
437.
438.
439.
440.
441.
442,
443.
44.
445,

6 ETH

ILLUSTRATIONS. XVII

Page

Modernimanlaneyion harpoon head occ. cise ielseine cieicie cists ons cere 473
Qilertuang or leather strap and clasps for holding coiled up harpoon

INE Sada com te oto Rees. mc One eel Oe ORC ne aici cette 474
Siatko or harpoon head of the Iglulirmiut ....................... 475
iatkodoundsat Peters OUNG! ri, <jenelsswiels/it eielsiocisi cisivisie eo ore nets 475
Bskimo in’ the’att of stimkine aisealls. 5... 5. ses ceccesocct ewes cae 476
ser bARCAIT SL OLS DU CH Orcvatersicyodorerol sta sreeda iste ate aserctere iol c/evarelew leisy s(eysreteicveres 477
Eskimo awaiting return of seal to blowhole...................... 478
Tuputang or ivory plugs for closing wounds...................... 479
IWioOdentGase fOr PLUGS) x.-7.lcricvo!aiers) stent sisleins sleraisieicloiiessileiseeiecieearei ces 480
PAT OLIGTY LOLI Oba PIU Otetercaseleoieinte oeyeoeie coke wiclerscren= cine ish oersavela/eie te civ 480
Qanging, for fastening thong to jaw of seal...................... 480,
GAT OAT OA TUL OLIN OL, aie BOA wporajesehayehelnrlsseve) hele ekevelsiefonete ieleloye/sieier fekele «ia%e 480
(APE TNO OHE) NINO Neo ooe oo 496 oopondbaDSnonooeoDabeHanuds 481
Qanging serving for both toggle and handle...................... 481
@idjarong or whirl forharpoon line: ./.. <<. ene 0 ein se ctl s cies 481
SIN Vk MN OE WAU Ao vcoeoospasdouod soncopSeBaagoceAboNoGECeS 481
Old pattern of hook for drawing out captured seal................ 483
Healelaokxohs bear Si Cla wy 2 =: <i-.c1 «rere nietcrsrs sisi steels e/olcicie wisicle esis eiarsiele¢ ele 483
IModernitonml of, Seal WhOOkK Er. tsccveei eect nacisieielo oils celles ae ele ctaist= 483
IDs shear eyo) COL VE MIRE Soon docngonoomMondon pCa AonS son oONdAOo 484
hramelonekayalks or huntin ce oats .pe-ioetecre cteleretelert= sole eieleicle cle eyeree 486
Ka yalcaml in cCOvOrin oy Ole SKIN laicyers risse)ae araloielehe olelater<feloieze/avererer eveieie ert 487
ModeliotharRepulse- Bays lay alli operac.nye icicle eisverseteje cieicieis es staieierai eis 487
Sirmijauneyor scraper for Kayak. «cc secre a= 0 cl 2 = s)ereiele cies are cyerereiara 488
Large kayak harpoon for seal and walrus ............ ........... 488
Mikasunsor'suppory tor the hands 2c. 2.6.0. wecerirenin es aaa 488
Qatimn or ivOnyaheadoleharpoonar es\-jrisies «caieicionce ce cectiee «+ 489
Manner of attaching the two principal parts of the harpoon ...... 489
Rokangior harpoon head. inisheathy...ewrencisee ee cicrerselersie soe oes. 489
Tokang or harpoon head taken froma whale in Cumberland Sound.. 490
Ancient tokaney Or haxrpoOmsbead a: nce ssc aieee eaters etclersleinje eve 491
Teliqbing, which is fastened to harpoon line.....................- 492
GQ) arbilikt OPES POAT tere cperane seis arsysiey ever scerel rey ke ceite oo) assenes Shaveuere foie erevaisve aheie cies 492
ALON AN PA OMISCASKIMEMOA ta \evsisiactelersreitiecieye wis) -t -leterel serie te ieiaieiers e 492
Different styles of poviutang or pipe for inflating the float........ 493
Ae dliagnorspear for: small Seale tjecc oaie:e1cieinrele ele cieeieielsssisici oeerciers 494
PN QIAO PONS 5 -reis eilsrore erates Salata 1S So) aicre ovals atm acelarsisvsiaveiers sieve S Aeros 494
SPOAENECAASE pyctaars sacintcrsisicsiaspesictctkstartiaehand) Glscare isis Peete siatare eetoe 495
THe CSP CATA CAG MeccyeP tac cortysicicate veils! waisivis dis ierecaisiou aes een eames 495
IAM OULVI PAN Pu OMM ANCE sates tora tetlctare: ek sitesi oh wlewere parted etersee aloe ciele 496
INLET OAD INES PCa meer cr icine oi\e1-) fe creiarscayete) ets slate Graeiele. stare ealseeiee 496
NuUqBanPyonithnowin sybOaTd seta: « cles tareece isles cre eeiereereetalete ie oisle 496
Sealinpyatihered reiot: the ICO se s.. ms ayeictse oo sos hewn sale cc. oe Selene ee 498
Model of sakurpang or whaling harpoon...............--..+e00+ 500,
Niubain Sse ov ibs hl Oct be maeesyee rarer cfoccieterieroisicietslaiore cis sieve i ecssnve deere tre crotsioe 500
DVoodenybovmstromielolultkerrs 1 sie ears era antes score rece ale Osreeee as 502
Wooden bow from Cumberland Sound.........................-- 502
Bows Ofereindeenantlersi ra. o/c aeteiewlscieclamin: socisisels stile. sfolese eiers 3) 503
Bow of antlers with central part cut off straight ................. 503
FATIEO WS WEB DOM CMNCAUS = -tereyejclercieictel e/a erie apelcietelafeteisa)s\vlelcin svar e1sye:iele 504.
AUTOS iat sMe val CAGS aariey-c/faisielyaieaielevaleletereisisteretelrna) ayeicleiatelsie/=\« 504.
PATO RGA Cleapensetsysrs ars iehes flats islaltts Talat Sie oisis aha aieiaiolslej a dyste se bisere Bree eibiaee 505
Showing attachment of arrowhead vertically and parallel to shank. 505

iil

ILLUSTRATIONS.

h Warious forms ofan owhead’. = screenees nero cette memcic nian tacts
. Socket of spear handle from Alaska
. Slate arrowhead

HintarrowheaGs tron Old eravess jess see ae cece cmeieieiash aniaete

S MAnlOUS Styles Ole QU1VEL ssi. :.ciicremiteieiy versie om sever oes ere crete Mereriers
e Quivertham dese. isszcisyes acre ieetarrenieievaunrotve ie eaves neti tetas Bete eee
. Whalebone nooses for catching waterfowl .....................--
wakivane lor salmon spediyaca serlerciutse stole 4]5 areola se rae estes
. Ivory fish used as bait in spearing salmon......-.................
Qugartaun’ for strin cine Ssalmoneeice-sieceae oe eae eee eee
S Salmon HOO Mey) crese.ccpdaucrercsers aroha elem ielote Gi statsvate ole Crete tome eee eis
Aasy Nhe so) 1 sole) Caen eae Sara ANOS oo nano at ae ccooaencoA Cons
} Balt used in fishing with hooksiy. ei-cvaeieie ines os rsa oeiiercleiotome
. Butcher’s knife with bone handle
) Panaonknite foridisseching Samer eecn ee ieiecieraaeien see ee eerie
» Hormyof Wo NOW AW USC’ .--45 fa egress sane eferere ate oe areietepar ee elect one Geeta

2. Old ulo handle from Cape Broughton, Davis Strait................
3. Fragment of an ulo blade made of slate.......................---
~ Wlothandlefrommecent erase. ciel ois eee eerie eieteeroete
weModernstesingun OrisGra pele treba Cet eee eee iaeeei eerie
» Oldistyletesirqumior scraper:,.<..- os oscers saiceee eater weet aee

. Seligoung or scraper used for softening skins.....................
7. Oldistonesscrapers found imonavess- acres ae ene eee eee ate
jqStretcher for lines’, < .:.jc5 <.si5% ae-)0e avis ees cry ele o Cletst seerae eres
ss Evry MCOGL 2. 5.25:6.5 5) ace ececaie aus ctose ropovstevece: e106) storm eteroraus febere matalateponste ateratege

. Ivory needlecase from Cumberland Sound......................-.
A .Common.pattermrol needilecaseieyc-= el ci-teiae selec
82 Likiqior thimble oor. otc sernteen wales wae secon isle a aretejares he ereetetae

7 lnstrumentitorstralzhteningybones-aa.c eee eee cee erie

D., Drill for workingyinhivory, and) boneless yrs ale eet aaa eeee
» Driftwood) usedin kindlinge-fire sy.-c cae elie dleeeinelce elie ee eee
| Bskimo: graver’s tool.) ocajee oo nec meiewie we cise ene mac elclesistyemrerec

+ Brameworkiof BskimoOyboatbic sec cccsctescleciiave cle ctevareeeeeeisiere encarercis

hl Gite oie) ra 0101s) Mearrioeer te Sache nan not ons GonuGonhernscnda waccocMThco5 6

PUmuiag or iskin oath. seas mmnects esters cele yon nets errr nenreTe eee
WU MIagiorSskinLbOabe: zien poseicvas steelers Aa egeedse eae ete eetateeseictestere
. Qamuting or sledge ............ steps (boar atabeeal sec avate lates yale eee ere lene
bitel le leyetis] Norsimig Paula pons aUOontonne bo onMat OSS ODmo Sen IuoesID od Sods S0-
. Form of clasp for fastening traces to sledge ......................
. Artistic form of clasp for fastening traces to sledge...............
= Uqsirmitor fastening: traGes GOs plots fyert-te) salaries oats elo erneiieretate terete
.. Anoor dog harmess s/s, <j. 5 s.<jo:ass1< setae oretslalaaveus sie eisisic.siers etd este etsy feierel

L Various stylesio® snowuknitenne- panache terre erent: ecer
. Ground plan of snow house of Davis Strait tribes...............--
= Snow, house of Davis) strait, Sechlons jee eels tele itels etal
pESectionland inteniorOr snows LOUSCNe me ceroerieeisiskeiie inet tains

LOM Hs Heo EOEN osirovevey Iideinnle Sor sn oa.gmonoosae sou enon ohooadace one

, Plan. of double:snowshousel car miatcveteters oi cteieveucie late sets ieisteratetotseievareevenate

SP Planiof Te iliksnOuse eyeliner eee ietesie ie cieiete tetera steerer
pe PlaniotvEudsonuB ayy WOUSe erect re terete eters eter eieletelavetstel at teleletetote raters
. Plan and sections of qarmang or stone house. ..........-+.+++.+++
. Plan of large qarmang or stone house.............-++-+ee-s sa000r

ILLUSTRATIONS. XIX

Page
Fra. 500. Plan of stone house in Anarnitung, Cumberland Sound........... 549
501. Plan of groups of stone houses in Pangnirtung ................... 530
502. Plan of qarmang or house made of whale ribs.................... 550
UBL SinomslAO Ie zat skye libalalss CSancassndonde so deanoapoDosooeneadNsoe 551
504. Plan and sections of tupiq or tent of Cumber.and Sound .......... 551
505. Plan and section of tupiq or tent of Pond Bay .................... 553
506. Plan and section of double winter tent, Cumberland Sound ....... 553
HOlien Quan py OTIHOO Ub OLWAMEM Geyer) sai stciol ele elctelei=) store <]arelsiclesenerel-/elsisialeves 554
Ns}. Wivkommenctis TEV 6 jo gcadcaeoosasioas obnodcy onbaoddSaonmooAacarDouT 559
HOO ivory beads Orwiomt ents) Ja CKObSe = nicierets ote crelelsts\x e(ejere <:c/eiekere(eie)s 0/5 s1e/e 595
Gi), (nbs; MGT naan s scoo0 cHabog cuabadcaouDHoU Ra DOCgooGoodaDUDOOU 556
DIG, [ba GOMMTE. oon oo oo dogo ndGoHadnoeonoDenconodoeccbodGDUdooO 507
Ble Chil distclotiain pics orsrisre cree wieleicioiae wicrsieys eusieis Vein sie cieisie) ©) nis <isisielere 597
Os SeLVOKvACOMIDS) ayer sc srsia.cicterchevve sxcinvars ci cret-4s arcieveserei siete j-us/ere'sheisiefore/aveleisilaye © 559
ih, TONGS 5 eco bos no ese pea bero boos u es poaobecnencosonusmonernorean 560
515. Manner of tattooing face and wearing hair......... ~E6cna0000CCnC 561
d16. Manner of tattooing legs and hands..........................00s 561
Dt LLOUES eye erecta erate eeieteleieier siete ore erelel staves oielcieieleratersiove everrevelelere 563
fils: Iba @F WANA Gye INA, Gods pobeo don Golon OdousDs caooyOOOCDoaNOOO 563
619: Skulllused/in the gameajewaune:. . ~~... cece cece ce nc cece nee 565
520. Ivory carving representing head of fox, used inthe game ajegaung. 565
521. Ivory carvings representing polar bear, used in the game ajegaung. 566
522. Figures used in playing tingmiujang, a game similar todice....... 567
Heaem CaAMeyOLemn lo Uta Oey otter einer cisteieleiietaianeleteieiecee aelciote = ele 568
Des hesakepanmiOrstOulebbe seperate vers-teleieteleieiaicl= sieveicreinevetelaNoleevelereioi> 569
DLO meAALONPOQUOMCAUIS CLA LO mre epics esetsicce oiereieystcretaitsisteusiele,cietsions isle ccevocicisye 569
Was IRAN Sonsddpseobanuoneane do usc eeeopdaodooNnn doSeacadeoemeoodaas 570
baie Wollsinidress ofthe Oqomiwt ee. -..cis-crlel-= cies cise ens ~ ele eeieicieicie sie 571
Hee Dolsanidresston the wAUmMITMOAU Ge elo) ys f-fo)<te eieso/ete in ereieini iiss eye slo 571
629 Modemnsnow: porples|of£ wwoOd ee 26). lejyetselcisveniwiec ccc bccmeleeie 576
000) Oldiform*of snow poreles!of IVOLy < oso... ses, ocise seein dceeaee « 576
531. Diagram showing interior of qaggi or singing house among eastern
LEU OB ora ferereres eles od (sie eve choke eueia\elevote racial <soje Giles stares ¥rajstc nvesavere days Oarseale 600
532. Plan of Hudson Bay qaggi or singing house..................... 601
GBSh IEC It pot sealer oodncancendcces Gh porte Sono Cn ptoeon sonCne 602
534. Plans of remains of supposed qaggi or singing houses ............ 603
bop m@anlertetanciOnmaskem tl Our) stee-c\ocielcteatee clio sieis ceeeiee cies fee 606
536. Model of lamp from a grave in Cumberland Sound............... 613
537. Qaudjaqdjuq is maltreated by his enemies...................-.--. 631
538. The man in the moon comes down to help Qaudjaqdjuq .......... 631
539. The man in the moon whipping Qaudjaqdjuq.................... 632
540. Qaudjaqdjuq has become Qaudjuqdjuaq ...........2.. 26. eee eee 632
041. Qaudjugqdjuaq killing his enemies...............0..0-2s cee cence 633
p42 Lumiujang ior lampyof the! Torn 5. o6 eee. ose = ese wereninim since 634
548. Cumberland Sound and Frobisher Bay, drawn by Itu,a Nugumio. 644

. Cumberland Sound and Frobisher Bay, drawn by Sunapignang, an
OG Onn Ome erate testes ater erelsteerere cs stersie ce sireapearerne sala saxrasreovie oe 645
. Cumberland Sound, drawn by Itu, a Nugumio ................... 646

. Peninsula of Qivitung, drawn by Angutuqdjuaq, a Padlimio .,.,. 647

PPE RZOr TRANS MET TAT:

SmirHsonran Institution, Bureau or ETHNoLoeGy,
Washington, D. C., October 23, 1885.

Sir: I have the honor to submit my Sixth Annual Report
as Director of the Bureau of Ethnology.

The first part consists of an explanation of the plan and
operations of the Bureau; the second part consists of a series
of papers on anthropologie subjects, mainly prepared by my
assistants to illustrate the methods and results of the work of
the Bureau.

I desire to express my thanks for your earnest support and
your wise counsel relating to the work under my charge.

I am, with respect, your obedient servant,
Ce

Prof. Spencer F. Barrp,
Secretary Smithsonian Institution.

SIXTH ANNUAL REPORT

OF THE

BURA On. HLELNOLOGY.

By J. W. Powe i, Direcror.

INTRODUCTION.

The prosecution of research among the North American In-
dians, as directed by act of Congress, was continued during
the fiscal year 1884~85.

No change has been made in the general plan upon which
the work has been prosecuted as set forth in former reports.
Certain lines of investigation have been decided upon, which
are confided to persons trained in their pursuit, and the results
of these labors are presented from time to time in the publica-
tions of the Bureau provided for by law. A brief statement of
the work upon which each of the special students was actively
engaged during the fiscal year is furnished below; this, how-
ever, does not embrace all the studies undertaken or services
rendered by them, since particular lines of research have been
suspended in this, as in former years, in order to prosecute tem-
porarily work regarded as of paramount importance. From
this cause delays have been occasioned in the completion of
several treatises and monographs, already partly in type, which
otherwise would have been published.

Invitation is renewed for the assistance of explorers, writers,
and students who are not and may not desire to be officially
connected with the Bureau. Their contributions, whether in

XXIIT

XXIV ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

the shape of suggestions or of extended communications, will
be gratefully acknowledged, and, if published either in the
series of reports or in monographs or bulletins, as the liberality
of Congress may in future allow, will always receive proper
credit.

The items now reported upon are presented in three princi-
pal divisions. The first relates to the publication made; the
second, to the work prosecuted in the field; and the third, to
the office work, which largely consists of the preparation for
publication of the results of field work, with the corrections
and additions obtained from the literature of the subjects and
by correspondence.

PUBLICATION.

The only publication actually issued during the year was
entitled Proof-Sheets of a Bibliography of the Languages of
the North American Indians, by James Constantine Pilling.
The volume, a quarto of 1,175 pages, consists of an author
catalogue of books, manuscripts, magazine and newspaper
articles, publications of learned societies, and other documents
relating in any way to the Indian languages of North America.
Only one hundred copies were printed, which were distributed
to collaborators.

This work was commenced by Mr. Pilling in 1879 and has
been prosecuted with diligence and skill, notwithstanding the
engrossing nature of his other duties. It began as an author
card catalogue, designed merely for office use. In time it
became apparent that such a systematic catalogue of the liter-
ature of Indian languages, if printed and distributed, would
be of important service to all the numerous workers on the
general subject, besides those directly connected with the
Bureau, to whom alone it was accessible in manuscript form.
By this course the accumulated results of several years’ labor
would be immediately available for the use of students gen-
erally, and the distribution of proof-sheets would in turn in-
crease interest in the work, elicit comment and criticism, and
secure additional contributions, through all of which the final
volume contemplated would become more satisfactory and

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXV

complete, both in form and substance. The thorough con-
scientiousness and punctilious care shown in the present cata-
logue, and especially the comprehensive bibliographic spirit
in which the work has been conceived, prove the peculiar fit-
ness of the author for the undertaking. He has set before
him and has kept steadily in view the following aims :

First, to discover every document in existence relating to
the subject, either printed or in manuscript.

Secondly, to record a description of every document found,
so accurate and full that each book or article mentioned is
clearly identified and all its contents relating to Indian lan-
guages set forth, with citation of the chapters and pages
within the work where the linguistic material may be found.

Thirdly, to name, when possible, one or more libraries
where each work catalogued may be found.

Fourthly, to arrange and combine the whole so that the stu-
dent using it may in the shortest time learn whether any work
contains the special matter which he desires to consult, and, if
so, precisely where he may find it. In the case of rare books
or papers special attention has been paid to obtain full informa-
tion, and in the case of some of the rarest books fac-similes of
the title pages are given. The value of a work so broadly con-
ceived and so carefully executed is very great. The literature
of this subject has become so voluminous, so disconnected, so
scattered in time and place, that progress in the classification
of Indian languages and the determination of their affinities
has been greatly retarded, awaiting the orderly arrangement
of accumulated information. This requisite, with the impor-
tant addition of the correction of current errors, is met by the
catalogue. It has been found indispensable to the Bureau and
has already been gratefully acknowledged as invaluable by
all students of American tribes to whom copies have been dis-
tributed.

Since the printing and distribution of the proof-sheets, and
markedly as a result thereof, the card catalogue has continued
to grow ; and, although not complete and, from the nature of
the subject, not expected to become absolutely exhaustive, the
recent additions to it indicate how thoroughly the work was

XXVI ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

originally done. It may be possible, therefore, before long to
substitute for the Proof-Sheets the Bibliography itself in
standard form.

FIELD WORK.

Under this heading are comprised —

First, the systematic operations of the division of mound
exploration carried on east of the Rocky Mountains.

Secondly, researches in and collections from the ancient
ruins of the Southwest and comparative study of the pres-
ent inhabitants of that region and the objects found among
them.

Thirdly, linguistic work or expeditions among the several
Indian tribes at their homes, with the main purpose of acquir-
ing knowledge of their spoken languages.

Fourthly, general studies, or those embracing various
branches of inquiry, conducted among the existing Indiv
tribes.

MOUND EXPLORATIONS.
WORK OF PROF. CYRUS THOMAS.

The work of exploring the mounds and other ancient mon-
uments of that portion of the United States east of the Rocky
Mountains, commenced in 1882, was carried on during the
fiscal year, under the charge of Prof. Cyrus Thomas

The regular assistants during the first half of the year were
Messrs. P. W. Norris, James D. Middleton, and John P. Ro-
gan For the latter half they were Messrs. Middleton, Rogan,
and John W. Emmert, the last named having been engaged
to fill the vacancy occasioned by the death of Mr. Norris.

Mr. Norris was engaged during the fall of 1884 in explor-
ing the extensive group of works in the vicinity of Charles-
ton, Kanawha Valley, W. Va. He continued at work there
until December, when he was compelled by cold weather and
illness to desist. To the great regret of all his associates in
the work, his illness terminated in death on the 14th of Jan-
uary, 1885. By his death the division has lost a faithful and
enthusiastic worker.

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXVII

During the summer and fall of 1884 and until the approach
of extremely cold weather, Mr. Middleton was engaged in ex-
ploring the works of Knox County, Ohio. Throughout the
winter and following spring his field of operations was east-
ern Arkansas. In the latter field he was assisted by Mr. L. H.
Thing, who was employed for three months as temporary as-
sistant.

During the summer and until the beginning of winter, Mr.
Rogan was engaged (in conjunction with Rev. J. P. Maclean,
who was employed as a temporary assistant) in exploring the
ancient monuments of Butler County and the adjacent regions
of southern Ohio. On the approach of the cold season he
went south, his field of operations for the remainder of the
year being northern Georgia and the southern counties of
East Tennessee.

Mr. Emmert, who had been employed on January 1, 1885, to
make some special explorations in East Tennessee, was made
permanent assistant immediately after the death of Mr. Nor-
ris. His work in that section proving successful he continued
it until the close of the fiscal year.

Mr. Gerard Fowke was engaged during November in ex-
amining the ancient quarries of Flint Ridge, Ohio, and in
making a collection to illustrate the various stages in the ab-
original manufacture of flint implements. His collection is,
perhaps, the most complete in this particular line of any so
far made in this country. In the winter he was employed
about two months in special investigations of some ancient
works in Pontotoc and Union Counties, Miss, a locality sup
posed to have been visited by De Soto during his unfortunate
expedition. In some of the mounds of this seetion, which was
formerly the home of the Chikasa, he found some articles of
European manufacture, among them a small silver plate bear-
ing the royal arms of Castile and Leon in an old heraldic form.

Although the number of specimens obtained does not exceed
that of the collection of the preceding year, the general result
shows a decided advance in the accuracy of the work done.
The measurements and plats have been made with more care
and exactness, the descriptions are more complete, and the de-

XXVIII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

tails more fully set forth. As an illustration one case is pre-
sented. A large mound was opened which was found to con-
tain over ninety skeletons, irregularly placed and at different
depths. At the outset a plat of the mound was made; each skel-
eton was located on it as discovered, and notes were taken of
the depth, position, articles found with it, ete. Thus the exact
position of each skeleton in the mound is recorded, as well as
that of any article accompanying it The collections made are
more varied in character than those of any previous year, in-
cluding several new types of pottery, some unusually fine stone
implements, and from several mounds articles showing contact
with Kuropeans. The pottery obtained by Messrs. Middleton
and Thing in Arkansas is of more than ordinary interest, con-
taining a number of specimens of the rarer forms, also several
colored specimens.

The same care has been taken as heretofore in labeling and
numbering the specimens, so that each can be traced by the
record to the exact place where it was found. The illustra-
tions showing the construction, character, and form of the
various works explored exceed in number, accuracy, and im-
portance those of any previous year.

EXPLORATIONS IN THE SOUTHWEST.
WORK OF MR. JAMES STEVENSON.

Mr. James Stevenson was placed in charge of a party, with
instructions to proceed to Arizona and New Mexico to make
researches and collections among the Pueblo Indians and the
ancient ruins in that region.

Mr. Stevenson’s party was divided into three sections. The
section in charge of Mr. F. T. Bickford visited the remarkable
series of ruins in Chaco canon, in northwestern New Mexico;
Canon de Chelly and its branch canons; the cliff dwellings in
Walnut canon, in Arizona, and a group of interesting cave
dwellings, different in structure from any heretofore found, near
Flagstaff, in the same Territory. All these were carefully ex-
amined. Full and extensive notes, as well as sketches and
photographie illustrations, were made of these ruins.

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XX IX

Another section, in charge of Mr. C. A. Garlick, was stationed
at the pueblo of Acoma, in New Mexico. The work at this vil-
lage resulted in a collection of about thirty-five hundred spec-
imens, consisting of pottery and a variety of utensils of other
material, such as stone, bone, wood, and woven fabrics, illus-
trating the arts of the people of Acoma. The collections from
this pueblo, though not embracing a great variety of objects,
will illustrate nearly all the phases of the arts and industrial
pursuits of these Indians.

Another section of Mr. Stevenson’s party, under his own
supervision and with the important assistance of Mrs. Stev-
enson, was employed in making collections and studies at
Zuni. The collection from there is much larger than any here-
tofore obtained and includes many objects relating to the out-
door ceremonies of the Zuni. Specimens of these were secured
from their sacred springs, caves, and shrines. All details re-
lating to their ceremonials were attentively studied, and a
series of water color sketches was made of altars used and of
masks worn on these important occasions. A large number of
fetiches was also obtained, representing many of the animals
held in religious esteem by the Zuni. A series of photographs
was made of the sacred springs, wells, monuments, picture
writings, and shrines of the Zuni located at different points
over an area of about seventy-five miles from Zuni, and a col-
lection was secured of representative specimens of their fetiches,
plume sticks, and other objects connected with their mythology
and religious practices. The collection made during the year
was unusually large and important. It comprises about eighty-
five hundred specimens from the Indian tribes of the Southwest
embraced in the research; these consist of woven fabrics and
pottery, bone, and stone implements, both ancient and modern,
and represent nearly all phases of the life, art, and industries
of these tribes. These collections have been deposited in the
U.S. National Museum for arrangement, classification, and de-
scription.

WORK OF MR VICTOR MINDELEFF.

A party in charge of Mr. Victor Mindeleff left Washington
on August 5 to survey the ruined pueblos of the Chaco, in New

XXX ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

Mexico. Five of the ruins were accurately measured and
platted to scale, anda full series of sketches, plans, and photo-
graphs was secured. Mr. Mindeleff returned from the field on
the 1st of October. He then made a trip to the great Etowah
mound, near Cartersville, Ga., under the direction of Prof.
Cyrus Thomas, in order to secure an accurate survey and scale
drawing, as a basis for the construction of a model.

At the close of this work Mr. Mindeleff returned to Wash-
ington, on October 7, and was engaged in office work until the
middle of the following June, when he took the field in ad-
vance of his party for further studies among the ruins and
pueblos of the Cibola and Tusayan groups. He was also in-
structed to secure similar material at other available points for
comparison.

LINGUISTIC FIELD WORK.

WORK OF MRS. ERMINNIE A. SMITH.

From the Ist of July to the 15th of August, 1884, Mrs.
Smith, assisted by Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, of Tuscarora descent,
was engaged among the Onondaga living near Syracuse, N. Y.,
in translating and annotating two Onondaga manuscripts; after-
ward, until the latter part of October, with the same assistance,
she was at work on the Grand River reservation in Canada,
where she filled out the vocabulary in the Introduction to the
Study of Indian Languages from the dialect of the Cayuga.
She also obtained from the Mohawk a translation, with annota-
tions, of a manuscript in their dialect.

The three manuscripts mentioned are now in the possession
of the Bureau of Ethnology. Their origin and history are not
distinctly known, as they are all probably copies of originals
which seem to have been lost or destroyed. It was intended
in these manuscripts to reproduce, by the alphabet and the
script used by English writers, the sound of the dialects em-
ployed.

These records have their chief interest in the preservation of
many archaic words, or those of ceremony, law, and custom,
which in these dialects, as is the general rule, remain un-
changed, although the colloquial language may be modified.

————

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXI

The subject matter of all these records is genuinely and exclu-
sively Iroquoian.

The Mohawk manuscript was copied about the year 1830
by Chief John “Smoke” Johnson from an earlier original or
perhaps copy. The orthography of this copy is quite regular
and is that of the early English missionaries, being similar in
many respects to the well known Pickering alphabet.

One of the Onondaga manuscripts was found in the posses-
sion of Mr. Daniel La Fort and the other in that of Mrs. John
A. Jones, both of the Onondaga reserve, New York. These
two copies differ from each other in orthography and substance,
the Jones manuscript being probably a full detail of a part of
the other.

The orthography of the La Fort manuscript is very irregu-
lar and difficult to read, but that of the Jones manuscript is
regular and legible. The Mohawk manuscript contains a de-
tailed account of the rites and ceremonies, speeches and songs,
of the condoling and inducting council of the Iroquoian League
in the form in which that council was conducted by the elder
brothers or members of the Onondaga, Mohawk, and Seneca
divisions, which have been generally called tribes, but are
more correctly confederacies, their villages being the tribal
unit. The La Fort Onondaga manuscript comprises a similar
ritual of the same council as carried out by the younger
brothers, viz, the Cayuga, Oneida, and Tuscarora members or
confederacies of the league. The Jones Onondaga manuscript
is the charge of the principal shaman to the newly elected or
inducted chief or chiefs.

During the remainder of the year material was collected and
work continued on the Tuscarora-English part of the Tusca-
rora dictionary.

WORK OF MR. H. W. HENSHAW.

Mr. H. W. Henshaw visited southern California for the pur-
pose of pursuing linguistic studies in the group of languages
spoken by the Santa Barbara Indians. Although these In-
dians became known at a very early day, being mentioned
with particularity in the relation of Cabrillo’s voyage along

XXXII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

the California coast in 1542, but little has been ascertained in
respect to their language and its relations to the speech of
neighboring tribes.

Few vocabularies were collected by the early Spanish mis-
sionaries and those gathered were very imperfect, so that no
conclusions can be based upon them with confidence.

As a result of the policy pursued by the various missionaries
among these docile tribes, aboriginal habits were soon ex-
changed for others imposed by the priests. Tribal organiza-
tions were broken up and the Indians were removed from their
homes and located about the missions. In addition the Span-
ish language was early introduced and so far as possible made
to replace the aboriginal tongue. As a consequence Spanish
became familiar to a large number of the proselytes, and all
the surviving Santa Barbara Indians speak Spanish fluently,
or rather the Mexican dialect of Spanish. Indeed, the im-
pression prevails generally in California that none of the In-
dians can speak their own tongue. As a matter of fact, how-
ever, in their own families and when away from the white men
they discard Spanish entirely.

The attempt to preserve the language was begun none too
soon, as of the large population attributed to this part of the
California coast Mr. Henshaw was able to discover only about
fifty survivors, and these were widely scattered over several
counties. A number of the dialects of the linguistic family
are now extinct, and only a month before Mr. Henshaw’s
arrival at San Buenaventura an old woman died who, it is
believed, was the last person to speak the dialect belonging
to the Island of Santa Cruz. In Santa Barbara and Ventura
counties six dialects of the family were found, which are be-
lieved to be all that are now extant.

In the case of the dialect of Santa Rosa island, but one Indian
remained to speak it. ‘Two more dialects are spoken by two or
three individuals only. The existing dialects, named accord-
ing to the missions around which they were spoken, are as
follows: San Buenaventura, Santa Barbara, Santa Rosa Island,
Purissima, Santa Inez, and San Luis Obispo. With the ex-
ception of the last named the several dialects are very closely

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXIII

related, and, although each possesses a greater or less number
of words not contained in the others, their vocabularies show
many words which are common to all.

The dialect formerly spoken at San Luis Obispo differs much
from any of the others, and a critical comparison is necessary
to reveal a sufficient number of words possessing identical roots
to render their common parentage obvious.

Extensive vocabularies of the dialects of San Antonio and
San Miguel were obtained, there being about a dozen Indians
who speak these languages around the old San Antonio mis-
sion. These languages have been supposed to be of the Santa
Barbara family (as it has hitherto been termed, now called
Chumashan family), but the material obtained by Mr. Hen-
shaw disproves this, and, for the present at least, they are con-
sidered to form a distinct family.

Mr. Henshaw visited Los Angeles and San Diego counties
for the purpose of determining the exact northern and southern
limits of the Shoshonian family, which extends quite to the
coast in California.

At San Diego and San Luis Rey he obtained vocabularies
representing four dialects of the Yuman family.

WORK OF MR. A. 8S. GATSCHET,

In August, 1884, Mr. Gatschet proceeded to visit the Tonk-
awe and Lipan tribes in Texas

He reached Fort Griffin on the 29th of August. The

-'Tonkawé tribe was encamped about a mile and a half south of
Fort Griffin, Shackleford county, and consisted of 78 individ-
uals, while the Lipan camp, one mile north-northwest, consisted
of 19 persons only. All these Indians were on the point of re-
moving to the Oakland reserve, Indian Territory.

The Tonkaweé constitute an aggregate of several tribal
remnants formerly living independently of one another in
southern Texas and on the Rio Grande. Mr. Gatschet devoted
five weeks to the study of their language and one week to
that of the Lipan, which is a dialect of Apache (Athapascan).

6 ETH—III

XXXIV ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

The Tonkawé is a sonorous and energetic form of speech. The
radix of many of the adjectives becomes reduplicated to forma
kind of plural, and the same thing is observed in some of the
verbs, where iteration or frequency has to be indicated. Case
suffixes are observed in the substantive, which can easily be
traced to postpositions as their original forms. Very few of the
natives were sufficiently conversant with English or Spanish
to serve as interpreters, so that it was difficult to secure trust-
worthy results. A white man who had lived over six years
among them was of material help, and several mythologic and
other texts were obtained with tolerable correctness through his
aid.

On October 9 Mr. Gatschet left Fort Griffin and reached
Fort Sill, in the Indian Territory, on the 15th. Many Kaiowe
and Comanche Indians encamped during the warmer months
of the year around this fort, which is situated at the southeast
base of the Wichita mountains. He engaged the best help he
could find for studying the Kaiowe language, for which there
is no Government interpreter. ‘Uhe Comanche is the predomi-
nating language on the whole Kaiowé, Comanche, and Apache
reservation, although the Comanche exceed the Kaiowé but
little in number. The Comanche is more easily acquired, at
least to the extent required in conversation, and all the traders
and shopkeepers on the reservation have a smattering of it.

Better interpreters for Kaiowé were obtained at Anadarko,
the seat of the agency, where Mr. Gatschet remained from
October 31 to December 12. A few Kaiowe were found who
had passed some months or years among Americans or at the
Indian schools at Carlisle, Chilocco, and elsewhere, and could
express themselves intelligibly in English. A few white Mex-
icans were found among the Comanche, who were captured by
them in infancy, acquired the Comanche language, and have
ever since lived among these Indians. Of the Kaiowe, Mr.
Gatschet acquired over two thousand terms, phrases, and sen-
tences, several historic texts of value, and of the Comanche,
eight hundred or a thousand words. The circumstances neces-
sitated careful and numerous revisions of everything obtained,
by which much of the time was absorbed.

il a i es el eee a ee i i ee

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXV

The Na-ishi Apache, about four hundred in number and
formerly roaming with the Kaiowe, furnished also a large
amount of terms, exceeding fifteen hundred.

There are a few verbal similarities between the Kaiowé and
the Shoshoni languages, but apparently not enough to indicate
anything more than long association of these peoples. The
Kaiowe has a dual in the intransitive verb and in some nouns.
There are more than a dozen different modes of forming the
plural of nouns. The subject pronoun is incorporated with
the verb as a prefix, and every tense has a different subject
pronoun, as in Otomi and other languages of southern Mexico.

Vocabularies were also obtained of Delaware, Ottawa, Yu-
chi, Caddo, Wichita, and of the hitherto unstudied Caddo dia-
lects of Anadarko and Yatassi.

In spite of persevering search it was not possible to find any
of the Bidai or the Tonica in Texas, although it is probable
that some of them survived in that State as late as 1850.

Mr. Gatschet them passed a whole month among the Ata-
kapa at Lake Charles, the county seat of Calcasieu parish,
Louisiana. Of the two dialects traceable, only the western one
seems to exist now, being still spoken by a few women living
atthe town. The language is sonorous, but strongly nasal.

Returning to the Indian Territory, after a fruitless search for
the Tonica and Adai, he stopped at Eufaula, Creek Nation, to
meet a Navhtchi Indian named Lasley, about sixty years old,
who had represented his tribe in the councils of the Creek
Nation. This man explained his Na’htchi terms and phrases by
Creek equivalents, and these had to be translated into English
to obtain full light concerning the Na’htchi terms. One legend-
ary text was also obtained. The language is rather conso-
nantal and has a multiplicity of verbal forms.

Among the Yuchi tribe on Middle Arkansas river, south-
western bank, and over 40 miles from Muscogee Station, Indian
Territory, he remained but a week, too short a time to obtain
full information respecting this interesting language. ‘There
are five or six hundred Yuchi still living on this tract. Two
texts and a few popular songs, with one thousand terms of the
language, were obtained,

XXXVI ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

The last stop was made among the Modoe at Quapaw
Agency, at the agency buildings. About ninety are left of
those brought there for having taken part in the Modoe war of
1872~73. Five mythic tales were gathered from the natives
within the short time of three weeks, one of them being of
considerable length and of importance. It is called “The birth
of Aishish.” ~ The birth of this astral deity resembles in most
particulars that of Bacchus from the thigh of Jupiter after his
mother, Semele, had been burned to death. The terms, phrases,
and sentences gathered, besides the myth mentioned, amount
to over fifteen hundred items, which will prove useful for com-
pleting the work on the Klamath Indians of Oregon now in
preparation.

Of the Shawnee language several hundred words were
gathered from the Indians of that tribe settled around the
agency.

Mr. Gatschet returned to Washington in April, 1885.

WORK OF REV. J. OWEN DORSEY...

Rey. J. Owen Dorsey visited the Siletz Agency, Oregon, in
August, 1884, to gain linguistic and other information respect-
ing the tribes in that region. When he returned, in November,
he brought back as the result of his work the following
vocabularies: —Athapascan family: Applegate Creek, Galice
Creek, Chasta Costa, Miko-no-tunne, Chetco, Smith River,
Cal., and Upper Coquille—Yakonan family: Yaquina, Alsea,
Siuslaw, and Lower Umpqua.—Kusan family: Mulluk or Lower
Coquille—Takilman family: Takilma or Upper Rogue River.—
Shahaptian family: Klikitat—Sastean family: Shasti—total,
nineteen vocabularies, ranging from fifty to three thousand
entries, exclusive of phrases and grammatical notes.

He also obtained materials for an account of the social or-
ganization into villages of some of these Indians, the basis for
which appears to have been the clan or gens. Rough maps,
showing the localities of the villages, were made. Mr. Dorsey
also obtained from several tribes the corresponding Indian
names of about sixty vegetal products, specimens of which
were brought to Washington for identification.

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXVII
WORK OF MR. JEREMIAH CURTIN.

Mr. Curtin spent the first two weeks of July at the Quapaw
agency, Indian Territory, in making a collection of Modoc
myths, which he had begun in the preceding winter, being part
of a general collection of Indian myths begun in 1883. The
number of Modoc myths obtained was nearly one hundred.

After finishing work at the Quapaw Agency, he returned to
Washington, and shortly afterward was directed to proceed to
northern California and obtain vocabularies of the Nosa and
Kombo languages, and thence to Oregon to obtain vocabularies
of the Wasco, Tyigh, and Tenina languages.

Work was begun on the Nosa language (Yanan family) at
Redding, Cal., on October 11. The difficulties were very
great, especially at first, owing to the fact that the Nosa are
few in number, live far from one another, and have a very
imperfect knowledge of English.

The Nosa were a prominent and rather numerous people
until 1864, when all of them who could be found were mas-
sacred by white settlers, who organized two companies for the
purpose of exterminating the tribe. Owing to a chance by
which a few escaped and ta the exertions of Mr. Benjamin
Oliver, who secreted several in his cellar, about fifteen full
blood Nosa survived.

Work on Nosa was continued in and around Redding until
the end of November, when Round Mountain was visited to
complete the Nosa vocabulary and obtain that of the Atsugei
(Palaikan family), a very interesting language. Work at
Round Mountain was finished on January 8 and Redding was
revisited on January 9, preparatory to departing for Oregon.

Owing to the excessive severity of the winter and the snow
blockades, which lasted six weeks, communication with Warm
spring was closed, and it was impossible to enter the reserva-
tion till January 27, when Sinnashee, a school and center of
the Warm Spring Indian population, was reached.

At this place the Tyigh vocabulary (Shahaptian family) was
collected. The Wasco (Chinookan family) was obtained at
the agency headquarters near the Deschutes river. ‘enina,

XXXVIII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

being identical with the Tyigh language, was omitted. From
April 18, at which date work at the Warm Spring agency was
finished, until June 30, the time was devoted to collecting myths
in the Klamath reservation and at Yreka.

During the whole period of work all the myths that could
be found among the people whose languages were being in-
vestigated were reduced to writing. In this manner a large
body of Nosa, Atsugei, Tyigh, and Wasco myths was col-
lected. In the cases of Klamath and Shasti, myths were the
objects directly in view

The vocabularies were obtained with satisfactory complete-
ness and the verbal systems worked out in detail.

The Nosa is remarkable for a regularity of structure which
yields to analysis and has a certain monotonous harmony of
sound.

The Atsugei has a sonorous roll, a strong letter 7, and a
certain number of words in common with the Shasti, itself
one of the r languages.

GENERAL FIELD WORK.
WORK OF DR, WASHINGTON MATTHEWS.

Dr. Washington Matthews, assistant surgeon U.S. Army,
continued his investigations among the Navajo Indians in New
Mexico and Arizona. He had been stationed in the Navajo
country as post surgeon of Fort Wingate, N. Mex., from 1880
to 1884, during which time he devoted himself to studying the
language, customs, and ceremonies of this tribe as much as his
official duties would permit. Some of the great shamanistic
ceremonies of the Navajo, occupying nine days for their per-
formance, he had often seen in part; but he had never had an
opportunity of witnessing one throughout its entire duration,
as he had not sufficient time at his disposal.

Before leaving New Mexico, however, he secured the friend-
ship and confidence of some of the leading medicine men and
obtained their promise to admit him to their most secret rites
during their entire performance whenever he should be able
to avail himself of the privilege. He was also promised com-

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XXXIX

plete instruction in the mythology and symbolism of these
rites.

In the autumn of 1884 he was given an opportunity, under
the auspices of the Bureau of Ethnology, to return to the Na-
vajo country and devote himself for a considerable time en-
tirely to anthropologic studies among the people.

He first visited the Navajo who dwell in the neighborhood
of the San Mateo mountains, the Tsotsildiné, or people of the
Great Peak, a local division or subtribe living much farther to
the east and having longer and more intimate associations with
Mexicans and Americans than the main body of the people.
While at this place he ascended the peak of San Mateo, or
Mount Taylor, a mountain held sacred by the Navajo, to ob-
serve the various places on the mountain mentioned in the
Navajo myths

Leaving San Mateo he proceeded to Fort Wingate, and
learning that one of the most important of the Navajo rites
was about to be celebrated at a place called Niqotlizi (Hard
Earth), north of Fort Wingate on the Navajo reservation, he re-
paired thither without delay. The ceremony which he went to
witness was that of dsilyidje-qacal, or mountain chant. It isalso
called Hnasjingo-qagal, or chant in the dark circle of branches,
from the great corral of evergreens in which the public rites of
the last night are performed. It is known to the white men
who live among these Indians as the hoshkawn dance, from
one of the public dances of the last night, in which the Indian
jugglers pretend to grow and develop the hackan, or Yucca bac-
cata. ‘This last night’s performance is varied and interesting
and all persons, including whites and Indians of other tribes,
are permitted to witness it; but previously, for several days,
mystic rites are celebrated in the medicine lodge, to the most
of which only the initiated are admitted. Dr. Matthews re-
mained ten days inthe Indian camp at Niqotlizi, during which
time the shamans admitted him into their medicine lodge and
allowed him to observe their rites and practices. :

His most interesting discovery on this occasion was that of
their system of mythic dry paintings, by which they represent

XL ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

various legends or traditions with dry pigments on the sanded
floor of the medicine lodge. A full account of the ceremonies
and of the myth on which they are based was prepared by Dr.
Matthews and appeared in the Fifth Annual Report of this
Bureau.

When the ceremony at Niqotlizi was over he proceeded to
a locality in Arizona called by the whites The Haystacks,
from the peculiar appearance of the rock formations there.
At The Haystacks another great ceremony, probably: the see-
ond in importance of the Navajo rites, was to take place.
Here he again encamped with the Indians and remained until
the work of the shamans was done.

The ceremonial observances witnessed on this occasion are,
collectively, called by the Navajo Klédji-qacal, or chant of the
night. They are called by the whites the Yiybichy danee,
from the name of the principal masked character, Yébitcai or
Gebitcai, the granduncle of the gods. Like the hoshkawn
dance, it has several days of secret rites with elaborate sym-
bolic sand pictures and one night of publie dances, less varied
and interesting than those of the hoshkawn. Dr. Matthews
was permitted to witness the whole performance and to take
as many notes and sketches as were necessary.

From The Haystacks Dr. Matthews went to the Indian
agency at Fort Defiance, Arizona, where he secured the serv-
ices of one of the oldest and most learned (in their own pecul-
iar lore) of the Navajo priests, and from him he obtained full
explanations of all these rites and of the symbolism of the
pictures and masked characters, with a complete recital of the
long and elaborate myths on which the ceremonies depend, and
the texts and translations of the very numerous songs which
form the ritual of the ceremonies.

WORK OF DR. H. C. YARROW.

Dr. H. C. Yarrow, acting assistant surgeon U. S. Army,
with the assistance of military details and supplies, in addi-
tion to the instruction and facilities provided by this Bureau,
started, August 8, 1884, on an expedition into the Territory of

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XLI

Utah, with reference mainly to the exploration of burial mounds
and the study of mortuary customs

Near Choke Cherry Spring a burial cave was discovered,
containing the skeletons of three persons, which were secured.
Other skeletons, with contents of graves, were obtained near
Willow creek; also, an interesting specimen of tree burial.

At Deep creek an explanation of the curious form of water
burial was gained froma chief of the Gosiats, to the effect that
the bodies of the turbulent and disorderly men of the tribe
were thus disposed of to prevent the spirits of these objection-
able persons from joining the rest of the tribe after death.
Their bodies were sunk in springs and marshy places and kept
down by sticks and stones, so that their spirits could never get
out

In the neighborhood of Fillmore a mound was excavated
which atforded an admirable example of the beforementioned
conyersion of a dwelling into a sepulcher. The probability is
that the deceased died in his house, which was made of adobe
bricks, and that it was at once abandoned and the body left
therein, the roof being first removed. The corpse was placed
on the floor and covered with a paste of moist clay, on which
were placed the mortuary gifts of weapons, utensils, and food.
Cottonwood branches were then piled above and set on fire,
thus baking the clay crust and charring the several objects.
The whole structure had been covered, so that on first examina-
tion the hard surface of burnt clay, 18 inches below the loose
earth, appeared to be the floor of a former dwelling.

In the whole of the expedition, which continued into the
last days of September, much difficulty was experienced from
the suspicion and consequent hostility of the Indians of the
localities visited.

WORK OF DR. W. J. HOFFMAN.

Dr. W. J. Hoffman proceeded early in August to Victoria,
B..C., where numerous sketches of Haida totem posts and
carvings were obtained, in connection with the myths which
they illustrated. At this locality attention was paid to the

XLII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

burial customs and osteologic remains of the nearly extinct
tribe of Songish Indians.

At Port Townsend sketches were obtained of Thlinkit
ivory and wood carvings, clearly indicating the adoption by
that tribe of Haida art designs. Here, too, many Indians of
British-American tribes were met on their way south to work
in the Puyallup hop fields, notable among which was a large
number of Haida, whose persons were examined for the purpose
of copying the numerous and varied tattoo designs with which
they were profusely decorated. Interpretations of many of
these characters were obtained from the persons bearing them,
as well as from the chief artist of the tribe, together with con-
cise descriptions of the methods and customs in connection
with tattooing and the materials used. Drawings were made
of a collection of Eskimo pictographs and ivory carvings at
the museum of the Alaska Commercial Company and the Cali-
fornia Academy of Sciences, San Francisco, Cal.

At Santa Barbara, Cal., Dr. Hoffman discovered some painted
pictographs and examined a number which have not yet been
published. In several private collections at this place were
found interesting relics of the Indians formerly inhabiting Santa
Cruz island, the most important of which was a steatite cup
containing earthy coloring matter and pricking instruments of
bone, which had evidently been used in tattooing. Painted
pictographs were also visited in the Azuza canon, twenty-five
miles northeast of Los Angeles.

At Tule Indian Agency, in the deep valleys on the west-
ern slope of the Sierra Nevada, sketches of pictographs were
made in continuation of work accomplished there two years
before. Vocabularies were also obtained from the Waitehumni
Indians here located, as well as from the few remaining Santa
Barbara Indians at Cathedral Oaks, Santa Barbara county,
Cal. By far the greatest amount of pictographic material was
collected in Owen's valley, California, where series of petro-
glyphs are scattered over an arid, sandy desert, the extremes
of which are more than twenty miles apart.

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XLII

OFFICE WORK.

The work upon a synonymy of the Indian tribes of North
America, which has been mentioned to some extent in former
reports, has been continued with increased energy.

Every tribe of Indians of any size and importance has been
treated of by historians under a variety of names. The sources
of these different appellations are manifold. In very many
instances the names of tribes or other bodies of Indians com-
municated by themselves have been imperfectly understood
and erroneously recorded; misspelled names and typograph-
ical errors have been perpetuated.

Traders, priests, and colonists have called the same tribes by
different names and the historian has often added to the con-
fusion by handing down these synonyms as the names of other
and different tribes. Nota few tribes well known under es-
tablished names have received new names upon a change of
residence, especially when they have removed to a great dis-
tance or have coalesced or allied with other tribes. Added to
these and to other sources of confusion are the loose and dis-
similar applications of the terms clan, band, tribe, confederacy,
and league, the same term having been used with various mean-
ings by different authors.

As a consequence the student of Indian languages and cus-
toms finds himself in a tangle, as regards tribal names, which
it is beyond the power of the individual worker, unaided, to
unravel. The scope of the work in question includes the at-
tempt to trace the several names back to their sources and to
ascertain their original and proper application, to define their
meaning when possible, and to relegate each tribe under its
proper title to the linguistic family to which it belongs In
the completion of this work the whole force of the Bureau as
sists.

The need of a volume giving the results mentioned has long
been felt, and it is believed that it will prove to be one of the
most important contributions to the accurate study of Indian
history ever made. The classification of the languages of the
North American Indians is closely connected with the synon-

XLIV ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

ymy of tribal names, each work assisting the other. During
recent years the number of students who have directed their
attention more or less exclusively to the study of Indian lan-
guages has been constantly augmented, and as a result of their
labors the number of vocabularies has been correspondingly in-
creased; hence the demand for a more comprehensive and satis-
factory classification than now exists.

Prior to Gallatin’s time little or nothing had been done in
the direction of a systematic classification of Indian languages.
In 1836 Gallatin issued his treatise in which he classified all
the languages which he was able to study by a direct com-
parison of vocabularies. His classification was an immense
advance over anything previously done and has proved a boon
for scholars, having served, indeed, practically as the basis for
most of the work in the same line performed since his time.
No fixed rules of nomenclature, however, have ever been
adopted by linguistic writers, and authors have named and re-
named linguistic groups without regard to the names imposed
upon the same or similar groups by earlier writers. As a re-
sult great confusion has followed not only respecting the status
of the various linguistic families, but also respecting the iden-
tity of the languages which have served as a basis for the sev-
eral groups proposed. ‘The remedy for this state of affairs is
the adoption, with strict adherence thereto, of a code of no-
menclatural rules similar in scope to those prevailing among
zoologists.

There would appear to be no good reason why the rule of
priority of name, for instance, should not be followed in lin-
guistic as well as in zodlogic classification, or why the same
beneficial result of fixity of nomenclature should not be ex-
pected to result from the adoption of this rule in the one case as
in the other. Students who may attempt to unravel the many
perplexing nomenclatural problems arising from unnecessary
change of names will certainly agree that such a rule is no
less desirable in linguistics than in zoélogy.

Accordingly, the rule of priority of name, within certain lim-
itations, together with some other rules, has been adopted by
the Bureau. These limitations and rules, together with a dis-

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XLV

cussion of the subject, which would still be premature, may be
presented by the Director in his next annual report.

Mr. H. W. Hensuaw, when not in the field, was specially
engaged in the organization and details of the office work upon
tribal synonymy and linguistic classification above described.
A careful examination of all the literature pertaining to these
correlated subjects was necessary and also the preparation of
tentative tables of synonymy. He has prepared such tables
and made in connection with them a brief historical résumé of
the literature. Much longer time and the work of the whole
official force will, however, be needed for the completion for
publication of the results of this vast and complicated under-
taking.

Mrs. Erminnie A. Suite was occupied, while not engaged
in the field as reported above, in the revision for publication of
her Tuscarora dictionary, the material for which had been col-
lected during several years.

Col. Garrick MAuuery continued the collection and classi-
fication of material on the two correlated subjects of sign lan-
guage and pictographs. His two preliminary papers on those
subjects have appeared in former annual reports. It is in-
tended, while increasing the data obtained from the Indian
tribes of North America, bearing upon these subjects, to sup-
plement and illustrate the mass of information collected from
those tribes by comparison with everything of a similar char-
acter to be found in other parts of the world and to publish the
results of the collection and study in the form of monographs.

Dr. W. J. Hoffman, when not in the field, continued to assist
in the work mentioned.

Mr. James C. Pinuine’s preparation of the Bibliography of
North American Languages continued during the year. In
October and November he visited several libraries in Boston
and Providence, for the purpose of clearing up a number of
doubtful points. During the year pages 839-1135 were re-
ceived from the printer, which completed the volume. In the
spring a limited number of copies were struck off by the Pub-
lic Printer, and these have been sent to various libraries, pub-
lic institutions, and to individuals interested in the subject, for

XLVI ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

the purpose of obtaining additions and corrections, with the in-
tention, if these should prove to be numerous, of resetting the
matter.

Mr. Frank H. Cusnine was stationed at Washington at the
commencement of the fiscal year and was engaged in the
classification of his field material in preparation for its pub-
lication. During the fall he completed a short paper on
Zuni culture growth as evidenced by studies of Pueblo ce-
ramics, which was published in the Fourth Annual Report of
the Bureau. In this paper he maintains, with a large amount
of linguistic evidence, that the Zuni culture is mainly autoch-
thonous, and that its growth, especially the growth of archi-
tectural, agricultural, ceramic, and other arts and industries
pertaining to it, has been largely accomplished within the
desert areas of America which still form the habitat of the
Pueblo Indians, and probably, also, within a period more lim-
ited than has usually been supposed essential to such develop-
ment.

He prepared also a paper on the “Ancient province of Ci-
bola and the seven lost cities,” in which he not only identifies
the seven cities of Cibola above referred to with seven ruins
near the present Zuni village, but also furnishes interesting
examples of the permanence of Indian tradition and of its value,
when properly used, as a factor in ethnographic and historic
research.

Among the later and perhaps more important results of his
studies during the year are investigations of the myths and
folk tales abundantly recorded by him during previous years
among the Zuni.

By the extended comparison which he is able to make be-
tween these folk tales and myths, now first brought together
as a whole, and by the application to their study of the lin-
guistic method employed by him in the preparation of the two
papers already mentioned, he is able to trace the growth of
mere ideas or of primitive conceptions of natural or biotic phe-
nomena and of physical or animal function into the persone
and incidents which go to make up myths, as well as to trace
the influence of these growths on the worship of the Zuni.

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XLVII

Early in 1885 Mr. Cushing furnished the Director with a
schedule of his manuscript, notes, and sketches, and from an
examination of this it was deemed advisable that he should
continue putting his linguistic material into permanent shape,
in order that it might be used as a check on ensuing studies
of the sociology and mythology of the Zuni, as well as for its
suggestive value towards the explanation of obscure passages
in those departments of study. This work had progressed
but little, however, when a severe illness necessitated its tem-
porary abandonment.

Prof. Cyrus Tuomas, in addition to his administrative duties
in charge of the division of mound exploration, was engaged
in preparing for publication the results of the operations of
that division. The constant arrangement, comparison, and
study of the material objects and facts ascertained required his
close application. He also commenced the paper presented
by him in this volume.

Mr. Vicror MinveEverr, in the first part of the fiscal year,
completed models of the seven villages of the ancient Province
of Tusayan, together with a relief model illustrating the topo-
graphical character of the province. The model of Walpi, of
this series, was carried out in such a manner as to show ona
large scale the character of the rocky mesa on which the town
is built. Several types of cliff ruins were also modeled for
this series, among them the White House ruin of Canon de
Chelly and the mummy cave of Canon de la Muerte. After
August 1 this work was carried on under the supervision of
Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, who also prepared a model of the great
Etowah mound from the data of Mr. V. Mindeleft’s survey; he
also furnished several other examples of mounds, with see-
tions, under the direction of Prof. Cyrus Thomas. This work
was carried on without interruption until December 7, when
Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff was ordered to New Orleans, to take
charge of the combined exhibits of the U. 8. Geological
Survey and the Bureau of Ethnology, and was instructed to
look after the proper installation of the same in the Govern-
ment building. He returned to Washington about February
1. During the ensuing four months the small force in the

XLVIII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

modeling room was engaged in making models of the ancient
pueblos of the Chaco, from the plans secured during the pre-
ceding summer, as referred to in the report of field work.
This work continued until early June, when Mr. C. Mindeleff
was again ordered to New Orleans to take charge of the pack-
ing and shipment of the exhibits of the Geological Survey and
Bureau of Ethnology for their return to Washington and for
the installation of a portion of the material at the Louisville
Exposition. During the interval from February 1 to June
15 Mr. Victor Mindeleff was engaged in the preparation of a
report on the architecture of the ancient provinces of Cibola
and Tusayan, together with the plans and diagrams necessary
for its illustration. This study was based on the large amount
of data that had been secured during former field seasons for
modeling purposes.

Rey. J. Ownn Dorsey, when not in the field, made nearly
10,000 entries for the (@egiha-English dictionary, and pre-
pared Ponka and Omaha native texts, with free and interlinear
translations, in addition to those found in part 1 of vol. 6,
Contributions to North American Ethnology. After Decem-
ber 1, 1884. he collated the following vocabularies obtained
by him in Oregon, viz: Takelma, Shasti, Applegate Creek,
Chasta Costa, Galice Creek, Mulluk, Siuslaw, Lower Umpqua,
Yaquina, Klikitat, and one on Smith River, California. He
also prepared a list of the villages obtained from the tribes at
the Siletz Agency, Oregon.

Mr. Aubert 8. GatscHET was engaged at the beginning of
the fiscal year in revising and perfecting his grammar of the
Klamath language of southern Oregon. ‘The phonology was
completed and stereotyped, extending from page 200 to 245.
He was engaged in correcting proofs of the subsequent section
on morphology when he proceeded to the Southwest, as else-
where reported, to investigate several languages spoken there,
the affinities of which had not before been ascertained.

Mr. W. H. Houtmes, as in previous years, has supervised the
illustrations of the Bureau publications. He also continued
his archzeologic studies, chiefly in the department of ceramics,
the character of which is shown by his papers in this volume.

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. XLIX

He was in charge of the preparation of exhibits for the exposi-
tions at New Orleans, Louisville, and Cincinnati; but, owing
to the pressure of other duties, much of this work was intrusted
to Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff, who was assisted materially by Mr.
Victor Mindeleff. The most important feature of the exhibits
consisted of models of plaster and papier maché of the pueblo
towns and cliff houses of New Mexico and Arizona.

Aside from the models, exhibits of ethnologic and archeo-
logic materials were made. A large and important collection
of objects of pueblo art was obtained by Mr. James Stevenson,
but much of it failed to reach Washington in time for exhibi-
tion purposes, and a series of similar objects, already classified
- and labeled, was selected fromthe National Museum and for-
warded to New Orleans. A valuable collection of the ancient
fictile products of Tusayan belonging to Mr. Thomas Keam
was also utilized in perfecting the exhibits of Pueblo art.

Archzeologic materials from other sections of the country
were placed on exhibition, notably a superb collection of pre-
historic relics from the province of Chiriqui, Panama, which
was purchased for tie purpose.

The collections of ethnologic and archzologic material made
during the year are of unusual importance and magnitude.
This is chiefly due to the facilities afforded by the New Orleans
Exposition fund, a liberal portion of which was devoted to the
collection and purchase of objects of permanent value to the
Government and to science. The collections made by Mr.
Stevenson in Zuni and Acoma comprise upward of four thou-
sand pieces, chiefly objects of clay, but including other classes
of products. he collection of prehistoric relics obtained by
Mr. J. A. MeNiel from the tombs of Chiriqui is one of the most
important and complete series of ancient American products to
be found in any country, and must prove of great value to stu-
dents.

Mr. Victor Mindeleff secured a small series of relics from
the ancient ruins of northern New Mexico and Arizona, and
Dr. H. C. Yarrow added some objects of archzeologic and
ethnologic interest from central Utah. Mrs. Erminnie A.

Smith procured a number of articles of shell, illustrating the
6 ETH-—1V

L ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

modern manufacture of wampum in New Jersey; a small col-
lection of fragmentary pottery from the eastern shore of Mary-
land was presented by Mr. Joseph D. McGuire, of Ellicott
City; and Mr. Holmes secured a series of articles, including
arrowheads, shell implements, and pottery, from the island of
Nantucket. Mound explorations, conducted by Dr. Cyrus
Thomas, yielded a valuable series of objects of stone and clay.
An unusually interesting series of the earthen vessels of the
ancient pueblo races was secured by Mr. E. W. Nelson in east-
ern central Arizona. The greater part of the abovementioned
material has already been catalogued and turned over to the
U.S. National Museum.

Dr. H. C. Yarrow, acting assistant surgeon, U.S. Army,
besides his field explorations described, continued to collect
information relative to the mortuary customs of North Ameri-
can Indians. Of the material gathered, a considerable portion
has been forwarded by various persons throughout the coun-
try in answer to the circular sent out early in the last year,
but much has also been derived from the published works
on anthropologic subjects, including scientific journals and re-
ports. Numerous authorities have been consulted and much
time has been devoted to the consideration of the many theories
advanced to account for certain peculiar rites and customs.

Mr. Cares C. Royce continued during the year the prepa-
ration of a historical atlas of Indian cessions. The boundaries
of the various cessions of land by the different Indian tribes
were traced out and located upon the maps of the States and
Territories left uncompleted at the date of the last annual re-
port. All that remains to be done in completing the atlas for
publication is to transcribe, with considerable elaboration, the
historical and descriptive notes pertaining to the various ces-
sions, and to make, from the rough working sheets, legible
copies of the maps showing the boundaries of the cessions
within the States of California, Oregon, Nevada, and Texas
and the ‘Territories of Washington, Idaho, Montana, Wyoming,
Utah, New Mexico, Arizona, and Dakota. Most of these States
and Territories will each require two maps, showing respec-

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. LI

tively the primary and secondary cessions. The work will be
finished as rapidly as possible.

ACCOMPANYING PAPERS.

The present volume contains papers the subject matter of
which may be classified under the grand divisions of Tech-
nology, Philosophy, Sociology, and Ethnography.

They are all prepared by experts of recognized authority
in their several lines of research and are illustrated to the de-
gree required by the text for full understanding, the number
of figures presented being 548, besides ten full page plates.
Special mention of each of these papers follows in their order
as printed.

ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI, COLOMBIA, BY
WILLIAM H. HOLMES.

The archeology of Chiriqui should be studied, not only for
comparison with that of the territory comprised in the present
political divisions of North America, but because geograph-
ically the province should be considered as a part of the North
American continent. Until recently this isthmian region was
little known, the explorations for railroads and canals having
furnished the first valuable accounts of its modern inhabitants
and the relies left by former occupants.

The National Museum now contains a large and precious
collection of archzeologic material from the province, chiefly
obtained by Mr. J. A. MeNiel during years of enthusiastic la-
bor. The information derived and the lessons to be learned
from this collection, together with all particulars relating thereto
gathered from other sources, are now presented in this paper
by Mr. W. H. Holmes. His work in the classification of the
immense number of objects and in the elucidation of their func-
tions, material, construction, forms, and decorations has been
careful and comprehensive. His manifest success has been
owing to his artistic insight and skill as well as to his archieo-
logic training. His ability in both fields can be appreciated
by an examination of the 287 illustrations in his paper, con-

LII ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

sidered not only as to their number, but as to their instructive
arrangement in his text.

The objects of ancient art found in Chiriqui are, as else-
where in North America, derived almost entirely from graves.
The cemeteries, apart from their contents and the mode of sep-
ulture, constitute in themselves topics of interest which are
discussed and illustrated in the paper. Another curious feature
is that the objects buried generally appear to have been manu-
factured for mortuary purposes and not for use by the living.
A general review of the contents of the graves shows that the
ancient inhabitants were skillful in the manipulation of stone,
gold, copper, and clay, and tombs of undoubtedly great an-
tiquity yield evidence of long continued culture.

It also appears that, while the art of the old peoples of the
isthmus can in some respects be connected with that of adja-
cent regions in North America, in others it is remarkable for
individuality. Ornaments of stone were seldom used by them
and those of gold and copper were common. ‘The articles of
gold which the graves have yielded in large quantities to ex-
plorers during the last quarter of a century, and for which
only they have until recently been searched, have generally
been considered to be mere ornaments, but they probably had
a fetichistic origin.

It is remarkable that no weapon, tool, or utensil of metal
has been noticed The objects were generally formed by cast-
ing in molds, which was done with considerable skill, and gild-
ing, or at least plating, was practiced. ‘The art of alloying also
appears to have been understood.

The use of metals does not appear early in the order of
technology, and an advanced degree of culture is generally
attained before the casting of any metal is attempted. With-
out allowing too much weight to any argument based upon
the surprising skill of these people in plating and alloying, the
evidence of technical skill in general, together with the con-
ceptions embodied in their art, proves conclusively that it was
the product of a long period of experiment and progress.

The pottery of Chiriqui is to be noted for the perfection of
its technique, its high specialization of form, and its conven-

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. LItt

tional use of a wide range of decorative motives. Its forms
present many striking analogies to the wheel made ware of the
Mediterranean, regarded as classic.

The mythologic stage of the builders of these graves is
shown by the fact that in their ceramic art there is no attempt
to render the human face or figure with accuracy. The per-
sonages of their religious philosophy were zoOmorphic and
some of their forms may be discerned by a skillful analyst in
or on all the ornaments and vessels. On each of the latter all
decorative devices and delineations have some reference to
the mythic creature associated with the vessel and its functions.

Mr. Holmes has made an important discovery in the evolu-
tion of decoration in Chiriqui from which are deduced instructive
generalizations of wide application. All the decorations orig-
inate (doubtless under the influence of the stage reached in
mythologic philosophy) in life forms of animals, none being
vegetal. Coming from mythologic concepts they are signifi-
cant and ideographic, and coming from nature they are prima-
rily imitative and non-geometric. Nevertheless the agencies
of modification inherent in the practice of art through its me-
chanical conditions are such that the animal forms early em-
ployed have changed into conventional decorative devices,
among which are the meander, scroll, fret, chevron, and guil-
loche.

That this was the course of evolution of the classic forms of
ornaments is not asserted; indeed, it is not necessary to form
such a hypothesis, as by the interacting principles, well classi-
fied by Mr. Holmes, the course by which the same result was
accomplished may have been wholly diverse. It is, however,
shown that this was in all probability the particular and inde-
pendent course in one region of America, being in that respect
in distinct contrast to other art regions, such as that of the
Pueblos, where the rise of geometric figures through techno-
logic channels is equally obvious. It follows that in seeking
to divide peoples by the cviteria of their decorative arts the
examination must embrace what is far more fundamental than
a mere comparison of their finished products: these may be

LIV ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

and are markedly similar without any evidence of transmis-
sion, and when in fact by deeper study the ascertained sepa-
rate courses of development preclude such transmission.

A STUDY OF THE TEXTILE ART IN ITS RELATION TO THE
DEVELOPMENT OF FORM AND ORNAMENT, BY W.H. HOLMES.

For several years Mr. Holmes has been engaged in the study
of the ancient and existing art of the North American Indians,
and has published in the annual reports of this Bureau a num-
ber of elaborate essays upon the art of specified peoples and
regions.

In the present paper he submits the comprehensive results
of his studies in one great branch, the textile art, and treats
chiefly of its esthetic relations as distinct from those of con-
struction and function, so far as they can be separately dis-
cussed.

He has been fortunate in the character of the material
studied. In America there is yet found a great body of primi-
tive, indigenous, and independent art, almost uncontaminated
by the complex phenomena, processes, and conditions which
elsewhere obscure its origin and development. To a knowl-
edge of American art acquired by long study Mr Holmes
adds a mental equipment exceptionally qualifying him for its
philosophie discussion. His conclusions therefore, presented
with ample evidence and explained by illustrations, are to be
received as those ofa recognized authority, although they may
disturb some sentimental and metaphysical fancies concerning
abstract beauty in form, color, and design.

It is not contended that the earliest concepts of beauty orig-
inated with textile art. On the contrary, it is probable that
the first esthetic attempts were in the line of personal decora-
tion, such as paints on the skin and pendants and feathers dis-
posed about the person. But as the textile art appears early
and widely in culture it is believed that the association of
esthetic concepts with it very generally preceded their asso-
ciation with other arts. Having thus the start in the field, its
nature was full of suggestions of embellishment, while it was
fixed in its method of expression. The technique therefore

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY, LV

shaped and directed the esthetic concept and became the par-
ent of much geometric ornament.

Mr. Holmes gives an instructive analysis of the forces and
influences inherent in the textile art, the first lessons of which
are order, uniformity, and symmetry; he shows how the neces-
sities of technique determine ideas of the beautiful in linear
geometric forms and how taste in selecting certain ornaments
as the most beautiful is simply choosing that product which in
the evolution of art gave it character and power.

The influence of textile ornament upon other forms of art,
such as architecture and sculpture, is discussed, as also the
manner in which extrinsic decorative elements are remodeled
in accordance with the rules of textile combination. The
paper, however, does not undertake to cover the whole field
of the development of form and ornament, being confined to
the relation of the textile art thereto, and similar studies in all
other grand divisions of art must be made before the relative
importance of all their forces and tendencies can be estimated.
But the laws of evolution in all art closely correspond, and the
present paper is eminently instructive to all students of the
esthetic.

AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES, BY CYRUS THOMAS.

That Prof. Cyrus Thomas has long been engaged in the ex-
amination of the few Maya records in existence is known from
his former works, “A study of the Manuscript Troano” and
“Notes on certain Maya and Mexican manuscripts,” both pub-
lished by the Bureau of Ethnology.

The object of the present paper is to give information of
some original discoveries and to present some explanations not
brought forward by Professor Thomas in his former papers.

The records of Maya and Mexico yet challenge students
with unsolved problems similar to those which in the writings
of Egypt and Assyria have perplexed so many generations.
The translation of the paleographie literature of this continent
may be expected to throw light on the past of America, in some
degree reproducing the brilliant result which has attended the
translation of the hieroglyphs of the eastern hemisphere. Long

LVI ANNUAL REPORT OF THE DIRECTOR

and laborious comparisons, together with the trial of succes-
sive hypotheses, will be necessary to the decipherment of our
aboriginal manuscripts, and but few competent persons are
actively engaged in the work. It becomes, therefore, the duty
of any one whose discoveries tend to clear up even minor
points of the great problem to furnish them to his fellow
laborers, and thereby limit the remaining field of investigation.
In this paper Professor Thomas supplements his former work.

OSAGE TRADITIONS, BY REV. J. OWEN DORSEY.

This paper contains an account of a secret society of seven
degrees, still existing among the Osage, in which the traditions
of the people have been preserved. 'The author, by his skill
and personal influence, has obtained and now furnishes two of
these traditions in the original language, with an interlinear
and a free translation of each and with explanatory remarks.

The traditions are both cosmologic and sociologic, and are
admirable examples of Indian philosophy. The existence of
secret associations, periodically celebrating religious mysteries,
and of shamanistic orders, which, by ceremonies, pictographs,
and chants, have preserved in more or less purity the tradi-
tions of their ancestors, has been vaguely known for some
years, but until lately no accurate or indeed intelligent ac-
count of them has been secured.

The exertions of several of the officers of this Bureau have
been successful in obtaining full details and clear explanations
both of the traditions and the ceremonials of several of the
Indian tribes, notably those of the Zuni and the Navajo, pub-
lished in former annual reports. The present paper by Mr.
Dorsey takes an important place in this new collection of ma-
terials for the study of Indian philosophy, from which valuable
results have been already acquired.

THE CENTRAL ESKIMO, BY DR. FRANZ BOAS.

For the express purpose of personal exploration and exami-
nation, the author of this important paper spent a considerable
time in the region of which he treats. His course of travel

OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. LVII

was to Cumberland sound and Davis strait. The grand di-
vision of the Eskimauan linguistic family, inhabiting nearly
the whole range of the Arctic-American coast, which has been
classed as Central Eskimo, occupies the northeastern part of
the continent and the eastern islands of the Arctic-American
archipelago. It inhabits, at Smith sound, the most northern
countries in which man has been known to dwell. Its southern
and western boundaries are about Fort Churchill, the middle
part of Back river, and the coast west of Adelaide peninsula.

Dr. Boas gives an admirable account of the topography of
the region and of the distribution, tribal divisions, and num-
bers of the inhabitants. His work is replete with valuable
statements in minute detail and with acute suggestions regard-
ing their habits and customs. Their peculiar and ingenious
weapons, implements, and utensils are fully described and
illustrated. His account of their religious practices and be-
liefs, supplemented by translations of their myths and legends,
is equally entertaining and instructive.

In connection with his observations made through original
research, Dr. Boas presents the result of a close study and
analysis of the work of former explorers in this field, by which
his contribution to the study of this interesting hyperborean
people will command additional attention.

LVIII_ ANNUAL REPORT OF DIRECTOR OF BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

FINANCIAL STATEMENT.

Table showing amounts appropriated and expended for North American ethnology for the
fiscal year ending June 30, 1885.

eens, Seaton | aaa
ZN G2 Ce eee He eten nee SEO AAR IHU ao ae RCC OO COLAC ay Daren TOscocmenccceeaces $30, 433. 55
Ba iriveling (expenses) ose === een e nea enamel a ae ee ner 3, 716. 14
Cy Lransportation of: property, =o ns-nieeeoe cease lee arises eee eee eee 354. 12
1B ON GUE MNS EG ee oe oe ee peep eocicpoocesecesesenc © - 198, 42
E. Field supplies and expenses .----- 535. 45
TOR OT) GUC be oe ope 5 aS enor SSS SB eo sre SSc HORI OD Smee Se SOS 197. 71
(6 LR TTS Shoes 59 Saeicg cas oS oepoOD OSS CO Seas amos odeaostsso sono soerse 49. 25
ER Mod ein cm ater Qe eta melee ao me ela = viele te 40.11
Tr) Photopraphicmaterial ss .c cm. cne= sions eens aaa ae eee eee 306. 71
Ke Books and mapsie--.--~.eere ae 355. 85
L. Stationery and drawing material 15.70
M. Tilustrations for reports ---- 2 <n nn wees aasienen=n= sotehetersstecos 668. 64
IN. ‘Airticles for distribution to Indians. 2----2--.---2s22=--=-s--s==6=2—" == 23. 69
OO fi certurnitnre lacie caren oe se mae ee ae eee ee ee eter 59. 67
P. Office supplies and repairs .-..-.....- See 36. 61
(OX, MERE Otte on ne Secoso cosas pao Goose cn beDcanct ccmosdonconsad osoncctnse 395. 00
R-Correspondence! s---22-----ses-eees es BREA eC R ECE RO OS IBS CEC BREE COSD a 15. 43
ihe tet uct hr tsa socm coche Sao aeSDaacco so macdSr cos adennscoteces Msessobosoancoe 71. 00
T. Collection of material for classification of the Indians in the United
SLES some beoccdnspboo seahoonccacncotenoocecconssscouegsee cee nocd soe 1, 326, 61
Balance on hand to meet outstanding liabilities..-........-.....-.----- 1, 200. 34
40, 000. 00 $40, 000. 00

ee —_
ae 3s aD ‘ oo as le
® a . : _
a oe 7
a. a
. a“ 6

ACCOMEAN YING PAPERS:

6 ETH——1

ANCIENT ART

PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI, COLOMBIA.

WILLIAM H. HOLMES.

CONTENTS.

ETUC UCT OMe Senet rote cre aie neler src ecens ricer shales inte alctclin Space lsystaile eienccehiyetouals(e sisverie

Geography.....
Literature .....
Peoples........
The cemeteries.

Placing of relics
Objects of art......
Stones... :c 5-9

PPIGUUITEMETOGCKS etry rrr crete OE ares aaslolc lovers ease elofere in faie WG Sc aE.F Syers lev

Columns...
Images ....

Meal re SCOTIES eps papcas fares gets eta sssee sts ate ro) cre \era)=| chain: clayalay=lafol ebayer stariciesrevershoys, sie

Stools! 2.2...
Celts &e ...
Spearheads .

PANTO WP OUNOS a peeectstey tee setts cactcctet perc cis rate ter sin ctarares<icrs ator sya) ete losale ote al ots

Ornaments.

Goldvandicopper saerrsate secre coetelelale testers sioione infec oveseie.ors 16: bmw keleselel«

Bronze ....
Clay: Pottery. .
Preliminary
How found

WRCR sto. <i:

Um painted aware ser avcrier since ivepeiclncnls erste ciaocajojctets aye ofa ae art ain isjnioje ee
RETR ALCO ULaa PROUD cen rieter ete iyar icteric asia Ck nis ecient ee tesie esa Selene

Black incise'
Painted ware

GESTOUD REE eon i erence occa a criee aise ence bias

Scanificd er ou pie ataxic cine stelaie siete ore. sisi eie ss aisteiate wisi eosin cers
Fad ed gor OUp eraser yaar ercfov are efoto « Se DS cri owe Sola ke clea ol svete @ rs, 010) ofels
PLIPOUSeT OUD meer teete aie ieartdererereracselaae treat uit en eieraan ecastave kee
IMALOONE EROWD ete eer erie acrerel a ciale a aiaieraiate tain ayeiw ici c/isfactal nelson ens sas
REGM TNC Y eT OUD mre ster mt teeta te eeterstarateeec Sete ire roscists Sataicre i naie wa catdiel el ola sie)
RVI Tte MIN GLO OUD meee eric ener rae tock islciorcicrs tye itencrote mers7rigiare stele
EOSTRCOLON RO LOUD feet peter tee ete fey erecta) sh orersicterstalsisicvesei crea Pe ersicoe7aye siete x

Alligator gr
Polychrome
Unclassified

HOWIDS 5 car 60.6 hoc Aon Oetos Co MACE CORON tm noe ace ene eae

PEOU PR apeert eee eet wey cet micd fe) ay sno taunted. systatbenia tars Sara ¥.ctet

S or co
S or cr oo ce

or or or cr

orc
1 +

6 CONTENTS.

Objects of art — Continued. ,
Clay: eMiscellaneoustOby CGUsi evar) atlases talale/eyaiake tet tate lieve terete tetetr erate Tete teeta
Spindleswhonls i. 5 4 sdejanciafset een chelate: oe tetslo seeks sere eee
iINeedlecases ae ieee eke le erste rete chore ete ae iets
TB SUNINLOS oe fever telcte sical) = ailsrcreiepar ePaper ober othe fo Pave petstatet ie fale Panes tested eee

StOOIS) 5 sche sieeteue nis sisistee ses a te lestaetle Stictys Cae ein ee EEE eee CEE 7

Musical! instruments 3.4. 2-002 os eP OR eee eer eee eee tee
132d A en ar ees ta redo Genera cdocsaud a coca.ccds

Iuife forms :invase painting: .-....)..-1..122))4 eee ete eeece oben ene nee
IEQN soonansodanoaood Vere ren ereerr nite ir enters

Peete eee

Page.

149
149
150
151
154
156
156
157
160
171
186

Puate I, Map of Chiriqui

FIG.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

. Section Of Oval Grave... ..... 1. eee eee eee ee tet e eee e een eens

L
2. Section of a quadrangular grave........-..-- Gdugcoos doo duae poets
3. (Grave with pillars... 22.2. eee ss cee e t eicisie vrinniele ewes scr en sie nas
AS Compound Cistejea. « ose = ale ie eee ees vinnie etal eles an lei
5. Southwest face of the pictured stone ......... 6... sees eee ee eee eee
6. A goddess of the ancient Chiriquians.......-...-+. 0+ +eeee reese eee
7. A god of the ancient Chiriquiams ...........-...--+..s seen esses
8. Fragmentary human figure in gray basaltic rock............++----
9. Mealing stone with large tablet ornamented with animal heads ....
10. Puma shaped metate .........5. cece cece eee eee tee eee eee sect ee
11: Stool shaped object... 0.52... 61. eee eee ee te ee rennet teense
12. Stool with colummar base...............-.- 1 esses eect cece eee ees
13. Stool with perforated base.............-. 20 sees eee eee eee eens
14. Large partially polished celt ........ sdelodonsencecanoaued cons boc
15. Celt of hexagonal section.........-...0--. eer e eee eee tee eet es
16. Small wide bladed celt..... 2.2.2... 00. e eee ee ee eee ee eee eee ree
7; Celt with heavy shaft... . 2... 20. cee eee eee eee e renee
18. Celt or ax with constriction near the top. ......--..++++see ee eens
19. Flaked and partially polished celt.............--..+-+eeee+ tees 36
Ay, WyyGil jeyeybeloversl Welling Goeoeeas 400 Soopod eda cucdendeEsO0Dsou CoG nbaOO UGE
21. Narrow pointed Celt ..... 2.02... cece eee eee eee rece ee eee ce eeeee
22. Narrow pointed celt ...........0...- ee eee eee tee e et ence eer ces ee
23. Cylindrical celt with narrow point .......... 022. .e eee eee eee eee
24. Leaf shaped objects suggesting spearpoints..........+++-++++eeee es
bp HMOK A NOUNS EeGconseogorecHtoospenuoosne pono UMaoS CUDGCCORONEAGnOOD
. Human figure, formed of copper-gold alloy.......-..-+++++++.5+55>
. Grotesque human figure in gold...............2.5. esse eee teers ees
. Rudely shaped human figure in gold ............-..-.- esses eee eee
. Grotesque human figure in nearly pure copper.......--.+++.++5255+
30. Grotesque human figure in nearly pure gold............-.-+-+--
. Rudely executed image of a bird in gold............... +2020 eee rene
h lism¥ere\orn eH lone liun rx) An aoneeob on bos Oey oe abe opooy ed odoUDoUGuEOG
. Puma shaped figure in gold.......... 2... eee ce eee eee ee ete ee
. Puma shaped figure in base metal... .. 2.2... cess cece eee eee eee
5. Quadruped with grotesque face in base metal........-...-+--++++++
b Linear? Hh isis niin fol le oo wean apedoe ob GES ooeoodnUudeacsonEaOdmoUC
. Large figure of a frog, in base metal plated with gold.............-
. Small figure of a frog, in base metal plated with gold........-.....
39. Figure of an alligator in gold ..............---. 2 eee eee e eee eee ees
40. Animal figure, in base metal plated with gold. ..............+..5+5
41. Bronze bells plated or washed with gold ............-.-.++s+0000005
42. Bronze bell with human features. ..........-. esse eee settee eee auc
43. Triple bell or rattle found on the Rio Grande,........-.++++-++6+++

ry
‘

Ww WO W WW
Co Ost oo

oo oo oo oo & OD CO CO
DBrIATtRwWwH rE

Fie. 44.
45,
46.
47.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

iNercrny Wes ate SN Sooueogene sudbonosEe0 soo 0 Sen DSc DOC OMAP
Fundamental forms of vases —convex outlines........... aR OHO ToS
Fundamental forms of vases—angular outlines ..... Hem ateat oe oO0
Vases of complex outlines — exceptional forms.............. séon0 0
Vases of compound forms ...........:......-..- ESD Notseetaetsterete :
Square lipped wesselicrra cure reretete kettles sites eee le eee tear eee G00
Variations in the forms of necks and rims......... ........ Po200 9%
PEArrancement OimnanGlesimeereeeehictiereieererte Sales Sf avayennare neat eae Netens
. Types of annular bases or feet........ BduadecmpcocOngcoepcabagseDT 3
I Yoym anton) all (:\94- SORA OCmEMe nicurcdastocanUuabSdoa0adaonsnd6 ;
Grotesque figure forming the handle of a small vase ...............
Grotesque figure forming the handle of a small vase.............. .
Grotesque figure forming the handle of a small vase.......

Monstrous figure with serpent shaped extremities.
Monstrous figure with serpent shaped extremities.
Grotesque figure .....

Grotesque figure . . .
Grotesque figure. ......
Figure of a monkey .
Figure of a monkey
Figure of a monkey

Vase iaeenine Se use of are HEURES Se way eee
Vase illustrating ornamental use of animal figures.................
Vase illustrating ornamental use of animal figures................-
Vase illustrating ornamental use of animal figures.......... LHOStSD
Series of bowls and cups of unpainted ware. ....... ARO. oS agao0
Vase.ot gracefullformis 2a .ssaecis.dtrecioce co ticket anne
Vase of graceful form........... Pero ron Goo ciee sieuayett s¥e eeu
Vase of fine form, ornamented with grotesque heads ............. 5
Vase of fine form, ornamented with grotesque heads ..............
Vase with ornament of applied nodes and fillets ..................-
Vase with mantle covered with incised figures............-..-..---
Vase with frieze of grotesque heads ......---....2-22+cs+e--+e-e iD
Vases with flaring rims and varied ornament.....................-
Vases with complex outlines and varied ornament...............- c
Large vase with two mouths and neatly decorated necks. .... Saloon
Large vase with high handles............... ap poco ooo SES AOOb
Topiwiewsolhighthandledivasesa-cear ee eee ere eee eet ere
Handled vase........... In otooe IHOO DHOOSS ebb uatendc Sogpoovece
Handled! vase). /.0.5 areterstonarors ele taasnese ee eros tte emer SadgoueRebod
Handled vase........ signe Scere Risley eet ke Retciste Ie Loe
Small cup with single handle, Summed with grotesque figure .
Small cup with single handle, ornamented with grotesque figure .

Waseiofieccentnictormre eee erheer terre eee apoHaooDeadiaaEos
Vesselallustratins. formsioflegsie n-ne nee ne ne eens nee
Vessel illustrating forms of legs. eri ee ecient eles:
Vessel with large legs, decorated with stellar punctures............
Vases of varied form with plain and animal shaped legs

large vase.onistriking shape=s-eeen heron te eee tenes

Cup with legs imitating animal forms..... ........- -

Cup with legs imitating a grotesque anim: l HOHE Sonu ooc

Cup with legs imitating the armadillo. .....

SS tT Ot

Re! SiS che eS oa as

-2 2

Fia. 97.
98.
99.

100.
101.
102.
1038.
104,
105.
106,
107.
108.
109.
110.
ain ls
112.
IBY
114.
115.
116.
Ts
118.
119.
120,
121.
122,
123.
124,
125.
126.
127.
128.
129,
130.
131.
132.
133.
134.
135.
136.
137.
138.
139.
140.
141.
142.
148.
144.
145.
146.
147.
148.
149,

ILLUSTRATIONS

Cup with legs imitating the armadillo . eet te teer cn neers
@uprenthitnopyshapedmleos tre nasty y= ele labetea\0 o/afelate anor Jorcrelsle = = 21=
Cup with legs imitating an animal and its young .................
Cups/supported| by, grotesque heads sy. ec. clic clei ee rele te ee nes
Large cup supported by two grotesque figures ....................
Cup with two animal heads attached to the sides .................
Cup with two animal heads attached to the sides.................
Vase shaped to imitate an animal form..................2...02005
Vase shaped to imitate an animal form.....................--0.6%
Vase shaped to imitate an animal form...........................
Fish shaped vessel... .-. dd E GARD GON OM Be emone nonboust So odomodor
Mopaviewa Ot aehisbyshaped svesselemrelstctstelctltercisiaietiieisiocr= aterer- siete
Cup with grotesque head attached to the rim.....................
Black cup with incised reptilian figures... 2.2.0... ee seeceseoee
Blackscup withaneised reptilian Me uresi. 22... fe ee cle sc crceoe snl s
Black vase with conventional incised pattern.....................
Small cup with conventional incised pattern .....................
Smalliimpodseup wabliapriebt walls 2p cele) cle msec eterere =e tcieieie ele oreo
Vase with flaring rim and legs imitating animal heads............
Vase modeled to represent the head of an animal.................
Patterniuponoheiback ofethevase sass -e sis -ietee ec aiecieieac i
Tripod bowl of red scarified ware............. Bystotile da stovsrshsh te caraio tel
Gripodbowlof med) scamitied!ware: ener circ coer seac eer eleleleieres=
Oblong basin with’ scarified design... s..5- 2-2 ec0se- ce nsce cess nce

Large scarified bow] with handles imitating animal heads.......

Jar with flat bottom and vertical bands of incised ornament. ......
Vase with stand and vertical incised bands......................-
Vase with handles, legs, and vertical ribs........................
Tripod with owl-like heads at insertion of legs... ... See serch She) svats
Tripod with legs rudely suggesting animal forms.................
Heavy red vaseswith four mouths: 2.2.02 -2eccewece cee senate eens
Vase with horizontally placed handles and rude designs in red.....
Unpolished vase with heavy handles and coated with soot.........
Round bodied vase with unique handles and incised ornament... .
Vase with grotesque figures attached to the handles..............
Vase with upright handles and winged lip................... ....
Mopaview of vase with winged Vip... 3c. aecase.c<.ceeecie ceils saes
Vase with grotesque animal shaped handles......................
Vase with handles representing strange animals..................

Vase with handles representing grotesque figures..............

Vase with handles representing animal heads....................
Vase with arched handles embellished with life forms in high relief...

Vase with arched handles embellished with life forms in high retief

Tripod vase with shallow basin and eccentric handles.............
Tripod vase with shallow basin and eccentric handles.............
Tripod vase with shallow basin and eccentric handles.............
Tripod vase of graceful shape and neat finish .....................
Heavy tripod vase with widely spreading feet ....................
Neatly modeled vase embellished with life forms and devices in red...
High tripod vase with incised designs and rude figures in red.....

Handsome tripod vase with scroll ornament.........
Vase with lizard shaped legs. .

Vase with scroll ornament...... Nee Supa neces eee tics:

Page.

7 -2 +2 +3 +3

iv)
oo

Fie. 150.
151.
152.
158.
154.
155.
156.
157.
158.
159.
160.
161.
162.
163.
164.
165.
166.
167.
168.
169.
170.
170u.
lgAils
172.
173.
174.
175.
176.
177.
178.
179.

179d.

180.
181.
182.
183.
184,
185.
186.
187.
188.
189.
190.
191.
192.
193.
194.
195.
196.
197.
198.
199.
200.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Large vase with flaring rim and widespreading legs...............
Fragment of a tripod vase embellished with figure of an alligator.
Vase supported by grotesque human figures....................45
Roun 1 bodied vase embellished with figures of monsters..........
Cup with incurved rim and life form ornamentation............-.
Cup with widely expanded rim and constricted neck.............-
Small tripod cup with animal features in high relief..............

Vase of unique shape and life form ornamentation ..............
Two-handled vase with life form and linear decoration. ...........
Small tripod vase with animal figures in white...................
Shapely vase with designs in white paint......................-..
Small red bottle with horizontal bands of ornament.............-
Small red bottle with encircling geometric devices................
Bottle with zone occupied by geometric devices...............-.-.
Bottle with broad zone containing geometric figures.............-
Bottle with decoration of meandered lines......................--
Bottle with arched panels and geometric devices...............-.
Bottle with arched panels and elaborate devices...........-...---
Vase with rosette-likespanels., sac > jas <)ste perp tstcle teller
Ornament from preceding: Vaseler er ele stele teke lait eee
Vase with) rosette-liketpanels: seperti ceteris eerie eee
Vase' with rosette-like,pamels). (5) jecis.c eres ei olele tepelerei tel ehevs cfelolet=talav-at=ts

Theoretical origin of the arched panels.........................--
Vase decorated with conventional figures of alligators ............
Portion of decorated zone illustrating treatment of life forms... ...

Vase decorated with highly conventional life forms.............-.
Desion fromiprecedingsvaselac4. 92 elt ee eerste ers
Vase decorated with highly conventional life forms...............
Vase decorated with highly conventional life forms..............-
Decorated panel with devices resembling vegetal growths.........
Vase of untisual ‘shape’ ¥ .v..sjonstue ae cies eee eeteaete betel easel eta esaetste
Vaseof unusual shape’... ccc cect octcmreiteerreriar Se Gretetos
Vase'of timuswal shapes. «14. ssn actader tae ene ere eee aera yen ere
Double vessel with high arched handle...................---.----
Double vessel with arched handle. 275... mo sit ister
Vase embellished with life forms in color and in relief ..........-.
Vase modeled to represent a peccary...........0.s.0s0eesscese- ees
Wnder:surfaceiof peceary vases eee eee ee eee eerie
Small vessel with human figures in high relief................----
Tripod cup with figures of the alligator... 22.0.2 2.:.2.55--5----+---
Large shallow tripod vase with geometric decoration ..........-.-
Large bottle shaped vase with high tripod and alligator design... .
Large bottle with narrow zone containing figures of the alligator. .
Vase with decorated zone containing four arched panels ........-..
Vase with four round nodes upon which are painted animal devices.
Vases of varied form and decoration. ... 22.2.2... essere ee

Alligator vase with figures of the alligator painted on the sides. . . .

Page.
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128
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124
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125
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127
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153
133
134
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135

2038.
204.
205.
206.
207.
208.
209.

210.
211.
212.

213.
214.
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218.
219.

220

221.
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224.

225

221.
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237.
238.
239.
240.
241.
242.
243.
244.
245.
246.

ILL

. 201. Vase with serpent ornamentation
92.
202.

USTRATIONS.

Vase representing a puma with alligator figures painted on sides. .
Shallow vase with reptilian features in relief and in color.........

Vase with funnel shaped mouth

Top view. of vase in Wig, 204 2... s0.. 2... ae.

End view of vase in Fig. 204

Large vase with decorations in red and black... ..
Devices of the decorated zone of vase in Fig. 207, viewed from above.
Handsome vase with four handles and decorations in black, red, and
(ERAN «sno cod sop ooab yPdade SNES OOOE 2hasd snob so sab once cadonoOn
Painted design of vase in Fig. 209, viewed from above............
Vase of unusual shape with decoration in black, red, and purple. .

Ornament occupying the interior surface of the basin of vase in

[Rifai Cililsin ape Gum antdene swoQoeun sone couDEbes Oop onoE Ueno acaOgHEEPE

Large vase of fine shape and simple decorations

Vase with extraordinary decorative designs ...........-.....2..--
Painted design of vase in Fig. 214, viewed from above ............

Vase of unique form and decoration

Parntedidesipmiobyase in Hip ral G re. «nce cieicire tatais sles Se ieeieitesate sas

Spindle whorl with annular nodes

Spindle whorl decorated with animal figures................-...-.

. Needlecase with incised geometric ornament ....
226.

. Spindle whorl with perforations and incised ornament ........-.--
INeedlecase triste cme cisco. ioie reine

Staititrethe mcrae ite aa crrcttete varstatcsrakercrche tel uetepare tc totcleke crererorrtrens yates.
SLAC bueno eee eee de ais ty ats rere Men eee no mememiontreachs, she

Statuette. 2. ........

SLAMTEGINI CGH aoe Seon eeoSpoae Te Eset anon ton naS Sas coscneocuoCpom.
Stool of plain terra cotta
Stool of plain clay, with grotesque figures ....................--
Stool of plain terra cotta
TRIE Sins obeg ase bOeu ae eco AEP POS onE SanOsecm cron poston gaa roo mse
Sieinoine ny oe sop pao pogebecdons boos de nbs. 76 UnEpoaoris COSed oe

Rattle, with grotesque figures.............
Drum of gray unpainted clay
Drum with painted ornament
Painted design of drum in Fig. 237............-.

iDYoyplolle GUE oon gece p obogdaode CdcoOdene coco bootiog.osiamcbeaD
Section of double whistle
Tubular instrument with two finger holes..............--.. e205:
Sreintorayele: aly. Gong nabodeEEd go ema teOO abe oldnGcn boAdo an odono

Small animal shaped whistle

Small animal shaped whistle....................
Ieyp HabpNeEl WA, socpandcoopgodORdeDn oo daococuUE ses opnongEMEDe

Section, top, and bottom views of whistle
. Drum shaped whistle
. Vase shaped whistle
. Crab shaped whistle
. Alligator shaped whistle
. Cat shaped whistle ..........

Whistle with four ocelot-like heads .............

. Bird shaped whistle

wialein sieiele Cent erees

w &

Bee Re Ree
or Ot or cr
He to

=
HOt ot ot

st -2 2 Ot Ol

eee
n OU or
»

Fia,

ILLUSTRATIONS.

254. Bird shaped whistle ...........-. FOCUMOORODRGODUS GOodNS Och bosoace
955. Bird shaped whistle .........-.-. 100002 cenee scene seer reese eewe
956. Whistle in grotesque life form ..................-..-..eseeeernnne
957. Conventional figure of the alligator...................--+.---..--
258. Conventional figure of the alligator ..............--+.- ssseseeeee
959, Conventional figure of the alligator ...................+..s-:.00-
260. Conventional figure of the alligator .................-.......-....
261. Conventional figure of the alligator..............-.........

262. Conventional figure of the alligator................. ...+++.-eee-
263. Conventional figure of the alligator........... ..-...-....----...
264. Conventional figure of the alligator............................--
265. Conventional figure derived from the alligator.......... mays

266. Conventional figure derived from the alligator .............-.
267. Conventional figure derived from the alligator...................
268. Conventional figure derived from the alligator ...................
269. Conventional figure derived from the alligator .................--
270. Conventional figure derived from the alligator ...................
271. Conventional figure derived from the alligator. ..................
272. Conventional figure derived from the alligator ...................
278. Conventional figure derived from the alligator ...................
274. Conventional figures derived fr om the alligator ..................
275. Conventional figure derived from the alligator .................-.
276. Conventional figure derived from the alligator ..................-
277. Conventional figures derived from the alligator...................
278. Conventional figures derived from the alligator.................-.
279. Conventional figures derived from the alligator.................-.
280. Conventional figures derived from the alligator...................
281. Conventional figures derived from the alligator..................-
282. Conventional figures derived from the alligator..................
283. Conventional figures derived from the alligator...................
284. Vase with decorated zone containing remarkable devices .........

d woeries' Of Gevicess.<, masnece senate:

Sar ian coe ; 1

ea
VINVNVd

TNDIML ELD

40 SONIAOUd

a i udoa'h WA

3 Cy Sar PB

OrurH» 3

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sst40ag aS

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1 sae

ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

By Wiuur1AM H. HouMEs.

INTRODUCTION.
GEOGRAPHY.

Until comparatively recent times the province of Chiriqui has
remained almost unknown to the world at large. The isthmus
was traversed a number of times by the conquerors, who published
accounts of their discoveries, but it was reserved for the period of
railroad and canal exploration to furnish trustworthy accounts of its
character and inhabitants. The situation of Chiriqui is unique.
Forming, politically, a part of South America, it belongs in reality
to the North American continent. It occupies a part of the great
southern flexure of the isthmus at a point where the shore lines begin
finally to turn toward the north.

The map accompanying this paper (Plate I) conveys a clear idea of
the position and the leading topographic features of the province.
The boundaries separating it from Veragua on the east and Costa
Rica on the west run nearly north and south. The Atlantic coast line
has a northwest and southeast trend and is indented by the bay or
lagoon of Chiriqui. The Bay of David extends into the land on the
south and the Gulf of Dolce forms a part of the western boundary. A
range of mountains, consisting principally of voleanic products, ex-
tends midway along the province, forming the continental water-
shed.’ The drainage comprises two systems of short rivers that run,
one to the north and the other to the south, into the opposing oceans.
Belts of lowland border the shore lines. That on the south side is
from twenty to thirty miles wide and rises gradually into a plateau
two or three thousand feet in elevation, which is broken by hills and
cut by canons. This belt affords a natural thoroughfare for peoples
migrating from continent to continent, and doubtless formed at all
periods an attractive district for occupation. It is in the middle por-
tion of this strip of lowland, especially in the drainage area of the Bay
of David, that the most plentiful evidences of ancient occupation are
found. Scattering remains have been discovered all along, however,
connecting the art of Costa Rica with that of Veragua, Panama, and

! For physical features, see report of Lieutenant Norton (Report Chiriqui Commis-
sion, Ex, Doc. 41, 1860).
15

14 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

the South American continent. The islands of the coast furnish
some fragmentary monuments and relics, and there is no doubt that
avast quantity of material yet remains within the province to reward
the diligent search of future explorers.

LITERATURE.

The antiquarian literature of the province is extremely meager,
being confined to brief sketches made by transient visitors or based
for the most part upon the testimony of gold hunters and government
explorers, who took but little note of the unpretentious relics of past
ages. As there are few striking monuments, the attention of archie-
ologists was not called to the history of primeval man in this region,
and until recently the isthmus was supposed to have remained prac-
tically unoccupied by that group of cultured nations whose works in
Peru and in Mexico excite the wonder of the world. But, little by
little, it has been discovered that at some period of the past the
province was thickly populated, and by races possessed of no mean
culture. "|

The most important contributions to the literature of this region, so
far as they have come to my knowledge, are the following: A paper
by Mr. Merritt, published by the American Ethnological Society;' a
paper by Bollaert, published by the same society, and also a volume
issued in London? a valuable pamphlet, with photographic illustra-
tions, by M. De Zeltner, French consul to Panama in 1860;° a short
paper by Mr. A. L. Pinart, published in the Bulletin de la Société de
Géographie (Paris, 1885, p. 433), in which he gives valuable infor-
mation in regard to the peoples, ancient and modern; and casual
notes by a number of other writers, some of which will be referred
to in the following pages. A pretty full list of authorities is given
by Mr. H. H. Bancroft in his Native Races, Vol. V, p. 16.

One of the most important additions to our knowledge of the prov-
ince and its archeeologic treasures is furnished in the manuscript notes
of Mr. J. A. MeNiel, who made the greater part of the collection
now deposited in the National Museum. This explorer has person-
ally supervised the examination of many thousands of graves and
has forwarded the bulk of his collections to the United States. His
explorations have occupied a number of years, during which time he
has undergone much privation and displayed great enthusiasm in
pursuing the rather thorny pathways of scientific research. In the
preparation of this paper his notes have been used as freely as their
rather disconnected character warranted, and since Mr. MecNiel’s re-
turn to the United States. in July, 1886, I have been favored with a

'J. King Merritt: ‘*‘ Report on the huacals or ancient graveyards of Chiriqui.”
Bulletin of the American Ethnological Society, 1860.

*Bollaert: Antiquarian Researches in New Granada. London, 1860.

‘A. De Zeltner: Notes sur les sépultures indiennes du département de Chiriqui.

HOLMES. | LITERATURE AND PEOPLE. 15

series of interviews with him, and by this means much important in-
formation has been obtained.

PEOPLE.

At the present time this district is inhabited chiefly by Indians and
natives of mixed blood, who follow grazing and agriculture to a lim-
ited extent, but subsist largely upon the natural products of the
country. These peoples are generally thought to have no knowledge
or trustworthy tradition of the ancient inhabitants and are said to
care nothing for the curious cemeteries among which they dwell, ex-
cept as a source of revenue. Mr. A. L. Pinart states, however, that
certain tribes on both sides of the continental divide have traditions
pointing toward the ancient grave builders as their ancestors. There
is probably no valid reason for assigning the remains of this region
to a very high antiquity. The highest stage of culture here may
have been either earlier or later than the period of highest civiliza-
tion in Mexico and South America or contemporaneous with it. There
is really no reason for supposing that the tribes tho built these graves
were not in possession of the country, or parts of it, at the time of the
conquest. As to the affinities of the ancient middle isthmian tribes
with the peoples north and south of them we can learn nothing posi-
tive from the evidences of their art. So far as the art of pottery has
come within my observation, it appears to indicate a somewhat closer
relationship with the ancient Costa Rican peoples than with those of
continental South America; yet, in their burial customs, in the lack
of enduring houses and temples, and in their use of gold, they were
like the ancient peoples of middle and southern New Granada.'

The relics preserved in our museums would seem to indicate one
principal period of occupation or culture only; but there has been no
intelligent study of the contents of the soil in sections exposed in
modern excavations, the exclusive aim of collectors having generally
been to secure either gold or showy cabinet specimens. The relics
of very primitive periods, if such are represented, have naturally
passed unnoticed. Mr. McNiel mentions the occurrence of pottery in
the soil in which the graves were dug, but, regarding it as identical
with that contained in the graves, he neglected to preserve specimens.

In one instance, while on a visit to Los Remedios, a pueblo near
the eastern frontier of Chiriqui, he observed a cultivated field about
which a ditch some 8 or 9 feet in depth had been dug. In walk-
ing through this he found a continuous exposure of broken pottery
and stone implements. Some large urns had been cut across or
broken to conform to the slope of the ditch, and were exposed in
section.

'R. B. White: Jour, Anthrop. Inst. Great Britain and Ireland, p. 241. February.
1884.

16 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUL,.

Although not apparently representing a very wide range of culture
or distinctly separated periods of culture, the various groups of relics
exhibit considerable diversity in conception and execution, attribut-
able, no doubt, to variations in race and art inheritance.

THE CEMETERIES.

The ancient cemeteries, or huacals, as they are called throughout
Spanish America, are scattered over the greater part of the Pacific
slope of Chiriqui. It is said by some that they are rarely found
in the immediate vicinity of the sea, but they occur in the river
valleys, on the hills, the plateaus, the mountains, and in the deepest
forests. They are very numerous, but generally of small extent.
The largest described is said to cover an area of about twelve acres.
They were probably located in the immediate vicinity of villages,
traces of which, however, are not described by explorers; but there
can be no doubt that diligent search will bring to light the sites of
dwellings andtowns. The absence of traces of houses or monuments
indicates either that the architecture of this region was then, as now,
of destructible material, or, which is not likely, that so many ages
have passed over them that all traces of unburied art, wood, stone,
or clay, have yielded to the ‘‘ gnawing tooth of time.”

One of the most circumstantial accounts of these burial places is
given by Mr. Merritt, who was also the first to make them known to
science.! Mr. Merritt was director of a gold mine in Veragua, and in
the summer of 1859 spent several weeks in exploring the graves of
Chiriqui; he therefore speaks from personal knowledge. Inthe autumn
of 1858 two native farmers of the parish of Bugaba, or Bugava, dis-
covered a golden image that had been exposed by the uprooting of a
plant. They proceeded secretly to explore the graves, the existence
of which had been known for years. In the foilowing spring their
operations became known to the people, and within a month more than
a thousand persons were engaged in working these extraordinary gold
mines. The fortunate discoverers succeeded in collecting about one
hundred and thirty pounds weight of gold figures, most of which
were more or less alloyed with copper. It is estimated that fifty
thousand dollars’ worth in all was collected from this cemetery, which
embraced on area of twelve acres.

Although there are rarely surface indications to mark the position
of the graves, long experience has rendered it comparatively easy to
discover them. The grave hunter carries a light iron rod, which he
runs into the ground, and thus, if any hard substance is present, dis-
covers the existence of a burial. It is mentioned by one or two writers
that the graves are in many cases marked by stones, either loose or
set in the ground in rectangular and circular arrangements. The

‘J. King Merritt: Paper read before the American Ethnological Society, 1860,

HOLMES. | CEMETERIES AND GRAVES. iL

graves do not often seem to have had a uniform position in relation
to one another or to the points of the compass. In some cases they
are clustered about a central tomb, and then assume a somewhat
radiate arrangement; again, according to Mr. McNiel, they are some-
times placed end to end, occupying long trenches.

THE GRAVES.

Graves of a particular form are said to occur sometimes in groups oc-
cupying distinct parts of the cemetery, but the observations are not suf-
ficiently definite to be of value. The graves vary considerably in form,
construction, and depth, and are classified variously by explorers.
In the Bugaba cemetery Mr. Merritt found two well marked varieties,
the oval and the quadrangular, reference being had to the horizontal
section. The oval grave pits were from 43 to 6 feet deep and from 3
to 4 feet in greatest diameter. A wall of rounded river stones 24 to
3 feet high lined the lower part of the pit, and from the top of this
the entire space was closely packed with rounded stones. Within
the faced up part of this cist the remains of the dead, the golden
figures, pottery, and implements had been deposited. This form is
illustrated in Fig. 1 by a vertical section constructed from the de-
scription given by Mr. Merritt.

i | i

iy HG cy E
4 if i ‘( i
Sr See

Fic. 1. Section of oval grave.

The quadrangular graves were constructed in two somewhat dis-
tinct ways. One variety was identical in most respects with the oval
form illustrated above. They were sometimes as much as 6 feet deep
and frequently 4 by 7 feet in horizontal dimensions. In the other
form a pit 4 by 63 feet in diameter was sunk to the depth of about 3
feet. Underneath this another pit some 2 feet in depth was sunk,
leaving an offset or terrace 8 or 10 inches in width all around. The
smaller pit was lined with flat stones placed on edge. In this cist
the human remains and the relics were placed and covered over with
flat stones, which rested upon the terrace and prevented the superin-
cumbent mass, which consisted of closely packed river stones, from

6 ETH 2

18 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUT.

crushing the contents. A section of this tomb is given in Fig. 2, also
drawn from the description given by Mr. Merritt.

Fig. 2. Section of a quadrangular grave, showing the surface pack of river stones and the positions
of the slabs and objects of art.

Mr. Merritt and others mention that in some of the graves pillars
are employed to support the roof of the cist. These pillars are
mentioned briefly by De Zeltner, from whose account the following
illustrations are drawn. This author does not state that he made

any personal investigations, and if his accounts were obtained from:

the natives their entire trustworthiness may very properly be ques-
tioned. The first two forms mentioned by him are similar to those
already given. The third is described as having at the corners square
pillars of stone to support the covering, which, however, is not de-
scribed. The fourth has four pillars, placed in the corners of the pit.
These serve to support a vault of flagstones. The walls between the
pillars are faced with pebbles, as in the cases previously described.

Fic. 3. Grave with pillars, described by De Zeltner.

Fig. 3 will make this form clear at a glance. The fifth variety de-
scribed by De Zeltner is quite extraordinary in construction. His
account is somewhat confusing in a number of respects, and the
section given in Fig. 4 cannot claim more than approximate accuracy
in details and measurements. Near the surface a paving, perhaps

OO EE ee ee eee Ss

HOLMES. | GRAVES AND HUMAN REMAINS. 19
of river stones, was found covering an area of about 10 by 15 feet.
This paving was apparently the surface of a pack about 2 feet thick,

Sade.

Fic. 4. Compound cist, described by De Zeltner.

and covered the mouth of the main pit, which was some 6 or 7 feet
deep. Pillars of cobble stones about 10 inches in diameter occupied
the corners of the pit, and probably served in a measure to support
the paving. In the bottom of this excavation a second pit was dug,
the mouth of which was also covered by a paving 23 by upwards of
3 feet in horizontal dimensions. This lower pit consisted of a shaft
several feet in depth, by which descent was made into a chamber
of inverted pyramidal shape. This chamber approximated 6 by 9
feet in horizontal dimensions and was some 4 or 5 feet deep. At the
bottom of this cistern the human remains and most of the relics were
deposited. The shaft was filled in with earth and the pavings de-
scribed. The total depth, computed from the figures given, is about
18 feet. a most remarkable achievement for a barbarous people; yet
this is equaled by the ancient tribes of the mainland of New Granada,
where similar burial customs seem to have prevailed. Mr. White,!
who traveled extensively in the northwestern part of the state, says:

A dry, elevated ridge, composed of easily excavated material, was selected as the
cemetery. A pit of only a yard or so in diameter was sunk, sometimes vertically,
sometimes at an angle, or sometimes it varied from vertical to inclined. It was
sunk to depths varying from 15 to 60 feet, and at the bottom a chamber was
formed in the earth. Here the dead was deposited, with his arms, tools, cooking
utensils, ornaments, and chattels generally, with maize and fermented liquor made
of maize. The chamber and passage were then rammed tightly full of earth, and
sometimes it would appear that peculiar earth, other than that excavated on the
spot, was used. One not unfrequently detects a peculiar aromatic smell in the earth,
and fragments of charcoal are always found mixed with it in more or less quantity.

'B. B. White: Jour. Anthrop. Inst. Great Britain and Ireland, p. 246. February,
1884,

20 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

M. De Zeltner describes other very simple graves which are filled
in with earth, excepting a surface paving of pebbles.

Mr. MecNiel, who has examined more examples than any other white
man, and over a wide district with David as a center, discredits the
statements of De Zeltner in respect to the form illustrated in Fig. 4,
and states that generally the graves do not differ greatly in shape
and finish from the ordinary graves of to-day. He describes the
pits as being oval and quadrangular and as having a depth ranging
from a few feet to 18 feet. The paving or pack consists of earth and
water worn stones, the latter pitched in without order and forming
but a small percentage of the fillmg. He has never seen such stones
used in facing the walls of the pit or in the construction of pillars.
The flat stones which cover the cist are often 10 or 15 feet below
the surface and are in some cases very heavy, weighing 300 pounds
or more. A single stone is in cases large enough to cover the entire
space, but more frequently two or more flat stones are laid side by
side across the cavity. These are supported by river stones, a foot
or more in length, set around the margin of the cist. He is of the
opinion that both slabs and bowlders were in many cases carried long
distances. No one of the pits examined was of the extraordinary
form deseribed in detail by De Zeltner and others.

HUMAN REMAINS.

The almost total absence of human remains has frequently been
remarked, and the theory is advanced that cremation must have been
practiced. We have no evidence, however, of such a custom among
the historic tribes of this region, and, besides, such elaborate tombs
would hardly be constructed for the deposition of ashes. Yet, con-
sidering the depth of the graves, their remarkable construction, and
the character of the soil selected for burial purposes, it is certainly
wonderful that such meager traces of human remains are found.
Pinart surmises, from the analogies of modern burial customs upon
the north coast, that the bones only were deposited in the graves, the
flesh having been allowed to decay by a long period of exposure in the
open air. This, however, would probably not materially hasten the
decay of the bones.

Mr. Merritt states that human hair was obtained from graves at
Bugaba, and that he has himself secured the enamel of a molar tooth
from that locality. De Zeltner tells us that in three varieties of
graves remains of skeletons are found, always, however, in a very
fragile condition. One skull was obtained of sufficient stability to be
cast in plaster, but De Zeltner is not certain that it belonged to the
people who built the tombs.

Mr. MecNiel reports the occasional finding of bones, and a number
of bundles of them are included in his collection. He reports that
there are no crania and that nothing could be determined as to the
position of the bodies when first buried.

HOLMES. | OBJECTS OF ART IN STONE. 2

Pinart observes that in some cases the bodies or remnants of bodies
were distributed about the margin of the pit bottom, with the various
utensils in the center, and again that the remains were laid away in
niches dug in the sides of the main pit.

These scattering observations will serve to give a general idea of
the modes of sepulture practiced in this region, but there must be a
closer record of localities and a careful correlation of the varying
phenomena of inhumation before either ethnology or archeology can
be greatly benefited.

PLACING OF RELICS.

The pieces of pottery, implements, and ornaments were probably
buried with the dead, pretty much as are similar objects in other parts
of America. The almost total disappearance of the human remains
makes a determination of exact relative positions impossible. The
universal testimony, however, is that all were not placed with the
body, but that some were added as the grave was filled up, being placed
in the crevices of the walls or pillars or thrown in upon the accumu-
lating earth and pebbles of the surface pavement. The heavy im-
plements of stone are rarely very far beneath the surface.

OBJECTS OF ART.

From the foregoing account it is apparent that our knowledge of
the art of ancient Chiriqui must for the present be derived almost
entirely from the contents of the tombs. The inhabitants were skill-
ful in the employment and the manipulation of stone, clay, gold, and
copper; and the perfection of their work in these materials, taken in
connection with the construction of their remarkable tombs, indi-
‘ates a culture of long standing and a capacity of no mean order.

Of their architecture, agriculture, or textile art we can learn little
or nothing.

The relics represented in the collection of the National Museum
consist chiefly of articles of stone, gold, copper, and clay.

STONE.!

Works executed in stone, excluding the tombs, may be arranged
in the following classes: Pictured rocks, sculptured columns, images,
mealing stones, stools, celts, arrowpoints, spearpoints(?), polishing
stones, and ornaments.

Pictured rocks.— Our accounts of these objects are very meager.
The only one definitely described is the ‘‘piedra pintal.” A few of
the figures engraved upon it are given by Seemann, from whom I
quote the following paragraph:

‘Tam indebted to Mr. J. S. Diller, of the United States Geological Survey, for
the determination of the species of stone in this series of objects.

22 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

“=

At Caldera, a few leagues [north] from the town of David, lies a granite block
known to the country people as the piedra pintal, or painted stone. It is 15 feet
liigh, nearly 50 feet in circumference, and flat on the top. Every part, especially
the eastern side, is covered with figures. One represents a radiant sun; it is fol-
lowed by a series of heads, all, with some variation, scorpions and fantastic figures.
The top and the other side have signs of a circular and oval form, crossed by lines.
The sculpture is ascribed to the Dorachos (or Dorasques), but to what purpose the
stone was applied no historical account or tradition reveals. !

These inscriptions are irregularly placed and much scattered.
They are thought to have been originally nearly an inch deep, but in
places are almost effaced by weathering, thus giving a suggestion of
great antiquity. I have seen tracings of these figures made recently
by Mr. A. L. Pinart which show decided differences in detail, and Mr.
MeNiel gives still another transcript. I present in Fig. 5 Mr. McNiel’s
sketch of the southwest face of the rock, as he has given considera-
bly more detail than any other visitor. Mr. MeNiel’s sketches show

——

Fic. 5. Southwest face of the pictured stone.

seventeen figures on the opposite side of the rock. Seemann gives
only twelve, while Mr. Pinart’s tracings show upwards of forty upon
the same face. These three copies would not be recognized as refer-
ring to the same original. That of Mr. Pinart seems to show the
most careful study and is probably accurate. Good photographs
would be of service in eliminating the inconvenient personal equa-
tion always present in the delineation of such subjects. These
figures bear little resemblance to those painted upon the vases of
this region.

Other figures are said to be engraved upon the bowlders and stones
used in constructing the burial cists. De Zeltner states that ** one
often meets with stones covered with rude allegorical designs, repre-
senting men, pumas (tigre ?), and birds. It is particularly in such
huacas as have pillars and a vault that these curious specimens of In-
dian art are found.” ?”

Columns.—A number of authors speak casually of sculptured
stone columns, none of which have been found in place. Seemann

1Seemann: Voy. Herald, Vol. I, p. 312.
* A. de Zeltner: Notes sur les sépultures indiennes du département de Chiriqui.

eee eae ee a

Se es

HOLMES] - COLUMNS AND IMAGES IN STONE. 23
says that they may be seen in David, where they are used for build-
ing purposes,' but this is not confirmed by others. The sculptures are
said to be in relief, like those of Yucatan and Peru. Cullen says that
columns are found on the Island of Muerto, Bay of David.2 Others
are mentioned as having been seen in Veragua.

Images.— Objects that may properly be classed as images or idols
are of rather rare occurrence. Half a dozen specimens are found in
the McNiel collections. The most important of these represents a
fulllength female figure twenty-three inchesin height. It isexecuted
in the round, with considerable attempt at detail (Fig. 6). I may
mention, as strong characteristics, the flattened crown, encircled by
a narrow turban-like band, the rather angular face and prominent
nose, and the formal pose of the arms and hands. Besides the head
band, the only other suggestion of costume is a belt about the waist

Fie. 6. A goddess of the ancient Chiriquians. Gray basalt — }

The material is a compact, slightly vesicular, olive gray, basaltic
rock. I have seen a few additional examples of this figure, and from
the identity in type and detail conclude that the personage repre-
sented was probably animportant one in the mythology of the Chiri-

‘Seemann: Voy. Herald, Vol. I, p. 313.
2Cullen’s Darien, p. 38.

DA ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

quians. In general style there is a rather close correspondence with
the sculptures of the Central American States. Some of the plastic
characters exhibited in this work appear also in the various objects of
clay, gold, and copper described further on.

There is also a smaller, rudely carved, half length, human figure
doneinthesamestyle. Besidesthese figures there are two large flattish
stones, on one of which a rude image of a monkey has been picked,
while the other exhibits the figure of a reptile resembling a lizard or
a crocodile. The work is extremely rude and has the appearance of
being unfinished. It seems that all of these objects were found
upon the surface of the ground.

In Figs. 7 and 8 I present two specimens of sculpture also collected
by Mr. MecNiel, and now in the possession of Mr. J. B. Stearns, of
Short Hills, N. J. The example shown in Fig. 7 was obtained near the
Gulf of Dolce, 82° 55’ west. Three views are presented: profile, front,
and back. It is carved from what appears to be a compact; grayish

SSSs

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Y
j

Fic. 7. A god of the ancient Chiriquians. Gray voleanic rock —}.

olive tufa or basalt, and represents a male personage, distinct in style
from the female figure first presented. The head is rounded above,
the arms are flattened against the sides, and the feet are folded in a
novel position beneath the body. The height is 9 inches.

The other specimen, Fig. 8, from near the same locality, is carved
from a yellowish gray basalt which sparkles with numerous large
crystals of hornblende. It is similar in style te the last, but more
boldly sculptured, the features being prominent and the members of
the body in higher relief. The legs are lost. Height. 54 inches.

—

HOLMES. ] MEALING STONES. 25

A remarkable figure of large size now in the National Museum
was obtained from the Island of Cana or Cano by Mr. McNiel. It is

Fic. 8. Fragmentary human figure in gray basaltic rock — 4.

nearly three feet in height and very heavy. The face has been mu-
tilated. In general style it corresponds more closely to the sculpture
of the Central American States than to that of Chiriqui.

Mealing stones.—The metate, or hand mill, which consists of a con-
cave tablet and a rubbing stone, was an important adjunct to the
household appliances of nearly all the more cultured American na-
tions. It is found not only in those plain substantial forms most
suitable for use in grinding grain, seeds, and spices by manual means,
but in many cases it has been elaborated into a work of art which
required long and skilled labor for its production.

In the province of Chiriqui these mills must have been numerous;
but, since they are still in demand by the inhabitants of the region,
many of the ancient specimens have been destroyed by use. It seems
from all accounts that they were not very generally buried with the
dead, but were left upon or near the surface of the ground, and were
hence accessible to the modern tribes, who found it much easier to
transport them to their homes than to make new ones.

The metates of Chiriqui present a great diversity of form and pos-
sibly represent distinct peoples or different grades of culture. They
are carved from volcanic rocks of a few closely related varieties, the
texture of which is coarse and occasionally somewhat cellular, giving
an uneven or pitted surface, well suited to the grinding of maize.
Three classes, for convenience of description, may be distinguished,
although certain characters are common to all and one form grades

26 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

more or less completely into another. We have the plain slab or
rudely hewn mass of rock, in the upper surface of which a shallow
depression has been excavated; we have the carefully hewn oval slab
supported by short legs of varied shape; and we have a large num-
ber of pieces elaborately sculptured in imitation of animal forms.
The first variety is common to nearly all temperate and tropical
America and does not require further attention here. The second
variety exhibits considerable diversity in form. The tablet is oval,
concave above, and of an even thickness. The periphery is often
squared and is in many cases ornamented with carved figures, either
geometric devices or rudely sculptured animal heads. The legs are
generally three in number, but four is not unusual. They are mostly
conical or cylindrical in shape and are rather short.

The finest example of the second class has an oval plate 37 inches in
length, 29 in width, and 2 inches thick, which is nearly symmetrical
and rather deeply concave above. The central portions of the basin
are worn quite smooth. Near the ends, within the basin, two pairs of
small animal-like figures are carved, and ranged about the lower
margin of the periphery are eighty-seven neatly sculptured heads of
animals. There are four short cylindrical legs. This superb piece of
work is shown in Fig. 9.

bic. 9. Mealing stone with large tablet ornamented with animal heads, from Gualaca— }.

Examples of the third class are all carved to imitate the puma or
ocelot. The whole creature is often elaborately worked out in the
round from a single massive block of stone. The thin tablet repre-
senting the body rests upon four legs. The head, which projects
from one end of the tablet, is generally rather conventional in style,
but is sculptured with sufficient vigor to recall the original quite
vividly. The tail appears at the other end and curves downward,
connecting with one of the hind feet, probably for greater security
against mutilation. The head, the margin of the body, and the ex-
terior surfaces of the legs are elaborately decorated with tasteful carv-
ing. The figures are geometric, and refer, no doubt, to the markings
of the animal’s skin. Nearly identical specimens are obtained from
Costa Rica and other parts of Central America.

HOLMES. ] STOOLS. oT

A fine example of medium size is given in Fig. 10. The material
is gray, minutely cellular, basaltic rock. The upper surface of the
plate is polished by use. The entire length is 17 inches.

Fig. 10. Puma shaped metate of gray andesite, from Rio Joca— 1}.

The largest specimen in the McNiel collection is 2 feet long, 18
inches wide, and 12 inches high. A similar piece has been illustrated
by De Zeltner.

The usual office of these metates is considered to be that of grind-
ing corn, cocoa, and the like. The great elaboration observed in
some examples suggests the idea that perhaps they were devoted
exclusively to the preparation of material (meal or other substances)
intended for sacred uses. A high degree of elaboration in art prod-
ucts results in many cases from their connection with superstitious
usages.

Speculating upon the use of these objects, De Zeltner mentions a
mortar ‘‘whose pestle was nothing but a round stone, which still
shows traces of gold here and there. It was evidently with the help
of this rude instrument that the Indians reduced the gold to powder
before fusing it.”

The implement or pestle used in connection with these mealing
tablets in crushing and grinding is often a simple river worn pebble.
as mentioned above, but is more usually a cylindrical mass of volcanic
rock, worked into nearly symmetric shape.

Stools.—The stool-like appearance of some of the objects described
as metates suggests the presentation in this place of a group of ob-
jects that must for the present be classed as stools or seats, although
their true or entire function is unknown to me. They are distin-
guished from the mealing stones by their circular plate, their sharply
defined, upright, marginal rim, and the absence of signs of use.

Two of these objects are from the vicinity of David. The largest

1A. De Zeltner : Notes sur les sépultures indiennes, p., 7.

28 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

and most interesting is illustrated in Fig. 11. It is carved from a
piece of vesicular basaltic tufa and is in a perfect state of preservation.
The height is 6 inches and the diameter of the top 10 inches, that of

Fig. 11. Stool shaped object carved from gray, minutely cellular basalt — }.

the base being a little less. The slightly concave upper surface 1s
depressed about half an inch below the upright marginal band. The
periphery is a little more than an inch in width and is decorated with
a simple guilloche-like ornament inrelief. The disk-like cap is con-
nected by open lattice-like work with the ring which forms the base.

“R
“au
wu

“Away yc yO

Fra. 12. Stool with columnar base, carved from gray basaltic rock — }.

The interior is neatly hollowed out. The open work of the sides con-
sists of two elaborately carved figures of monkeys, alternating
with two sections of trellis work, very neatly executed. The other
specimen is somewhat less elaborate in its sculptured ornament

—-

HOLMES. ] CELTS. 29
.

Outlines of two additional examples of these objects are given in

Figs. 12 and 13. The tablets are round, thick, and slightly concave

Fie. 13. Stool with perforated base, carved from gray basaltic rock—4.

above and are margined with rows of sculptured heads. The sup-
porting column in the first is a plain shaft and the base is narrow and
somewhat concave underneath. In the second the column is hollowed
out and perforated.

As bearing upon the possible use of these specimens it should be
noticed that similar stool-like objects are made of clay, the softness
and fragility of which would render them unsuitable for use as meal-
ing plates or mortars, and it would also appear that they are rather
fragile for use as stools. I would suggest that they may have served
as supports for articles such as vases or idols employed in religious
rites, or possibly as altars for offerings.

Celts.—The class of implements usually denominated celts is repre-
sented by several hundred specimens, nearly all of which are in a
perfect state of preservation. They are thoroughly well made and
beautifully finished, and leave the impression upon the mind that they
must represent the very highest plane of Stone Age art.

Although varying widely in form and finish there is great homo-
geneity of characters, the marked family resemblance suggesting a
single people and a single period or stage of culture. They are found
in the cists along with other relics and are very generally distributed,
a limited number, rarely more than three, being found in a single
grave. They may be classified by shape into a number of groups, each
of which, however, willbe found to grade more or less completely into
the others. They display all degrees of finish from the freshly flaked
to the evenly picked and wholly polished surface. The edges or points
of nearly all show the contour and polish that come from long though
careful use. All are made of compact, dark, volcanic tufa that re-
sembles very closely a fine grained slate. The following illustrations
include all the more important types of form. There are but few
specimens of very large size. That shown in Fig. 14 is 8} inches
long, 4 inches wide, and seven-eighths of aninch thick. The blade is
broad at the edge, rounded in outline, and well polished. The upper

30 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUL.

end terminates in a rather sharp point that shows the rough flaked
surface of the original blocking out. The middle portion exhibits an

een
ST

Fic. 14. Large partially polished celt ot mottled volcanic tufa— }

evenly picked surface. The rock isa dark slaty looking tufa, the sur
face of which displays ring or rosette-like markings, reminding one
of the polished surface of a section of fossil coral. These markings
probably come from the decomposition of the mineral constituents of
the rock.

The implement given in Fig. 15 may be taken as a type of a large
class of beautifully finished celts. It also is made of the dark tufa,
very fine grained and compact, resembling slate. The beveled sur-
faces of the blade are well polished. the remainder of the surface being
evenly picked. The hexagonal section is characteristic of the class,
but it is not so decided in this as in some other pieces in which the
whole surface is freshly ground.

The contraction of the lateral outline and the sudden expansion on
reaching the cutting edge noticed in this specimen are more clearly
marked in other examples. The small celt shown in Fig. 16 is narrow
above and quite wide toward the edge. A wide, thick specimen is

HOLMES. | CELTS. 31
given in Fig. 17. A specimen quite exceptional in Chiriqui is shown
in Fig. 18. Mr. McNiel states that in many years’ exploration this
is the only piece seen that exhibits the constriction of outline charac-
teristic of grooved axes.

Fig. 15. Celt of hexagonal section made of dark

Fic. 16. Small wide bladed celt made
compact tufa—4,

of dark tufa

Fig. 17. Celt with heavy shaft made of
dark speckled tufa —- }.

Fig. 18. Celt or ax with constriction
near the top
Two superb implements are illustrated in Figs. 19 and 20, the one
in the rough excepting at the cutting edge, where it is ground into the
desired shape, and the other neatly polished over nearly the entira

39 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

surface. The surfaces are somewhat whitened from decomposition,
but within the rock is nearly black, and the eye could not distinguish

‘
Hf
|

\
ie

}

\ j Hy \ = N
Fic. 19. Flaked and partially pol Fie. 20. Well polished celt of dark
ished celt of dark tufa— }. tufa—4.

it from a dark slate. The material is shown by microscopic test to
bea volcanic tufa. These examples were evidently intended for more

Fic. 21. Narrow pointed celt of Fie. 22. Narrow pointed celt
dark tufa— }. of dark tufa—4.

delicate work than the preceding. The shapes of the specimens
illustrated in Figs. 21 and 22 indicate a still different use. The upper

HOLMES. | CELTS AND SPEARHEADS. 33

end of the implement is large and rough, as if intended to facilitate
holding or hafting, while the shaft diminishes in size below, termi-
nating in a narrow, symmetrical, highly polished edge, a shape well

Fic. 23. Cylindrical celt with narrow point, of dark tufa— }.

calculated to unite delicacy and strength. The highest mechanical
skill could hardly give to stone shapes more perfectly adapted to the

Fie. 24. Leaf shaped objects suggesting spearpoints, of dark tufa—}.

manipulation of stone, metal, or other hard or compact substances.
The material is a very dark, compact, fine grained tufa.

An additional example is given in Fig. 23. The shaft is cylindri-
6 ETH

o
=~)

34 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

cal and terminates in a conical point at one end and in a very narrow,
abrupt, cutting edge at the other. The whole surface is polished.
The material is the same dark tufa.

The class of objects illustrated in this and the two preceding cuts
comprises but a small percentage of the chisel-like implements.

Spearheads (?).—Another class of objects made of the same fine
grained, slaty looking tufa is illustrated in Fig. 24. They resemble
spearpoints, yet may have been devoted to a wholly different use.
They are long, leaf-like flakes, triangular in section, slightly worked
down by flaking, sharpened’ by grinding at the point, and slightly
notched at the top, perhaps for hafting.

Arrowpoints.—The unique character of the arrowpoints of Chi-
riqui is already known to archzeologists. The most striking feature
is the triangular section presented in nearly all cases and shown in
the figures (Fig. 25). The workmanship is extremely rude. The

Fie. 25. Arrowpoints of jasper—+.

material is generally a flinty jasper of reddish and yellowish hues.
The number found is comparatively small. The specimens given
are of average size.

Ornaments.—It would seem from a study of our collections that
ornaments of stone were seldom used by the inhabitants of Chiriqui.
There are a few medium sized beads of agate and one pendant of
dark greenish stone rudely shaped to resemble a human head. Orna-
ments of gold and copper were evidently much preferred.

HOLMES.] USE OF GOLD AND COPPER. 35

METAL,

GOLD AND COPPER.

The Chiriquians, like many of their neighbors in the tropical por-
tions of the American continent, were skilled in the working of met-
als. Gold, silver,.copper, and tin—the last in alloys with copper form-
ing bronze—are found in the graves. Gold is the most important,
and is associated with all the others in alloys or as a surface coating.
The inhabitants of the isthmus at the time of the discovery were
rich in objects, chiefly ornaments, of this metal, and expeditions sent
out under Balboa, Pizarro, and others plundered the natives without
merey. When the Indian village of Darien was captured by Balboa
(1510) he obtained ‘plates of gold, such as they hang on their breasts
and other parts, and other things, all of them amounting to ten thou-
sand pesos of fine gold.”! Froman expedition to Nicaragua the same
adventurers brought back to Panama the value of ‘* 112,524 pieces of

eight in low gold, and 145 in pearls.”? Karly Spanish-American his-
tory abounds in stories of this kind. Among others we read that
Columbus found the natives along the Atlantic coast of Chiriqui and
Veragua so rich in objects of gold that he named the district Cas-
tillo del Oro. Wt is said that the illusory stories of an Hl Dorado
somewhere within the continent of South America arose from the
lavish use of gold ornaments by the natives whom the Spaniards en-
countered, and that Costa Rica gets its name from the same circum-
stance. It is also recorded that the natives of various parts of Cen-
tral and South America at the date of the conquest were in the habit
of opening ancient graves for the purpose of securing mortuary
trinkets. The whites have followed their example with the greatest
eagermess. As far back as 1642 the Spaniards passed a law claiming
all the gold found in the burial places of Spanish America,’ the whole
matter being treated merely as a means of revenue.

The objects of gold for which the tombs of Chiriqui are justly
famous are generally believed to have been simple personal orna-
ments, the jewelry of the primeval inhabitants, although it is highly
probable that many of the figures, at least as originally employed, had
an emblematic meaning. They were doubtless at all times regarded
as possessed of potent charms, and thus capable of protecting and for-
warding the interests of their owners. They have been found in great
numbers within the last twenty-five years, but for the most part, even
at this late date, have been esteemed for their money value only.
Very many specimens found their way to this country, where they
were either sold for curiosities or, after waiting long for a purchaser,

even in the very shadow of our museums, Ss, were cons signed to the melt-

‘Herrera: Hist. America, Vol. VI, p- 369.

> Herrera: Hist. America, Vol. III, p. 287.

*Mr. Hawes’s letter answering questions about Chiriqui, read by Mr. Davis before
the American Ethnological Society, April 17, 1860,

36 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

ing pot. Many stories bearing upon this point have been told me. A
Washington jeweler is represented as having exhibited in his win-
dow on Pennsylvania avenue about the year 1860 a remarkable series
of these trinkets, most of which were afterwards sent to New York
to be melted. About the same period a gentleman on entering a shop
in San Francisco was accosted by a stranger who had his pockets well
filled with these curious relics and wished to dispose of them for cash.
A number of my acquaintances have neat but grotesque examples of
these little images of gold attached to their watch guards, thus ap-
proving the taste of our prehistoric countrymen and at the same
time demonstrating the identity of ideas of personal embellishment in
all times and with all peoples.

The ornaments are found only in a small percentage of the graves,
those probably of persons sufficiently opulent to possess them in life;
a majority of the graves contain none whatever. They are often
found at the bottom of the pits, and probably in nearly the position
occupied by them while still attached to the persons of the dead. It
is said that occasionally they are found in niches at the sides of the
graves, as if placed during the filling of the pit.

Strangely enough, the gold is very generally alloyed with copper,
the composite metal ranging from pure gold to pure copper. A small
percentage of silver is also present in some of the specimens exam-
ined, but this is probably a natural alloy. In a few cases very simple
figures appear to have been shaped from nuggets or masses of the
native metals; this, however, is not susceptible of proof. The work
is very skillfully done, so that we find it difficult to ascertain the
precise methods of manipulation. The general effect in the more
pretentious pieces resembles that of our filigree work, in which the
parts are produced by hammering and united by soldering; yet there
are many evidences of casting, and these must be considered with
care. Asarule simple figures and some portions of composite fig-
ures present very decided indications of having been cast in molds,
yet no traces of these molds have come to light, and there are none
of those characteristic markings which result from the use of com-
posite or *‘ piece” molds. Wire was extensively used in the forma-
tion of details of anatomy and embellishment, and its presence does
not at first seem compatible with ordinary casting. This wire, or
pseudo-wire it may be, is generally about one-twenty-fifth of an inch
in diameter.

The manner in which the numerous parts or sections of complex
figures are joined together is both interesting and perplexing. Evi-
dences of the use of solder have been looked for in vain, and if such
a medium was ever used it was identical in kind with the body of
the object or so small in quantity as to escape detection. At the
junction of the parts there are often decided indications of hammer-
ing, or at least of the strong pressure of an implement; but in pur-

(Og

HOLMES. ] USE OF GOLD AND COPPER. a7

suing the matter further we finda singular perfection in the joining,
which amounts to a coalescence of the metals of the two parts con-
cerned. There is no weakness or tendency to part along the contact
surfaces, neither is there anything like the parting of parallel wires
in coils or where a series of wires is joined side by side and carried
through various convolutions. In anumber of cases I made sections
of coils and parts composed of a number of wires, in the hope of
discovering evidences of the individuality of the strands, but the
metal in the section is always homogeneous, breaking with a rough,
granular fracture, and not more readily along apparent lines of junc-
tion than across them; and further, in studying in detail the surface
of parts unpolished or protected from wear by handling, we find
everywhere the granular and pitted unevenness characteristic of cast
surfaces. This is true of the wire forms as well as of the massive
parts, and, in addition to this, such defects occur in the wires as
would hardly be possible if they were of wrought gold.

All points considered, I am inclined to believe that the objects were
cast, and cast in their entirety. Itis plain, however, that the original
model was made up of separately constructed parts of wire or wire-
like strands and of eccentric and often rather massive parts, and that
all were set together by the assistance of pressure, the indications
being that the material used was sufficiently plastic to be worked
after the manner of clay, dough, or wax. In one case, for example,
the body of a serpent, consisting of two wires neatly twisted together,
is held in the hand of a grotesque figure. The hand consists of four
fingers made by doubling together two short pieces of wire. The coil
has been laid across the hand and pressed down into it until half
buried, and the ends of the fingers are drawn up around it without
any indication of hammer strokes. Indeed, the effect is just such as
would have been produced if the artist had worked in wax. Again,
in the modeling of the eyes we have a good illustration. The eye is
a minute ball cleft across the entire diameter by a sharp implement,
thus giving the effect of the parted lids. Now, if the material had
been gold or copper, as in the specimens, the ball would have been
separated into two parts or hemispheres, which would not exhibit any
great distortion; but as we see them here the parts are flattened and
much drawn out by the pressure of the cutting edge, just as if the
material had been decidedly plastic.

It seems to me that the processes of manufacture must have been
analogous to those employed by the more primitive metal workers of
our own day. In Oriental countries delicate objects of bronze and
other metals are made as follows: A model is constructed in some
such material as wax or resin and over it are placed coatings of clay
or other substance capable of standing great heat. These coatings,
when sufficiently thickened and properly dried, form the mold, from
which the original model is extracted by means of heat. The fused

38 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

metal is afterwards poured in. As amatter of course, both the mold
and the model are destroyed in each case, and exact duplications are
not to be expected. Mr. George F. Kunz, of New York, with whom
I have discussed this matter, states that he has seen live objects, such
as insects, used as models in this way. Being coated with washes of
clay or like substance until well protected and then heavily covered,
they were placed in the furnace. The animal matter was thus reduced
to ashes and extracted through small openings made for the purpose.

As bearing upon this subject it should be mentioned that occa-
sionally small figures in a fine reddish resin are obtained from the
graves of Chiriqui. They are identical in style of modeling with
the objects of gold and copper obtained from the same source.

In discussing possible processes, Mr. William Hallock, of the divis-
ion of chemistry and physics of the United States Geological Sur-
vey, suggested that if the various sections of a metal ornament were
embedded in the surface of a mass of fire clay in their proper rela-
tions and contacts they could then be completely inclosed in the mass
and subjected to heat until the metal melted and ran together.. After
cooling, the complete figure could be removed by breaking up the
clay matrix. I imagine that in such work much difficulty would be
experienced in securing proper contact and adjustment of parts of
complex figures. It will likewise be observed that evidences of
plasticity in the modeling material would not exist. I must not pass
a suggestion of Nadaillac' which offers a possible solution of the
problem of manipulation. Referring to a statement of the early
Spanish explorers that smelting was unknown to the inhabitants of
Peru, he states that it would be possible for a people in a low state
of culture to discover that an amalgam of gold with mercury is
quite plastic, and that after a figure is modeled in this composite
metal the mercury may be dissipated by heat, leaving the form in
gold, which then needs only to be polished. There is, however, no
evidence whatever that these people had any knowledge of mercury.

There is no indication of carving or engraving in the Chiriquian
work. In finishing, some of the extremities seem to have been shaped
by hammering. This was a mere flattening out of the feet or parts
of the accessories, which required no particular skill and could have
been accomplished with comparatively rude stone hammers. It is a
remarkable fact that many, if not most, of the objects appear to be
either plated or washed with pure gold, the body or foundation being
of base gold or of nearly pure copper. This fact, coupled with that
of the association of objects of bronze with the relics, leads us to in-
quire carefully into the possibilities of European influence or agency.
I observe that recent writers do not seem to have questioned the gen-
uineness of the objects described by them, but that at the same time no
mention is made of the plating or washing. This latter circumstance

' Nadaillac: Prehistoric America, p. 450.

HOLMES. | USE OF GOLD AND COPPER. 39

leads to the inference that pieces now in my possession exhibiting
this phenomenon may have been tampered with by the whites. In
this connection attention should be called to the fact that history is
not silent on the matter of plating. The Indians of New Granada
are said to have been not only marvelously skillful in the manipula-
tion of metals, but, according to Bollaert, Acosta declares that these
peoples had much gilt copper, ‘‘and the copper was gilt by the use
of the juice of a plant rubbed over it, then put into the fire, when it
took the gold color.”*' Just what this means we cannot readily de-
termine, but we safely conclude that, whatever the process hinted
at in these words, a thin surface deposit of pure gold, or the close
semblance of it, was actually obtained. It is not impossible that an
acid may have been applied which tended to destroy the copper of
the alloy, leaving a deposit of gold upon the surface, which could
afterwards be burnished down.

It has been suggested to me that possibly the film of gold may in
cases be the result of simple decay on the part of the copper of the
alloy, the gold remaining as a shell upon the surface of the still un-
decayed portion of the composite metal; but the surface in such a
case would not be burnished, whereas the show surfaces of the speci-
imens recovered are in all cases neatly polished.

If we should conclude that the ancient Americans were probably
able to secure in some such manner a thin film of gold, it still remains
to inquire whether there may not have been some purely mechanical
means of plating. In some of the Chiriquian specimens a foundation
of very base metal appears to have been plated with heavy sheet gold,
which as the copper decays comes off in flakes. Occasional pieces
have a blistered look as a consequence. Were these people able with
their rude appliances to beat gold into very thin leaves? and Had they
discovered processes by which these could be applied to the surfaces
of objects of metal? are questions that should probably be answered
in the affirmative.

The flakes in some cases indicate a very great degree of thinness.
Specimens of sheet gold ornaments found in the tombs are thicker,
but are sufficiently thin to indicate that, if actually made by these
people, almost any degree of thinness could be attained by them. It
would probably not be difficult to apply thin sheet gold to the com-
paratively smooth surfaces of these ornaments and to fix it by bur-
nishing.

Mr. Kunz suggests still another method by means of which plating
could have been accomplished. If a figure in wax were coated with
sheet gold and then incased in a clay matrix, the wax could be melted
out, leaving the shell of gold within. The cavity could then be filled
with alloy, the clay could be removed, and the gold, which would ad-
here to the metal, could then be properly burnished down.

' Bollaert: Ethnological and Other Researches in New Granada, &e.

AQ ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUT.

It will be seen from this hasty review that, although we may con-
clude that casting and plating were certainly practiced by these peo-
ples, we must remain in ignorance of the precise methods employed.

Referring to the question of the authenticity of the specimens them-
selves, I may note that observations bearing upon the actual discoy-
ery of particular specimens in the tombs are unfortunately lacking.
Mr. McNiel acknowledges that with all his experience in the work of
excavation no single piece has been taken from the ground with his
- own hands, and he cannot say that he ever witnessed the exhumation
by others, although he has been present when they were brought up
from the pits. Generally the workmen secrete them and afterwards
offer them for sale. He has, however, no shadow of a doubt that all
the pieces procured by him came from the graves as reported by his
collectors. The question of the authenticity of the gilding will not be
satisfactorily or finally settled until some responsible collector shall
have taken the gilded objects with his own hands from their undis-
turbed places in tombs known to be of pre-Columbian construction.

There are many proofs, however, of the authenticity of the objects
themselves. It is asserted by a number of early writers that the
American natives were, on the arrival of the Spaniards, highly ac-
complished in metallurgy; that they worked with blowpipes and
cast in molds; that the objects produced exhibited a high order of
skill; and that the native talent was directed with unusual force and
uniformity toward the imitation of life forms. It is said that the
conquerors were ‘‘struck with wonder” at their skill in this last
respect. And a strong argument in favor of the genuineness of
these objects is found in the fact that it is not at all probable that
rich alloys of gold would have been used by Europeans for the base
or foundation when copper or bronze, or even lead, would have served
as well. We also observe that there is absolutely no trace of pecu-
liarly European material or methods of manipulation, a condition
hardly possible if the extensive reproductions were made by the
whites. Neither are there traces of European ideas embodied in the
shapes or in the decoration of the objects— a circumstance that argues
strongly in favor of native origin. An equally convincing argument
is found in the fact that all the alloys liable to corrosion exhibit
marked evidences of decay, as if for a long period subject to the de-
structive agents of the soil. In many cases the copper alloy base
crumbles into black powder, leaving only the flakes of the plating.
Lastly and most important, the strange creatures represented are in
many cases identical with those embodied in clay and in stone, and
for these latter works no one will for a moment claim a foreign
derivation.

Considering all these arguments, I arrive at the conclusion that
the ornaments are, in the main, genuine antiquities, and that, if any
deception at all has been practiced, it is to be laid at the door of modern

HOLMES. | HUMAN FIGURE IN COPPER-GOLD ALLOY. 41

goldsmiths and speculators, who, according to Mr. MeNiel, are known
in a few cases to have ‘‘ doctored” alloyed objects with washes of
gold with the view of selling them as pure gold.

I present the following specimens with a reasonable degree of con-
fidence that all, or nearly all, are of purely American fabrication, and
[sincerely hope that at no distant day competent archeologists may
have the opportunity of making personal observations of similar relics
in place.

The objects consist to a great extent of representations of life forms,
in many cases more fanciful than real and often extremely grotesque.
They include the human figure and a great variety of birds and
beasts indigenous to the country, in styles resembling work in clay
and stone of the same region. My illustrations show the actual
sizes of the objects.

The human figure.—Statuettes of men and women and of a variety
of anthropomorphic figures of all degrees of elaboration abound.
Fig. 26 illustrates a plain, rude specimen belonging to the collection of

" "my
stir

Fic. 26. Human figure with ridged crown, formed of copper-gold alloy.

J. B. Stearns. It was obtained by Mr. McNiel from near the south
base of Mount Chiriqui. The body is solid and the surface is rough
and pitted, as if from decay. In many respects it resembles the stone
sculptures of the isthmus. The metal isnearly pure copper. A ee
exhibiting more elaborate workmanship, illustrated by Bollaert,'
shown in Fig. 27. Another remarkable specimen is illustrated by De
Zeltner, but the photograph published with his brochure is too indis-
tinct to permit of satisfactory reproduction. He describes it in the
following language:

The most curious piece in my collection is a gold figure of a man, 7 centimeters
in height. The head isornamented with a diadem terminated on each side with the
head of a frog. The body is nude, except a girdle, also in the form of a plait, sup-
porting a flat piece intended to cover the privates, and two round ornaments on

' Bollaert: Antiquarian Researches in New Gr ranada, plate facing p. 31.

42 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

each side. The arms are extended from the body ; the well drawn hands hold, one
of them a short, round club, the other a musical instrument, of which one end is in
the mouth and the other forms an enlargement like that of a flute. made of human

Fic. 27. Grotesque human figure in gold, from Bollaert.

bone. It is not probable that this is a pipe. Both thighs have an enlargement,
and the toes are not marked in this little figurine. '

——_— ~
VIO
i) ©

Fig. 28. Rudely shaped and finished human figure in gold.

In Fig. 28 we have a rather rudely made and finished piece collected .

1A. De Zeltner : Notes sur les sépultures indiennes du département de Chiriqui.

HOLMES. ] HUMAN FIGURE IN COPPER AND GOLD. 43

by Mr. McNiel, and now owned by Mr. Stearns. It exhibits features
corresponding with a number of those referred to by De Zeltner.
The foundation is thin and is of base metal coated with pure gold.
I present two additional examples of the human figure from the col-
lection of Mr. Stearns. One of them (Fig. 29) is an interesting little

Fic. 29. Grotesque human figure in nearly pure copper, seminal coated with yellow gold.
statuette in dark copper that still retains traces of the former gilding
of yellow gold. The crown is flat and is surrounded by a fillet of
twisted wire. The face is grotesque, the nose being bulbous, the
mouth large, and the lips protruding. The hands are represented as
grasping cords of wire which connect the waist with the crown of
the figure and seem to be intended for the bodies of serpents, the
heads of which project from the sides of the headdress. Similar
serpents project from the ankles. The feet are flattened out as if
intended to beset inacrevice. The extremities— excepting the feet —
and the ornaments are all formed of wire. The various parts of the
figure have been modeled separately and set together while the ma-

Fic. 30. Grotesque human figure in nearly pure gold.
terial was in a plastic or semiplastic condition. This is clearly indi-
cated by the sinking of one part into another at the points of contact.

44 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

An excellent example of the more elaborate figures is shown in
Fig. 30. It is of reddish gold, slightly alloyed apparently with cop-
per, and has in finishing received a very thin wash or plating of yel-
low gold, which is worn off in exposed parts. The central feature
of the rather complicated structure is a grotesque human figure,
much like the preceding, and having counterparts in both clay and
stone. The figure is backed up and strengthened by two curved and
flattened bars of gold, one above and the other below, as seen in the
cut. The figure is decked with and almost hidden by a profusion of
curious details, executed for the most part in wire and representing
serpents and birds. Three vulture-like heads project from the crown
and overhang the face. Two serpents, the bodies of which are formed
of plaited wire, issue from the mouth of the figure and are held about
the neck by the hands. The heads of the serpents are formed of wire
folded in triangular form and are supplied with double coils of
wire at the sides, as if for ears, and with little balls of gold for
eyes. Similar heads project from the sides of the head and from the
feet of the image.

The peculiarities of construction are seen to good advantage in this
specimen. The figure is made up of a great number of separate
pieces, united apparently by pressure or by hammering while the
material was somewhat plastic. Upwards of eighty pieces can be
counted. The larger pieces, forming the body and limbs, are hollow
or concave behind. Nearly all the subordinate parts are constructed
of wire.

The bird.—Images of birds are numerous and vary greatly in size
and elaboration. They are usually represented with expanded wings
and tails, the under side of the body being finished for show. The
back is left concave and rough, as when cast, and is supplied with
a ring for suspension or attachment, as seen in the profile view (Fig.
31). The owl, the eagle, the parrot, and various other birds are
recognized, although determinations of varieties are not possible, as
in many cases the forms are rude or greatly obscured by extraneous

Fic, 31, Rudely executed image of a bird in gold.
details. The example shown in Fig. 31 is of the simplest type and

the rudest workmanship, and is apparently intended for some ra-
pacious species, possibly a vulture. The body, wings, and tail are

HOLMES. ] BIRD AND PUMA IN GOLD. 45

hammered quite thin and are left frayed and uneven on the edges.
The material appears to be nearly pure copper plated with yellow
gold. Specimens of this class are very numerous. One, presented
in a publication of the Society of Northern Antiquaries, and now in
the museum at Copenhagen, is thought to be intended for a fish hawk,
as it carries a fish in its mouth. De Zeltner mentions a statuette in
gold of a paroquet, whose head is ornamented with two winged tufts.
Such a specimen may be seen in the collection of Mr. Stearns.

Fie. 32. Image of a bird in gold, from Bollaert.
Fig. 32 is reproduced from Bollaert. It represents a parrot and is
very elaborately worked.
The puma.— Representations of quadrupeds are common; a good
example, copied from Bollaert, is given in Fig. 33. The animal in-

Fig. 33. Puma shaped figure in gold.

tended is apparently a puma, a favorite subject with Chiriquian
workers in clay and stone as well asin gold. The body is hollow and
open beneath and the fore feet are finished with loops for suspen-

Fic. 34. Puma shaped figure in base metal.

sion. A similar piece with head thrown back over the body is shown
in Fig. 34. The metal in this case appears to be nearly pure copper.

46 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

Grotesque figure.—Another piece collected by Mr. McNiel is out-
lined in Fig. 35. The metal is quite base and the surface has been

Fic. 35. Quadruped with grotesque face in base metal.

coated with gold, which is now nearly all rubbed off. The shape is
that of a quadruped. The face has a rather grotesque, not to say
satanic, expression. The details are not unlike those of other exam-
ples previously given.

The fish.—The fish was a favorite subject with the ancient nations
of South America, and is modeled in clay, woven into fabrics, and
worked in metals with remarkable freedom. It was in great favor in
Chiriqui and must have been of importance in the mythology of the
country. It occurs most frequently in pottery, where it is executed
in color and modeled in the round. The very grotesque specimen in
gold shown in Fig. 36 is copied from Harper’s Weekly of August 6,

Fig. 36. Figure of a fish in gold. From Harper’s Weekly, 1859. :

1859, where it forms one of a number of illustrations of these curious
ornaments. The paper is, I believe, by Dr. F. M. Otis, who had just
returned from Panama. A very curious piece owned by Mrs. Philip
Phillips, of Washington, represents a creature having some analogies

HOLMES. ] FROG, ALLIGATOR, ETC. 47

with the fish figure of Otis. Issuing from the mouth is the same
forked tongue, each part terminating ina serpent’s head. The body
is about two inches long and the back has five triangular perfora-
tions. The tail is forked and the four leg-like members terminate
in conventional serpents’ heads. The metal is pure or nearly pure
gold.

The frog.—The frog appears in the plastic art of Chiriqui more
frequently perhaps than any other reptile. Its form is reproduced
with much spirit and in greatly varying sizes, degrees of elaboration,
and styles of presentation. It is probable that a number of species are
represented. In Fig. 37 we havea large, rather plain specimen, now

Fic. 37. Large figure of a frog in base metal plated with gold.

in the National Museum. The body and limbs are concave beneath,
the metal being about one-sixteenth of an inch thick. Teeth are

Fic. 38. Small figure of a frog, in base metal plated with gold.

suggested by a number of perforations encircling the jaws and the
eyes are minute hawk bells containing pellets of metal. The legs are

48 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

placed in characteristic positions, and the hind feet are broad plates
without indications of toes, a characteristic of these golden frogs.
The framework or foundation is of copper, apparently nearly pure,
and the surface is plated with thin sheet gold, which tends to flake
off as the copper foundation corrodes.

The minute, delicately finished example given in Fig. 38 contrasts
strongly with the preceding. It isalso of base metal plated with pure
gold and belongs to the collection of Mr, Stearns.

The alligator.—The alligator, which appears so frequently in the
pottery of Chiriqui, is only occasionally found in gold. A striking

Fic. 39. Figure of an alligator, in gold, published in Harper’s Weekly, 1859.
specimen, illustrated in Harper’s Weekly of August 6, 1859, is given
in Fig. 39. A similar piece, formed of base metal, is in the collection
of Mr. Stearns.

The crayfish (2).—In Fig. 40 we have a fine specimen, intended ap-

Fic. 40. Animal figure, in base metal plated with gold.

parently to represent a crayfish or some similar crustacean form. The
head is supplied with complicated yet graceful antenna-like append-

HOLMES. | BRONZE BELLS. AY

ages, made of wire neatly coiled and welded together by pressure or
hammering. The eyes are globular and are encircled by the ends of
a double loop of wire which extends along the back and incloses a line
of minute balls or nodes. The peculiar wings and tail will be best un-
derstood by referring to theillustration. The foundation metalis much
corroded, being dark and rotten, and the plating of reddish gold seems
to have been coated with a thin film of yellow gold. The profile view
gives a good idea of the thickness of the metal and of the relief of
the parts. Two rings or loops of doubled wire are attached to the
extreme end of the nose and a heavy ring for suspending is fixed to
the under side of the head.

Miscellaneous.—Gold, pure and in the usual alloys, was also used
in the manufacture of other articles, such as bells, beads, disks,
balls, rings, whistles, thimble shaped objects, and amulets of varied
shapes. Bells are more generally made of bronze, because, perhaps,
of its greater degree of resonance. Thin plates, or rather circular
sheets, of gold leaf are numerous. One mentioned by Bollaert was
74 inches in diameter. They are plain or crimped about the mar-
gins, indented in various ways, and sometimes perforated, apparently
for suspension or attachment. Merritt mentions examples having
holes which showed evidences of wear upon one side only, indicating
attachment in a fixed position to some object or to some part of the
costume. But one example is at hand,a thin sheet, three inches in
diameter and crimped or indented neatly about the margin. Its thick-
ness is about that of ordinary tinfoil.

BRONZE.

Bells.—Bells seem to have been in pretty general use by the more
cultured American races previous to the conquest. The form best
known is the hawk bell, or common sleighbell of the North. The
globular body is suspended by a loop at the top and is slit on the under
side, so that the tinkling of the small free pellets of metal may be audi-
ble. Such bells are found in considerable numbers in the graves of
Chiriqui, although I have no positive assurance that any of the ex-
amples in my possession were actually taken from graves which con-
tained typical Chiriquian relics of other classes. The specimens now
in the National Museum (Fig. 41) are in most cases, if not in all, of
bronze, as determined by Mr. R. B. Riggs, of the chemical labora-
tory of the United States Geological Survey. All have been cast in
molds. In most cases there are traces of a plating of gold. The
largest is 14 inches in height and three-fourths of aninch in diameter.
It is surmounted by the rude figure of an animal, through or beneath
the body of whichis an opening for the attachment of a cord. Others
have simple loops at the top. The small perforated specimen belongs
to Mr. Stearns. The additional piece givenin Fig. 42 is unique in con-
ception. It represents a human head, which takes an inverted position

6 ETH——4

50 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

when the bell is suspended. The lower part of the bell forms a
conical crown to the head and the ring of suspension is attached to
the chin. Double coils of wire take the place of the ears, and the

Fic. 41. Bronze bells plated or washed with gold.

other features are formed by setting on bits of the material used in
modeling. This specimen belongs to the collection of Mr. Stearns.
Many examples of more elaborate workmanship have been recovered
from the tombs and are now to be found in the collections of America
and Europe.

Fie. 42, Bronze bell with human features.

A specimen found many years ago on the Rio Grande, near Panama,
and figured in Harper’s Weekly, was of gold and showed specific
variations from the Chiriquian pieces. It will be seen by reference
to the outline given in Fig. 43 that three very neatly shaped and
gracefully ornamented bells are mounted upon a circular plate to !
which a short handle is attached. It was evidently not intended for
suspension, but rather to be held in the hand as a rattle.

A question as to the authenticity of these bells as aboriginal works
very naturally arises, and it may be difficult to show to the satisfac- -

1h a

tion of the skeptical mind that any particular specimen is not of 4
European origin or inspiration. At the same time we are not without [
strong evidences that such bells were in use by the Americans before \
the advent of the whites. Historical accounts are not wanting, but I
shall only stop to point out some of the internal evidences of the }
native art. The strongest argument is to be found in the presence

HOLMES. | BRONZE BELLS. 51

of analogous features in other branches of the art and in other arts.
The eyes of the golden figures of reptiles are in many cases minute
hawk bells, and in works of clay, the purely aboriginal character of
which has not been called in question, similar features are discov-
<=

Fic. 43. Triple bell or rattle found on the Rio Grande.

ered, The American origin of the bell, therefore, is not to be ques-
tioned. The form originated, no doubt, in the rattle, at first a nut-
shell or a gourd; later it was modeled in clay, and in time the same
idea was worked out in the legs and the ornaments of vessels and in the
heads and other parts of animal forms, which were made hollow and
supplied with tinkling pellets. With the acknowledged skill of these
people in the working of metals, there is no reason why the bells de-

Fie. 44. Ancient Mexican bell.

scribed should not have been manufactured independently of Euro-
pean aid and influence, provided the requisite metal was at hand.

52 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

It should be observed that if these early American bells were copied
from or based upon Spanish originals they would not probably vary
greatly in type with the various sections from which they are recoy-
ered, but it is observed that marked and persistent differences do
occur. The well known Mexican bell, an example of which is out-
lined in Fig. 44, although of bronze, is generically distinct in form
and construction.

Ina brief review I may recall the more salient points regarding
the use of metals in ancient Chiriqui. Gold, silver, copper, and ap-
parently tin are represented.

Gold and copper were very plentifully distributed among the isth-
mian races, but we have little information as to the sources of sup-
ply. Free gold is found in the stream beds of many localities, and
copper was probably found in its native state in some convenient
locality; yet it is not impossible that these metals were transported —
frony distant regions, as the inhabitants of Chiriqui must have had
considerable intercourse with those cf Central America on the north
and with those of Granada on the south. Silver and tin are found
in alloys with gold and copper, but not as independent metals.
The silver gold alloy is probably a natural compound. In no case
have I found silver to exceed 6 per cent. of the composite metal.
Tin was artificially alloyed with copper, forming bronze. The latter
metal resembles our ordinary bronze in color and hardness, but I am
unable to secure more than a qualitative analysis on account of the
scarcity of specimens available for the purpose. We have no infor-
mation in regard to the origin of the tin. It is not found in a native
state, and since it seems hardly probable that the Chiriquians under-
stood smelting ores we are left in doubt as to whether it was obtained
from more cultured nations to the north or to the south or from trans-
oceanic countries.

The gold-copper alloys appear to range between pure gold and pure
copper. If the bronze is of European origin, then we must conclude
that all objects made of that metal are of post-Columbian manu-
facture. This question will probably be definitely settled in the
near future.

The greater number of the objects were formed by casting in molds.
Hammering was but little practiced, excepting, apparently, in the
formation of sheet gold, which was probably an indigenous product.
Repoussé work is not found, save as represented in the crimping
and indenting of gold leaf. Engraving and carving were not prac-
ticed. It may be considered certain that gilding, or at least plating,
was understood.

The objects are obtained from ancient graves of which no record
or reliable tradition is preserved. They are all ornaments, no coin,
weapon, tool, or utensil having come to my notice. The absence of

HOLMES. ] POTTERY. 53

utensils and of hammered objects of any kind strikes me as being
rather extraordinary, since it is popularly supposed that, in the nor-
mal succession of events, hammering should precede casting and that
utensils should be made before elaborate ornaments.

The work exhibits close analogies with that of the mainland of
South America, but these analogies appear to be in material, treat-
ment, and scope of employment rather than in the subject matter of
the conceptions. The personages and zobmorphic characters repre-
sented are characteristically Chiriquian, and were derived no doubt
from the mythology of the locality. These works affilhate with the
various works in stone and clay, the art products of the province
thus constituting a fairly homogeneous whole and being entirely free
from traces of European influence.

Metals do not come into use early in the history of a race, as they
are not found in shapes or conditions suitable for immediate use, nor
are they sufficiently showy when found to be especially desirable for
ornaments. A long period must have elapsed before the use of metals
was discovered, and a longer period must have passed before they were
worked; and, in the light of our knowledge of the ancient tribes of
the United States, it would seem that a considerable degree of culture
may be achieved before the casting of metals is understood; but in
the ordinary course of progress the discovery of methods of alloying
‘are metals would be far separated from that of the simple fusing
and casting of a single metal, such as gold. The Chiriquian peoples
not only had a knowledge of the methods of alloying gold with cop-
per, and, apparently, copper with tin, but, if our data are correct,
they were able to plate the baser metals and alloys with sheet gold,
and, what is far more wonderful, to wash them with gold, producing
an effect identical with that of our galvanic processes.

The character of the conceptions embodied in the art unite with
evidences of technical skill to prove to us that American culture, as
represented by the metal ornaments of Chiriqui, was not the product
of a day, but of long periods of experiment and progress.

POTTERY.

Preliminary.—The importance of the potter’s art to archeology
has often been pointed out. Baked clay is one of the most enduring
materials utilized in art, and its employment by fhe races of men has
fallen but little short of universal. The creations of that noblest of
arts, architecture, and the antecedent forms of house building are
necessarily left where erected, to be fed upon by the remorseless ele-
ments of nature, but the less pretentious utensil of clay accompanies
its owner to the tomb, where it remains practically unchanged for
ages.

Many glimpses of the early history of the American races and of

54 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

the progress of art in pre-Columbian times are obtained through these
exhumed relies, and in no case have we a view more clear and compre-
hensive than that furnished in the series here presented. The graves
of Chiriqui have yielded to a single explorer upwards of 10,000 pieces
of pottery, and this chiefly from an area perhaps not more than fifty
miles square. These vessels constitute at least 90 per cent. of the
known art of the ancient occupants of the province, and, although
not so eloquent of the past as are the inscribed tablets of Assyria or
the pictured vases of Greece, they tell a story of art and of peoples
that without their aid would remain untold to the end of time.

A careful study of the earthenware of this province leads to the
conclusion that for America it represents a very high stage of devel-
opment, and its history is therefore full of interest to the student of
art. Its advanced development as compared with other American
fictile products is shown in the perfection of its technique, in the high
specialization of form, and in its conventional use of a wide range of
decorative motives. There is no family of American ware that bears
evidence of higher skill in the manipulation of clay or that indicates
a more subtile appreciation of beauty of form, and no other that pre-
sents so many marked analogies to the classic forms of the Mediter-
ranean. Strangely enough, too, notwithstanding the well established
fact that only primitive methods of manufacture were known, there
is a parallelism with wheel made ware that cannot but strike the
student with amazement.

In speaking thus of the whole body of ceramic products, I would
not convey the impression that there is perfect homogeneity through-
out, as if all were the work of a single people developed from within,
and therefore free from the eccentricities that come from exotic in-
fluence. On the contrary, there is strong evidence of mixed conditions
of races and of arts, the analysis of which, with our present imperfect
data, will be extremely difficult. These evidences of mixed conditions
are found in the marked diversity and individuality of character of
the various groups of ware.

It is impossible, without the aid of careful observations in the
field, to arrive at any conclusion as to the relative age of the differ-
ent varieties of ware. Appearances of age are deceptive; the newer
looking varieties may be the older and those executed in the most
primitive style may belong to the later period, for grades in culture
are not chronologic. ;

With reference to the principal groups of relics, we cannot do bet-
ter than accept the statements of collectors that all are buried in like
ways and in similar tombs, different varieties in many cases occurring
in the same tomb. There are, however, in a few minor groups such
marked distinctions in workmanship and style that we are compelled
to attribute them to different periods or to distinct communities.

HOLMES. ] POTTERY, HOW FOUND AND MATERIAL USED. 55

The groups separated most completely from others are the scari-
fied pottery presented first in the series of painted wares, the maroon
group, which follows, and other varieties represented by fugitive
pieces. The latter may have reached Chiriqui from neighboring
provinces. There are certain pieces that speak decidedly of Costa
Rican influence and others that find their counterparts in the Colom-
bian states to the south.

Tn art in clay in most countries the vessel is the leading idea, the
center about which nearly the entire ceramic art is gathered. This is
true in a marked degree in Chiriqui, and vessels are therefore given
the first place in this paper. The less usual forms include drums,
whistles, rattles, stools, spindle whorls, needlecases, and toy-like im-
ages, all of which present features of peculiar interest. These classes
of objects are discussed in separate sections.

There are few indications of an ambition to model natural forms
or mythologic figures independently of utensils and useful objects,
and, strange to say, no pieces are found that portray the human face
and figure with even a fair degree of approach to nature,

How found.—In describing the graves and tombs in a previous
section, I alluded to the manner in which the pottery was deposited.
It appears to have been buried with the dead or thrown into the grave
with the earth and stones with which the pit was filled. There was
little regularity in the place or position of the vessels and many were
broken when found. The precise use of the vessels, the character of
the contents, or the relation of particular pieces to the remains of the
dead cannot be determined. Although the human remains have
almost entirely disappeared and there are no traces left of utensils of
wood, bone, horn, or shell, the paste, slip, and colors are wonderfully
well preserved and the surface is not even discolored by contact with
the earth. When found, every crevice and cavity is completely filled
with earth, and the paste is often so tender that the vessels have to
be dried with great care before they can be handled with freedom.
The number of pieces found in a grave sometimes reaches twenty,
but the average is perhaps not above three or four.

Material.—The material used in the manufacture of this ware is
remarkably uniform throughout the whole province, varying slightly
with the locality, with the group, and with the character of the vessel
constructed. Generally the paste consists of a matrix of fine clay
tempered with finely pulverized sand, in which may be detected grains
of quartz, feldspar, hornblende, augite, particles of iron oxide, &c.
Argillaceous matter has been sparingly used, the sand in many cases
comprising at least 75 per cent. of the mass. Many of the unpainted
specimens, from which the polished slip has been removed, give off
showers of fine sand when rubbed by the hand, amd it is difficult to
detect the presence of any finely comminuted matrix whatever. The

56 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

thin slip employed in surface finish is more highly argillaceous than
the paste. The clay used was probably mostly light in color, as the
paste is now quite uniformly so. The baking was effected apparently
without a very high degree of temperature and by methods that left
few marks or discolorations upon the vessels. In hardness and dura-
bility the paste corresponds pretty closely with that of our red porous
earthenware. The softer pieces can be scratched or even carved with
a knife. Water will penetrate any of these vessels in a few minutes,
but decay has probably tended to make the walls more porous.

Manufacture.—There is no piece of this ware that does not bear
evidence of a high degree of skill on the part of the potter; and yet,
owing to the thorough manner in which the work is finished, the
precise methods of manipulation are not easily detected. So great is
the symmetry and so graceful are the shapes that one is led to suspect:
the employment of mechanical devices of a high order. The casual
observer would at once arrive at the conclusion that the wheel or
molds had been used, but it is impossible to detect the use of any
such appliances. We observe that irregular and complex forms, in
the production of which mechanical appliances could not be used to
advantage, are modeled with as much grace of contour and perfec-
tion of surface as are the simpler shapes that could be turned upon
a wheel, and we conclude that with this remarkable people the hand
and the eye were so highly educated that mechanical aids were not
indispensable. I find no evidence that coil building was systematic-
ally practiced, but it is clear that parts of complex forms were mod-
eled separately and afterwards united. The various ornaments in re-
lief (the heads and other parts of animals) and the handles, legs, and
bases of vessels were constructed separately and then luted on, and
with such skill that the thinnest walls and the most complex and
delicate forms were not injured in the process. The contact irregu-
larities were then worked down, and every part of the surface, in-
cluding the more important ornaments, were rendered smooth, pre-
paratory to the application of the thin surface wash or slip. After
the slip was applied and the clay became somewhat indurated, the
surface was polished with smooth pebbles, the marks of which can
be seen on the less accessible parts of the vessel. On the exposed
surfaces of certain groups of ware the polish is in many cases so per-
fect that casual observers and inexperienced persons take it for a
glaze. Incised figures and painted decorations were generally exe-
cuted after the polishing was complete. Details of processes will be
given as the various classes of ware pass under review.

The methods of baking were apparently of a higher order than
those practiced in many parts of America. One rarely discovers
traces of the dark discolorations that result from primitive methods
of baking, yet there are none of the contact marks that arise from
the furnace firing of Spanish-American potters.

Hormes.| MANUFACTURE, COLORS, AND USES OF POTTERY. Dil

Color.—The colors of the ware and of the surface applications vary
decidedly with the different groups. The prevailing colors of the
paste may be defined as ranging from very light yellow grays to a
variety of ochery yellows and very pale terra cotta reds. In one or
two groups there is an approach to salmon and orange hues, and in
another the color is black or dark brown. The color within the mass
is in some cases darker than upon the surface, an effect produced in
baking, and not through the use of different clays. The slip is usually
‘ighter than the surface of the paste.

The colors used in finishing and decorating are confined to reds,
blacks, and purple grays. In one large group of ware the appear-
ance of the delineations is such as to lead to the conclusion that the
principal pigment or fluid employed in delineation has totally dis-
appeared, carrying with it all underlying colors not of unusual per-
manence or not worked down with the polishing implement. The
Aztec and other races of tropical America used an argillaceous, white
pigment in decorating their wares, which hasin many cases partially
or wholly disappeared, carrying away considerable portions of the
colors over which it was laid, while in other cases, and also in this
Chiriqui ware, there is no trace of color remaining and we are left to
surmise that the brush used probably contained merely a ** taking
out” medium. Red was profusely used and varies from a light ver-
milion to a deep maroon. In certain classes of vessels it was hastily
daubed on, covering prominent parts of the surface or forming irreg-
ular spots, streaks, and rude figures. In two groups of ware it was
used as the chief delineating color. In some cases it was employed as
a wash or slip and was worked down with the polishing stone, and in
this condition it was treated as a ground upon which to execute de-
signs in other colors. It is always a fast color and is probably of
mineral character.

The blacks are of two kinds, which are used in distinct groups of
ware: one, probably a mineral pigment, somewhat pasty when ap-
plied and quite permanent, is always used in delineating the orna-
mental figures; the other, possibly a vegetable tint, is always used
as a ground upon which to execute designs in other mediums. It is
confined toa single group of ware. It has in many cases disappeared
entirely, and where remaining can be removed with ease by rubbing.

A light purple tint is tastefully and sparingly employed in one
group of ware. Browns and other hues occur but rarely and in all
cases result from alterations of other colors produced in firing. The
color effects of this pottery, although evidently much modified by
age, are sufficiently rich to be highly pleasing to the eye.

Use.—The uses to which most classes of earthen products were ap-
plied are easily determined. Whistles, drums, rattles, and spindle
whorls have definite duties to perform, and vessels, as to general scope
of function, answer for themselves: but when we come to inquire

58 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

into the particular uses of the various groups of vessels we are often
at a loss. The majority of the pieces show no abrasion by handling
or discoloration by fire or by contents, and I am inclined to believe
that a large portion were taken directly from the furnace and depos-
ited in the tombs. This implies manufacture for purely mortuary
purposes.

Two important groups, the high tripods and the two handled cups
or pots, are generally discolored by use over fire, but we cannot say
with confidence whether that use was a domestic one or whether it
was ceremonial. The small size and the elaborate modeling of a
majority of the pieces make it appear improbable that they were in-
tended for use in ordinary cooking or even in the preparation of
beverages. A few large plain caldrons are found, and these were
probably domestic receptacles. All things considered, it would seem
highly probable that the greater portion of the vessels exhumed from
the graves were intended to be used for religious and mortuary pur-
poses.

The preceding paragraphs refer, for the most part, to the whole
body of earthenware products, but throughout the rest of this sec-
tion I shall treat of vessels only, except in the matter of decoration,
which refers equally to all classes of objects.

Forms of vessels.—Divesting the utensil of extraneous features,
such as rims, handles, and legs, we have the following series of
shapes, which shows a pretty full graduation of outline from ex-
treme to extreme. Beginning with the simplest fundamental form,
the shallow cup (Fig. 45, a), we ascend gradually to more complex
outlines, such as are seen in the hemispherical bow] (0), the deep basin
with slightly incurved rim (c), the globular form (d), and the elon-

Fic. 45. Fundamental forms of vases— convex outlines.

gated form (e). Occasionally we see an eccentric variation, such as
is shown in f, Flat bottoms are unusual ; a conical base is the rule.
Outlines do not always exhibit these even, convex curves, but many
are straight or concave in profile, as shown in Fig. 46. Complex

HOLMES. | FORMS OF VESSELS. 59

forms are shown in Fig. 47, a and 6, and compound forms in Fig. 48,
a and b. Examples of these classes are numerous and important.

b c d e
Fig. 46, Fundamental forms of vases— angular outlines.

The compound shapes result from the union of two or more simple
forms. Eccentric forms are numerous and result in a majority of
cases from the employment of some animal as a model. Thus, if an

a b
Fic. 47. Vases of complex outlines —exceptional forms.

alligator or almost any quadruped is embodied inthe vessel, the form
tends to become elongated; if a crab or a fish is imitated, there is a
tendency to flatness &c. The base is almost universally more or less

Fie, 48. Vases of compound forms.

conical, is rarely flat, and never concave, excepting as the result of
the addition of an annular foot or stand. The radical shapes do not

Fig, 49. Square lipped vessel.

undergo any considerable change when rims, necks, handles, legs,
and other appendages are added. The rim or lip is in many cases
incurved, but as a rule it is turned outward. The margin is plain,

60 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUT.

symmetrical, and often considerably thickened. In a few instances
the outline is rectangular or scalloped, as shown in Fig. 49, and the
attachment of handles often leads to peculiar outlines, as will be seen
further on.

The neck in its simplest form is a narrow upright band surrounding
the orifice (Fig. 50, a) and is not differentiated from the rim. Varia-
tions in size and shape are shown in the remaining figures of the
series. In b it is a narrow constricted band beneath an overhanging
rim, inc it is upright and considerably elongated, and in d it expands,
giving a funnel shaped mouth. The exterior surface is very gen-

Fie. 50. Variations in the forms of necks and rims— various groups of ware.

erally decorated with relieved or painted devices. High necked bot-
tles and pitcher shaped vessels are unknown. : :

Handles constitute a very interesting feature of this pottery and
are much varied in shape and arrangement. Ina few cases the handle

b c
=
e ip

Fig. 51. Arrangement of handles— various groups of ware.

isa single arch springing over the orifice, asseenin Fig. 51,a@. Again,
the handle is attached to one side, as in 6, but as arule handles occur
in twos upon the shoulder, one on either side of the aperture. They
are horizontally attached, as in ¢, or vertically placed, as in d, connect-
ing the rim with the shoulder, or they occur low on the body, as in e.
In rare cases there are four handles, which are arranged as seen in f
orare set onin pairs. In the elaboration of handles, the use made of
animal forms is perhaps the most notable feature. Grotesque figures
are made to take the place of handles or are attached to or placed near

HOLMES. ] FORMS OF VESSELS. 61

them. The treatment is so varied that I shall have to refer the stu-
dent to the subsequent series of illustrations.

Annular bases or feet were not in very general use in Chiriqui, al-
though in some cases they are modeled with a great deal of grace,
The shape varies from a simple ring, barely deep enough to give :
firm support to the vessel when placed upon a level surface, to a long,
attenuated column with flaring base. The latter is perhaps one of
the nearest approaches which America has furnished to the slender
foot characteristic of the wheel made ware of Mediterranean countries.

The vessel shown in Fig. 52, a, has a somewhat rudimentary foot;
another, b, a firm, wide base, which is perforated to give lightness;
an hourglass-like piece is shown in ¢, and a long, bell shaped foot is
seen ind. Inno part of the world do earthen vessels exhibit such a
remarkable development of legs as in Southern Central America.

a b

d
Fic. 52. Types of annular bases or feet — various groups of ware.

The tripod is the favorite support, and in Chiriqui the forms are more
graceful than in the neighboring provinces. In a few cases, where
the body was modeled in close imitation of animal forms, four legs
were used, but three were generally preferred, even for vessels of rect-
angular or irregular shapes. In the simplest form they are small
conical knobs, placed rather close together about the base of the vessel
(Fig. 53, a), but from these the dimensions increase until the size is out
of all reasonable proportion. The maximum development in point of
expansion is seen in 6 and the greatest height inc. They are fre-
quently modeled after life forms. In a few cases rings or loops are

———==
———
‘

a a
Biseuit ware. 3iscuit ware, Tripod group. Red line group.

Fig. 53. Forms of legs— various groups of ware.
employed, as shown in d. The larger forms, and especially those imi.
tating animals, are hollow and contain round pellets of clay that rattle
when the vessel is moved. The manner in which the legs are attached
to the body of the vessel leads me to observe that the vessel is inde-

62 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

pendently a perfect utensil, and that in all probability the tripod was
a feature acquired late in the progress of Chiriquian culture, as a re-
sult of some change in the surroundings of the people or in the uses
to which the vessel was devoted. Annular bases and tripods would
be of little use until level floors of unyielding material came into
vogue.

Decoration.—In decoration the pottery of this province exhibits
many remarkable features. The work resembles somewhat closely,
in a number of its features, that of certain districts lying to the north
and to the south, but at the same time it is possessed of very decided
individuality. From an examination of the designs I conclude that
they represent a period of culture considerably inferior to that of
some more northern sections, although the ware itself is nowhere
surpassed in grace of form and delicacy of finish.

The ornamentation is pretty evenly divided between plastic and flat
forms. The former include relieved features and intaglo features,
which are executed in the plastic clay, and the latter comprise figures in
color, penciled or painted upon the surface. Hach style of work
embodies its own peculiar class of conceptions. Relief work is generally
realistic or grotesque; incised work is almost exclusively geometric,
and embraces combinations of lines usually recognized as archaic.
An oceasional example is easily recognized as imitative. Painted
figures are both geometric and imitative, the two forms blending im-
perceptibly.

The more important plastic decorations consist of animal forms
modeled in the round. Vegetable forms have not been employed.
Fillets of clay imitating twisted cords are sparingly used in the dec-
oration of necks and handles, and rows and groups of small nodes
are similarly employed. The human figure is always treated in a
conventional and usually in a grotesque manner. The animals imi-
tated include a very large number of species. Crocodiles, pumas,
armadillos, monkeys, crabs, lizards, scorpions, frogs, and fish appear
very frequently. Many of the animals, owing to conventional treat-
ment or to carelessness on the part of the modeler, are difficult of
identification. These plastic forms occur in nearly all the groups of
ware, and similar forms are found to a limited extent in gold, cop-
per, and stone, as will be seen by reference to the illustrations already
given. Their study will, I believe, give some insight into the mental
characteristics of the Chiriquians. That their art, so far as these
figures are concerned, was not serious is indicated by the sketchy,
unsystematic nature of the work, and more especially by the gro-
tesque and occasionally amusing representation of men and animals.

The figures are usually placed upon the shoulder of the vessel or
are attached to the legs and handles or form part of them. The
favorite subjects are doleful little figures, human or partly so, fixed
upon the vessel in a sitting posture, with legs and arms doubled up,

+ One ey Oni, Ghee

HOLMES. | DECORATION OF POTTERY. 63

and with expressions which appear to indicate a variety of exagger-
ated emotions (Figs. 54, 55, 56).

< :
Fie. 56.
Grotesque figures forming the handles of small vases—terra cotta group.
The exuberance of fancy often found vent in the production of
monstrosities, such as areseen in Figs. 57 and 58, in which the arms

Fia. 57. Fie. 58.
Monstrous figures, with serpent-sShaped extremities —handled group.

64 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHTRIQUI.

and legs of the figures are writhing serpents, the faces expressing
great agony; in other cases the figures are double; and again two
bodies united at the waist have but one pair of legs. An unusually
grotesque creature is seen in Figs. 59 and 60, and another is given in
Fig. 61. Similar figures are worked in gold, one of which is now

‘ male a
Fic. 59. Fie. 61. Fic. 60,

Grotesque figures — terra cotta group.

wornas a charm by Mr. J. B. Stearns. Figures of monkeys are shown
in Figs. 62, 63, and 64. One creature, represented as having a long,

BA (i

SM ARC CUCU

GM J
VA

Fic. 62. Figure of monkey —terra cotta group.

{i
i

Fic. 64.

Figures of monkeys — terra cotta group.

trunk-like snout, recurs frequently. Such a form discovered in the
earlier days of archzeologic investigation would probably have given

wath

HOLMES. | DECORATICN OF POTTERY. 65

rise to many surmises as to the contemporaneous existence of man
and the elephant in Chiviqui. In reality the original was probably
some unassuming little inhabitant of the isthmian jungles. This
creature is shown in profile in Fig. 65, a, and front views are given in b
and c. Innumerable examples, embracing most of the more impor-

Fig. 65. Animal forms exhibiting a long proboscis — handled group.

tant animals of Chiriqui, could be given, but in a majority of cases
identification is difficult or impossible, as there has been little or no
effort to reproduce nature with fidelity. But the chief interest sur-
rounding these figures is not found in the variety of creatures shown
or in the character of the delineation, but in the manner of their em-
ployment in the embellishment of ceramic forms. The ancient potter
must have possessed a keen sense of grace of form and of the proper
adjustment of parts. The most cultured taste could hardly improve

Fig. 66 Fie. 67.

Vases illustrating ornamental use of animal figures — terra cotta group.

upon the lines of the vases presented in Figs. 66 and 67, which employ

the frog, and in Figs. 68 and 69, in which other creatures are used.

Many equally pleasing examples are illustrated further on. The
6 ETH——5

66 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

question very naturally arises as to whether these little figures had
any meaning or performed any function aside from that of simple

Fig. 65. Fig. 69.
Vases illustrating ornamental use of animal figures — terra cotta group.

decoration. I feel inclined to take the view that in their present con-
dition they are survivals of ideographic originals; that if their past
could be unveiled we would find that in the primitive ages they were
not exclusively employed for ornament. The animals made use of
originally were the embodiment of mythologic conceptions, and their
images were revered or served as fetiches or charms, and because of
this they came to have a permanent place in art. They were applied
to the vessel because its office had reference to them or because they
were thought to have a beneficial effect upon its functions. It is evi-
dent that their employment was governed by well established rules
and that they occupied places and occurred in numbers and relations
not wholly dependent upon the judgment of the individual potter. We
may suppose that they occur in twos because the handles with which
they were associated occurred in twos; or, if they serve to take the
place of the extremities of the animal forms in the semblance of
which the vases were originally modeled, their positions may be re-
lated to the original positions of the heads and tails of those forms.
It is not improbable that the conventional incised and relieved orna-
ments, the meanders, nodes, and varied marks refer also to the
creatures or the markings of the creatures with which the vessel was
associated.

It will be seen, from the above remarks, that we cannot fully deter-
mine to what extent these ancient decorators followed the traditional
pathways of early ideographic usage or how much they were governed
by those powers of esthetic discrimination known to us as taste.

UNPAINTED WARE,

For convenience of description I separate the pottery of Chiriqui

HOLMES. ] TERRA COTTA GROUP OF WARE. 67

into two grand divisions: the unpainted ware and the painted ware.
Two important groups come under the first head. The first of these,
the terra cotta or biscuit ware, comprises a larger number of pieces
than any other group and is readily distinguished by its colors, which
include only the pale grayish yellow and reddish tints of the burned
clay. ‘The second is limited to a small number of pieces and is black
or very dark upon the surface and dark within the mass.

The terra cotta group.—This biscuit-like pottery is not in any way
inferior to the painted varieties. It bears evidence of great freedom
in handling, and serves, perhaps better than any other class of prod-
ucts, to illustrate the masterly skill and the refined taste of the an-
cient potter. It is said to occur in the same cemeteries and in the
same graves with the more important varieties of painted ware. The
function of these handsome vessels cannot be determined. It can
hardly have been of a domestic nature, as they show no evidences of
discoloration or wear, and we are left to speculate upon the possibility
of a purely ceremonial use. The paste is moderately fine, but con-
tains an extremely large share of gritty sand; the slip is thin and has
received but a slight degree of polish, so that the surface has a dead,
somewhat granular effect. As a rule the vases are of small size and
are very thin walled. The forms are symmetrical and exceptionally
graceful. The ornamentation includes incised figures (mostly geo-
metric), raised decoration (of similar character), and animal forms in
the round. The following illustrations are intended to epitomize the
multitude of forms, as anything like a complete representation is out
of the question.

Bowls, which form a leading feature of the pottery of most primi-
tive peoples, are here rarely seen, excepting as mounted upon tripods
or annular bases. There are in the collection a number of small cups
of hemispherical shape that may have served as spoons, ladles, or
drinking vessels. A few of these are outlined in Fig. 70. Two have
minute projections resembling handles affixed to the rim. In rare

Fia. 70. Series of bowls and cups of unpainted ware.

cases these are so prolonged as to be of service in handling the cup;
but in no instance is there an approach to the long cylindrical handles
seen in the earthenware of other districts.

68 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

In following the form scale upward from these simple shapes we
find the orifice becoming more constricted and the neck more pro-

Fic. 71. Vase of graceful form — }.

Fic. 72. Vase of graceful form—}.

nounced. The margins are upright, incurved, or flaring, and give
\ . .
variety and grace to the outlines. A tendency toward elaboration

Fig. 73. Vase of fine form, ornamented with grotesque heads — },

HOLMES. | TERRA COTTA GROUP OF WARE. 69

of ornament accompanies the development of form. Bands of in-
cised or relieved figures are carried around the neck, shoulder, and
handles and are added in such a way as greatly to enhance the beauty
of the vessel. The forms of these vessels are so graceful and the finish
is so perfect that one is tempted to present an extended series, but it
will be necessary to confine the illustrations to a limited number of
type specimens. Fig. 71 shows a somewhat shallow form of great
simplicity and grace. That in Fig. 72 is deeper, with a narrow neck
and a more decidedly conical shape. Two minute grotesque figures are
perched upon the shoulder. Fig. 75 represents a larger vessel of good
form, which has a neat incised pattern encircling the slightly incurved

Fic. 74. Vase of fine form, ornamented with grotesque heads — }.

neck. Grotesque heads are set upon the shoulder. A form somewhat
more refined is shown in Fig. 74. The neck is furnished with a
relieved ornament, consisting of a meandered and indented fillet,

Fig. 75. Vase with ornaments of applied nodes and fillets —}.

v0) ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

accompanied by two rows of minute indented nodes. The heads are
probably intended to represent the armadillo, They are hollow and
contain movable pellets. The fillet ornaments are always tastefully
treated, and in many cases represent twisted and plaited cords.
Some are marked in herring bone fashion and others have trans-
verse indentations. - Small pellets of clay were much used and to
excellent advantage. They were set on lightly with the fingers and

A1AUSEYN es |
TMA G7,
(wwe

mal

Fie, 76. Vase with mantle covered with incised figures—}.

firmly pressed down with minute pointed or edged tools and hollow
straws or reeds (Figs. 75 and 76). Some of these nodes are finished

Fic. 77. Vase with frieze of grotesque heads—}.

to represent the heads of animals. This is done with an ease and
a simplicity that call forth our admiration (Fig. 77).
Fig. 78 illustrates a series of vases having flaring rims, the treat-

HOLMES. ] TERRA COTTA GROUP OF WARE. Tl

ment otherwise being uniform with the preceding. We notice in
these vessels a decided tendency towards complexity of outline.
Three examples, shown in Fig. 79, have a two storied character, the

Fic. 78. Vases with flaring rims and varied ornament — }.

upper part possibly being the outgrowth of the collar ornament seen
in so many cases. The large specimen in the center is a handsome

Fic. 79. Vases with complex outlines and varied ornament — 4.

piece with square offset at the shoulder and a decidedly conical base.
A chaste ornament in relief encircles the neck and two grotesque fig-
ures are seated upon opposite sides of the shoulder. The vase at the
left has two orifices, set wide apart. The body is oblong and slightly
flattened above. There are a number of vessels of this conformation
in the collection, some of which have the mouths so close together
that the margins or lips coalesce in part. A superb specimen of this
class is illustrated in Fig. 80. The shape is thoroughly satisfactory
to the eye, having a refinement of line rarely attained in native
American work. Its symmetry suggests the use of the wheel, but
the closest examination fails to detect a trace of mechanical appli-
ance, save that left by the polishing stone. The decoration is simple
and effective, consisting of minute nodes with annular indentations
about the necks and of two grotesque figures, placed with consum-
mate taste in the angles formed by the contact of the two necks.

A very small percentage of these vessels possess true handles, but

ie ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

these. in some of the examples, are worthy of high admiration. The
specimen presented in Fig. 81 attracts attention at once on account

Fic. 80. Large vase with two mouths and neatly decorated necks — 4.

of its resemblance to well known classic forms. It is evident, from
a study of this piece, that only a step more was necessary to place

Fic. 81. Large vase with high handles —3.

HOLMES. TERRA COTTA GROUP OF WARE. 73

these potters alongside of the highest masters of the art. The sharp
high elbow and the broadening of the handles at their junction with
the lip are notable features. The latter is shown more satisfactorily
in Fig. 82, which is a top view of a companion piece. I wish to call

KEE

Fic. 82. Top view of high handled vase — }.

attention here to a peculiar feature of these handles and one repeated
in vessels of other classes. At the elbow of each handle we find a
device in relief marked with herring bone indentations that would
seem to represent a kind of textile attachment, as if, at some previous
time and perhaps in an antecedent form of vessel, the upright and
horizontal parts of the handles had been stitched or tied together at
this point. Yet it is by no means certain that this feature is not the
survival of some feature of an animal form into the semblance of

Fig. 84. Fia. 85.
Examples of handled vases — }. -

[4 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

which, as seen in other examples, this feature has a tendency to
eraduate.

These vessels are not numerous, but acquire importance from their
large size, the larger being upwards of eight inches in height. A few
pieces of nearly identical shape, but of small size, are found among
the painted wares. Additional shapes are given in Figs. 83, 84, and
85,and serve to illustrate the extent of variation exhibited in this
group of vases. The small shallow piece is exceptionally fine and the
handles are furnished with animal features of a highly conventional
type. An expansion of the handles somewhat similar to this is fre-
quently seen in vessels of other classes, especially in those of the
handled group.

Single handles of like character occur in a number of cases upon
minute cups, an example of which is given in Fig. 86. It would
seem that possibly in such cases the rim had been expanded and pro-
longed for the purpose of giving support to the animal figures with

Fic. 87.
Small cup with single handle ornamented with grotesque figure—}.

which the shoulders were embellished. The expansion is probably
the outgrowth of the use of animal figures in connection with simple
handles,

Fig. 88. Vase of eccentric form—}.

We have a number of vessels of this group the bodies of which
imitate animal forms, but they are in nearly all cases furnished with

HOLMES. | TERRA COTTA GROUP OF WARE. 15

legs. Rarely we meet with compound or eccentric forms. An inter-
esting specimen of the latter class is seen in Fig. 88. Such shapes are
common in Peru and are occasionally met with in Central America.
The two strong handles are decorated with minute images of birds
and the bottom is concave, an exceptional character in Chiriquian
work.

The illustration of this group of vessels would not be complete with-
out a series of tripod vases. In shape of body these vases differ but
little from the legless forms already given, excepting where the use
of life forms has led to eccentric modifications. Very great interest
attaches to the modeling of the tripod supports, upon which the pot-
ters have expended much time and ingenuity.

The illustrations given herewith are chosen from a great number
of examples and are intended to convey an idea of the range of forms,
both of the vessels and of their supports. Figs. 89 and 90 show plain
forms of legs, all of which are hollow and contain small pellets of clay.
The openings are generally wide vertical slits, and are placed in front,
as seen in Fig. 89, or in the side, as in Fig. 90; but in exceptional

Fie. 89. Fig, 90. Fie. 91.
Vessels illustrating forms of legs — }. Vessel with large legs orna-
= mented with stellar punct-
ures—}.

cases they take other shapes and are scattered over the surface, as
seen in Fig.91. The legs are often remarkable in form, being swollen
to an enormous size above and terminating in small rounded points

Fig. 92. Vases of varied form with plain anc with animal shaped legs — 3.

76 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.
below. The bowls are symmetrically shaped and graceful in outline.
In Fig. 92 I present a group illustrating some of the more eccentric
forms of bowls and a variety of their supports. A very superior
piece and one of the largest of this style is shown in Fig. 93.

Fie. 93. Large vase of striking shape — }.
Tt will be seen that in a number of cases the legs are modeled to
represent animal forms. This feature is brought out more clearly in
succeeding figures. The creatures represented are often grotesque, as

Fria. 94. Cup with legs imitating animal forms. — }

seen in Figs. 94 and 95. The human form is rarely shown in a way
to make it clearly distinguishable from the figures of monkeys and
other animals. The armadillo is a favorite subject. An example of

HOLMES. | TERRA COTTA GROUP OF WARE. #7

small dimensions is illustrated in Fig. 96, in which this animal is
given in characteristic style, and a more pretentious piece is shown
in Fig. 97. The characteristics of the creature are very simply but
graphically expressed. In the first the hard ribbed and figured case
is represented by applied fillets and nodes, and in the other by incised

Fie. 95. Fie. 96. Fie. 97.
Cup with legs imitating a grotesque animal Cups with legs imitating the armadillo — }.
form — }.
lines. The frog is also much used (Fig. 98). A rather remarkable
conception is illustrated in Fig. 99. Upon the front of each leg is a
curious little animal-like figure, to the front of which are bound two
minute infantile creatures. In the piece presented in Fig. 100, the

ATI /

Fic. 99. Cup with legs imitating an ani
mal and its young — }.

Fic. 100. Cup supported by grotesque heads — }.

78 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUL

legs are grotesque heads, inverted, with wide open mouths and glar-
ing eyes. The work upon this vase is very superior.

The remarkable specimen illustrated in Fig. 101 is furnished
with unique supports. Two rudely modeled, semihuman, grotesque
figures are affixed to the under surface of the bowl, supporting it
with their backs.

Fie. 101. Large cup supported by two grotesque figures — }.

The legs of these figures are spread out horizontally, so that a firm
support is obtained. The periphery of the body of this vessel is en-
circled by a number ot nodes and noded projections, which represent
the heads, tails, and spines of two crab-like animals. The heads,
with arms attached, appear at the right and left, and the tails occur
at the front and back just over the heads of the supporting figures.
The use of the crab in this way is quitecommon. Fish, birds, and
a variety of quadrupeds are similarly treated. Some very interesting

Fig. 103. Cup with two animal heads attached to the sides — }.

examples of double headed animal vases are found. Two of these are
outlined in Figs. 102 and 103, the first having a single orifice and the

HOLMES. | TERRA COTTA GROUP OF WARE. (9

second a pair of orifices. In many cases the bowl of the vessel is
considerably modified, to give a more decided resemblance to the

“@

VY :

Fic. 104. Vase imitating an animal form— 4. Fig. 105, Vase imitating an animal form — §.

Fic. 106. Vase shaped to imitate an animal form — 4.
body of the creature. This is well shown in Figs. 104-106. The first
is probably intended for a bird: the second resembles an armadillo;

Fia. 107. Fish shaped vessel — 4,
and the third portrays a creature with ears and three horns. The
oblong vessel shown in Fig. 107 is modeled after a curious fish,

RO ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUT.

to which the Chiriquians seem to have attached considerable im-
portance. It is represented with a wide mouth displaying teeth, two
spines or horns upon the end of the snout,and fins upon the back
and sides. Fig. 108 gives the top view of another fish vase, which is
supported, as are the others, by three legs. The body is flat and is
encircled by well modeled fins. The head is rather flat and has the

Fic. 108. Top view of a fish shaped vessel — 4.
eyes and nose on the upper surface. I close this series of illustra-
tions with an outline of a fine vase (Fig. 109) the rim of which 1s deco-
rated with a single head of extremely grotesque and repulsive char-
acter.

Fic. 109. Cup with grotesque head attached to the rim — 4.

Black incised group.—This pottery, although closely related to the
other varieties in its leading features, presents differences of a pro-
nounced character. The number of specimens recovered is rather
small. The largest piece has a capacity of perhaps a quart. Some
of the forms are identical with those of other groups, but a few are
peculiar to this ware. The color is black, brown, or dark gray, and
in most cases the entire mass is quite dark. The decoration is exe-
cuted in two somewhat distinct styles: in one the lines were scratched
or engraved subsequently to the hardening of the clay; in the other

HOLMES. | BLACK INCISED GROUP OF WARE. ba |

they were deeply engraved with a sharp point while the clay was still
moist. The lines are usually very deep and are filled with a white
substance which renders the pattern distinctly visible upon the sur-
face. Itseems probable that the lines were engraved deeply with the
intention of producing this effect. Type specimens are shown in Figs.
110 and 111. They are small globular bottles, with short necks and
wide apertures and with handles placed at opposite sides of the lip,
which is prolonged to meet them. The design covers a large part of
the body and is separated into two parts by the handles and the un-
decorated panels that descend from them. The figures appear to be

Fic. 110. Fig. 111,
Black cups with incised reptilian figures— 4,

very highly conventtonalized animal forms, probably serpents. The
coiled ends of the ribbon-like dotted bands are evidently meant to sug-
gest the heads of reptiles. The figures assume a variety of shapes and

Fie. 112. Black vase with conventional incised pattern —4,

grade by degrees from the recognizable life forms into purely geomet-
ric patterns. Examples of the latter style are given in Figs. 112 and
6 ETH——6

82 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.
113. The motives employed, although so conventionally treated, are
pretty certainly identical in origin with the preceding.

There are a number of tripods in this group, some of which have
the deeply incised ornaments and others the shallow ones. Theshapes
vary greatly, a few examples being decidedly Costa Rican in type.

Fie. 113. Small cup with conventional incised Fic. 114. Small tripod cup with upright walls
patterns — }. and legs imitating animal heads — }.
Pieces with round bodies have conical legs, like much of the Chiri-
quian ware, but those with shallow basins and angular, incurved,
upright, or flaring rims have the Costa Rican tripod. Figs. 114 and
115 may serve to illustrate this variety. The first is a cup, with

Fic. 115. Vase with flaring rim and legs, imitating animal heads — }.

upright sides and thick rim, having an incised geometric pattern.
The second is much more striking in appearance. The surface color
is brownish gray in hue and the simple geometric design was scratched
through into the lighter color beneath after the clay hardened. The
legs represent the heads of animals conventionally treated and are
hollow, containing movable pellets. This specimen is from latitude
8° 42’ north, longitude 82° 52’ west. Others of this class come from
different parts of the province.

To this class belongs also a small dark vase of peculiar shape and
interesting decoration, which is illustrated in Fig. 116. The neck is
large and the lip widely flaring, and the body is modeled in imitation

HOLMES. | BLACK INCISED GROUP OF WARE. 83
.

of the head of some animal, possibly a peccary. The side represent-
ing the face is prolonged, giving an unsymmetric profile, as seen in
the second figure. The eyes are set midway between the ears (which

Fic. 116. Vase modeled to resemble the head of an animal —!

are placed at the sides) and the nostrils, and are inclosed by curious en_
eraved figures, probably suggested by the markings of the animal
portrayed. An arched ridge, representing the brows, connects the
bridge of the nose with the ears. The most novel feature of this
piece is the band of incised ornament that crosses the back of the

al ul
inh = =
OVI CTOAT ALLEN Ae. AN sv PELL ice UT i
FAAULAV CATV RCEY RN LLEEREUALID TT saracnnsuntanacaerrere SU TTS LTT

WAAR OTR sl

Fic. 117. Pattern upon the back of the vase presented in Fig. 116.

head and serves probably to carry out the idea of the complete creat-
ure. As will be seen by reference to the figure, it is.a guilloche-like
interlacing of fillets, bordered and apparently held in place by longi-
tudinal bands, beyond which the angles of the ornament project. The
pattern is a modified form of one commonly seen upon the margins
of the larger stone metates, and, although rarely met with in the pot-
tery of Chiriqui, was a favorite motive with the potters of Costa
Rica. This vessel comes from 30 miles north-northwest of David.
The unpainted wares here so briefly described are typically Chiri-
quian, and are closely associated in the graves with most of the lead-
ing groups of art products of the province. It must be allowed that

84 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

they take first rank in the isthmian states, if not in America, for sim-
plicity and refinement of form, perfection of method, and purity of
style.

PAINTED WARE.

The painted vases of Chiriqui embrace at least ten easily distin-
guished varieties of ware. The characters upon which the classifica-
tion is based are somewhat heterogeneous and include material, color,
shape, finish, ornamentation, method of manufacture, and evidences
of use. No single character and no one group of characters can be
relied upon to distinguish the different groups. We must depend,
therefore, upon an assemblage of characters or upon one character
in one place and another in another place. Observing a number of
striking differences in two groups of ware, we arrive at the conclu-
sion that these groups must have been the work of distinct communi-
ties; yet we find very marked differences in wares that (through the
possession in common of some particular feature) we know to be the
work of the same hands. We can, therefore, determine little in re-
gard to the peoples concerned.

I do not consider the presence in a single grave of two or more
varieties sufficient proof of their common origin, for a number of dis-
tinct wares may come into the possession of one community through
trade, conquest, or the spoliation of tombs; but a constant recurrence
together of the same forms affords strong evidence that the objects
were the work of the people with whom they were buried. Unfortu-
nately our observations in the field are not sufficiently accurate to
enable us to utilize associations or methods of occurrence in the graves
as a means of classification.

The following classification is, under the circumstances, the best
that I can devise, and is of use mainly as a means of facilitating de-
scription. The name chosen generally indicates a leading or striking
characteristic of the group.

The scarified group, separated widely from all other varieties.

The handled group and

The tripod group, apparently the work of one community and de-
voted to the same or similar uses.

The maroon group;

The red line group;

The white line group;

The lost color group;

The alligator group; and

The polychrome group, no two of which are sufficiently alike to
make it certain, without extraneous evidence, that they were manu-
factured by the same community, yet all clearly belonging to one
great family.

These groups are presented in the order given.

HOLMES. ] PAINTED WARE. 85

Before proceeding with the descriptions, however, there are some
matters of a general nature that should be referred to. Technical
questions have already received considerable attention, and I shall
need only to refer here to the painted ornamentation, and at sufficient
length to insure a clear understanding of its treatment and the scope
of its subject matter.

Painted vessels are embellished to some extent also by incising and
modeling, and these methods are employed very much as in the un-
painted pottery already described.

Painted decoration is executed with much freedom and in many
cases with considerable skill. It is greatly varied in method of treat-
ment and embraces a wide range of motives. Geometric patterns
occur in great variety, but are found to be of types peculiar to Isth-
mian America. The conventional meanders, frets, and scrolls so
extensively employed in other regions are here almost unknown.
Decorative motives derived from natural forms are abundant and
afford an excellent opportunity to study the processes of conventional
modification. These designs are often applied in a way to indicate
that the decorator possessed a keen sense of the requirements of the
vessel, although the treatment perhaps is not as universally satisfac-
tory as is the treatment of plastic embellishment.

The potter, in preparing the vessel for the decorator, ordinarily
finished it with a slip or wash of fine clay, which varied in hue from
a gray white to a pale orange. A slip of bright red tint was also ex-
tensively used. The more delicate hues formed an excellent ground
upon which to work. The slip covered surface was generally pol-
ished, often to a high degree, with the usual polishing implements,
the marks of which can be seen upon the less carefully finished sur-
faces. By observers unacquainted with aboriginal methods this pol-
ish is lable to be taken for a glaze, and it has been pronounced a vit-
reous glaze by a few writers. It is more noticeable upon specimens
that have been handled a great deal, as is the case with whistles,
neediecases, and the like.

The colors utilized in decoration, so far as they have been preserved,
are the ground tints, described above, and the delineating colors, the
latter consisting of black, white, red in various hues, and a dull pur-
ple. An additional color (or perhaps a solution without particular
color) extensively employed in the designs has totally disappeared.
The nature of the various colors has not been determined, but it is
probable that some were of mineral and others of vegetal origin.

Red was often employed asa ground color, as stated above, and
sometimes covered the whole surface, but more frequently occupied
zones or panels. In such use it was applied and polished down with
the slip. Red was also extensively used in the delineation of decora-
tive figures in several of the groups of ware, and is in all cases a per-
manent color. The hues vary decidedly with the groups of products,

86 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

suggesting differences in people or in environment. White may have
been freely used, but it is preserved in a few cases only, in which it was
used in the production of simple decorative patterns, and appears to
have been a somewhat thick or pasty color. Black was extensively
used and was of two distinct kinds: a thick permanent pigment, em-
ployed in the delineation of designs, and a thin color, not so permanent
and employed exclusively as a ground upon which to execute designs
in other mediums. The latter may possibly be of vegetal derivation.
Its use was confined to a single variety of ware, the lost color group.
The former was employed in all the other groups, with one exception,
the red line group.

The light purple tint is but sparingly used and only in the poly-
chrome group. It is very effective in combination with the reds and
blacks upon the orange ground of this ware. It is probably of a
mineral nature.

What I have denominated the lost color was a pigment, or ‘taking
out” solution, extensively and exclusively employed in the decoration
of one of the principal groups of ware. Its former existence is made
known by its action upon the ground colors and upon the paste or slip
within the areas covered by it. Where superimposed upon black, that
color has in all cases been removed, exposing the underlying tints of
the slip in which the designs are now manifested, the interspaces being
still black. In some cases the lost color has not only removed the
black ground, but has affected the slip beneath, removing it also, and
to such a degree that the polished surface is destroyed and shallow
intaglio lines occur, leaving the interspaces in relief. This circum-
stance enforces the idea that possibly the ‘‘lost color” was really
not a color at all, but an acid which acted upon the ground colors at
once, destroying the black entirely and leaving the effect now seen.
This point must remain for the present undetermined.

The figures in all cases appear to have been delineated with ordi-
nary brushes and by purely free hand methods. The degree of skill
varies greatly. The execution in the great body of the work is rather
inferior and indicates a lack of skill and care, but in a limited num-
ber of pieces the manipulation is masterly.

The designs are confined to the show spaces, being exterior in
narrow necked vessels and generally interior in shallow forms.

In arrangement upon the surfaces this decoration presents some
novel features. The slight degree of uniformity in arrangement in-
dicates the absence of any mechanical aid, such as the wheel, which
device would tend to reduce all decoration to a series of horizontal
zones. We observe indeed the occurrence of horizontal arrangements,
but not to a degree greater than would naturally arise as a result of
the conformation of the vessel. Upright, oblique, and arched arrange-
ments are frequently met with, and all are safely attributable to the
domination of spaces to be covered or to the influence of antecedent

HOLMES. | SCARIFIED GROUP OF WARE. 87

shapes. Examples and details are given as they come up in the various
sections.

The scaurified group.—This group is represented by about forty
specimens and is worthy of especial attention. It comes from the
graves of two localities, one near C. KE. Taylor’s hacienda, north of
David, on the slopes of Mount Chiriqui, and the other at Alanje, south-
west of David. Asa variety of ware it stands so entirely alone that
had it arrived unlabeled no one would have recognized its affinities
with Chiriquian art. It is rather inferior in material, grace of form,
and surface finish, and the decoration appears to belong to a lower
grade of culture than that of the other groups. It is possibly the
work of an inferior race in comparatively recent times.

Nearly all the vessels are tripods, but a few have rounded or flat
bottoms and a few are supphed with annular stands. The walls are
thick and the shapes are uncouth or clumsy. The paste is coarse,
poorly baked, and friable; near the surface it is a warm reddish or
yellowish gray; within the mass it is a dark gray.

The makers of this pottery, like their brother artificers, took especial
pleasure in the modeling of life forms. The work exhibited in these
specimens is, however, exceptionally rude. In some cases grotesque
heads are attached to the rims of bowls; in others the head, tail, and

Fie. 119. Tripod bow] of red scarified ware — 4.

8s ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

feet of animals appear about the periphery of the vase; and in a
number of cases the legs of the tripods are modeled to represent the
forms of living creatures. Generally the feet are clumsy in shape
and three toed, suggesting the feet of the tapir.

These vessels are embellished by painting, incising, or scarifying
and by modeling in relief. Color was not employed in the produc-
tion of designs, but a dark Indian red pigment was daubed over that
part of the surface not occupied by incised ornament. Little or no
slip was used and the rude geometric patterns were executed with
pointed tools in a very hap-hazard manner.

The bowls are more numerous than in any other group of the Chiri-
quian ware, but, as in the other groups, they are supplied with sup-

Fie. 121. Large bow] with handles imitating animal heads—}.

ports, either tripods, shaped like the feet of quadrupeds, or rude annu-
lar bases. In most cases the rim expands gradually from below, as
seen in Fig. 118, or is recurved, as shown in Fig. 119. Ina few cases
the basin is oblong or boat shaped and the ends are pointed, as indi-
cated in Fig. 120.

1 a Pg

1”. ———— =e -

HOLMES. | SCARIFIED GROUP OF WARE. 89

An interesting specimen is illustrated in Fig. 121. At the opposite
ends of the bowl portions of the rim are carried upward and inward,
forming handle-like appendages, modeled to represent, rudely, the _
heads of animals. Details of form and ornament are well brought
out in the cut.

In Fig. 122 we have a high cylindrical shape with a flat bottom, the
surface being scarified in vertical bands. A small pot, having an
annular base and decoration similar to the preceding, is given in Fig.
123. In Fig. 124, instead of the vertical lines, we have a series of
heavy ribs. Two strong vertically placed loops are fixed upon oppo-
site sides of the shoulder and the base is supped with the usual
feet.

Fic. 122. Jar with flat bottom and vertical bands of incised ornament—}.

The tripods shown in Figs. 125 and 126 are somewhat mutilated, but
they present features of interest in the novel shapes and the unique

tae
Fic. 123. Vase with stand and vertical in Fig. 124. Vase with handles, legs, and verti-
cised bands — 4. cal ribs— 4.

90) ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUT.

animal forms with which the legs are embellished. Each leg is rep-

resented asa complete animal, whose back or breast supports the ves-

Fia. 125. Tripod with owl-like heads at inser- Fic, 126. Tripod with legs rudely suggesting
tion of legs — }. animal forms — }.
sel and whose cylindrical nether extremity rests upon the ground.
The head in the first example resembles an owl and in the second
reminds one of some crustacean form. An additional specimen of

Fic. 127. Heavy red vase with four mouths— 4.

considerable interest is shown in Fig. 127. It is a heavy tripod, hay-
ing four independent mouths, all opening into one chamber. The
shape is unsatisfactory, being heavy and unsymmetrical. The exte-
rior surface has the usual scarified figures and the interspaces and
the entire inner surface of the vessel are painted red and rather care-
fully polished.

The handled group.—The series of vessels to which this name is
given comprises a large number of pieces of unusually even characters.

HOLMES. ] HANDLED GROUP OF WARE. 91

They are obtained from a pretty wide district to the north and west
of David and occur in connection with other groups. They are nota-
ble for uniformity in size, shape, and finish and for the unmistaka-
ble evidences of use over fire which at least three-fourths of them
show. With the exception of a few large caldrons, not yet assigned
to a particular group, the¥ are more like ordinary cooking vessels
than any other group of Chiriquian ware. The size, however, is re-
markably small, the average capacity being about a pint. Larger
pieces contain a quart or three pints.

The body is usually much compressed vertically and is flattish
above and more or less conical below, giving a very graceful contour.
The surface is rather rudely polished and the painting is done with
notable carelessness, as if the intended use were not favorable to the
preservation of the ornament. By means of a heavy brush, red
figures, consisting of splotches, stripes, arches, and encircling bands,
were applied to the yellowish gray surface and sometimes, as indi_
cated by a smeared appearance, were polished down with an imple-
ment. It does not seem that a slip of ordinary white clay was very
generally used. In a few cases a grayish blue tint appears upon
some of the wider spaces.

The handles are perhaps the most notable feature of this ware, and
usually occur two to a vessel; rarely there is but one handle and in a
few cases there are four. This group may be separated into at least
four sections by the styles of handles. Vessels of the two more impor-
tant sections have two handles each, which are placed vertically in
one variety and horizontally in the other, reference being had to the
position of the points of attachment. These differences of position
have given rise to a marked difference in the shape of the orifice and

Fria. 128. Vase with horizontally placed handles and rude designs in red—+}.

ofthelip. The handleisasimple loop, which in the one variety is placed
as seen in Fig. 128 and in the other as in Fig. 132. In the latter
case one end of the loop is fixed to the shoulder and the other end

92 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

to the lip, which is uniformly prolonged at the contact and is also
widened all around; the result is the curious winged outline shown
in Fig. 133.

A third variety of handle is a single arch, which spans the orifice
and is attached to opposite sides of the expanded lip. In a fourth
variety the looped handles are replaced ‘by the heads of animals,
which are set upon the shoulder of the vase, as are similar features in
other groups of ware.

A type specimen with the horizontal loop is shown in Fig. 128.
The lip and a wide belt about the body are painted red and the
shoulder is occupied by rudely executed arched strokes of the same

Fic. 129. Unpolished vase with heavy handles and coated with soot —}.

Fie. 130. Round bodied red vase with unique handles and incised ornament — },

color. A much less usual shape is givenin Fig. 129, which exhibits
some characters of contour that remind us of well known Grecian
forms. Another novel variation from the type is seen in Fig. 130,
in which the arch of each loop is divided by an upright piece. A
neat incised ornament occupies the shoulder of this vessel and the
remainder of the body is finished in pale red,

HOLMES.] HANDLED GROUP OF WARE. 93

Tt will be observed that the handles are rarely wholly plain. Each
loop is supphed with one or more rings or ring-like fillets, or with
small nodes, generally near the most prominent part of the curve or
arch. By the study of a large number of specimens I am able to
trace these puzzling features to their origin. They are the repre-
sentatives of life forms which were originally modeled in full detail
and which are still so modeled in many cases. The nodes and like
features are atrophied heads, hands, or feet, and in some cases are
marked with indentations that refer to the eyes or to the fingers or
toes, and the round fillets stand for the arms and legs of animals, or, if
notched in peculiar ways, may be referred to other originals, such as
the mouths of fishes or the spines of crabs. Examples could be given
showing all stages of the progress of simplification.

Fig. 131. Vase with grotesque figures attached to the handles—4,

Fig. 132. Vase with upright handles and winged lip —}.

In Fig. 131 I present a fine example of the horizontal loop, in
which the opposite ends are supported by grotesque animal figures,
applied, however, in a way not detrimental to the grace and simplic-
ity of the vessel.

An example shown in Fig. 132 is of especial interest in this con-
nection. The ornament upon the handle serves as a link between

94 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

the realistic life form and the conventional nodes and fillets. In this
case the node is supplied with eyes anda mouth, and the double roll
of clay beneath is manifestly intended for the arms, the handle itself
standing for the body. The loop is upright and joins the shoulder

Fic. 133. Top view of vase with winged lip -— }.

to the rim. The winged character produced by the expansion at the
contact of handle and lip is shown to advantage in the top view (Fig.
133.) In some cases this expansion is so great as completely to hide
the body of the vase when viewed from above.

Examples are outlined in Figs. 134 and 135 in which the life form

Fig. 134. Vase with grotesque animal shaped handles—}.

is clearly defined. In the first we have a human-like figure, the face
of which is entirely hidden by the hands. In the second we observe
a curious little animal figure, with a long curved proboscis and a body
covered with annular indentations. In general shape and in orna-
mentation these vases do not differ from the preceding. A remarka-

HOLMES. ] HANDLED GROUP OF WARE. 95

ble piece, with two pairs of handles, is presented in Fig. 136. Gro-

tesque figures are attached to the outer surface of the loops, one in
q 8 I

each pair being placed in an inverted position. The two figures seen

Fic. 135. Vase with handles representing strange animals -~+.

in the cut are simple, but those on the opposite pair of handles are
compound, being double above the waist. The faces, hands, and
feet of these figures are touched with red, and the lip and body of

Fig. 136, Vase with two pairs of handles ornamented with grotesque figures--.

the vase are decorated with carelessly drawn stripes of red. In
another case four plain handles are placed equidistantly about the
neck of the vessel.

In a third variety the loop is omitted entirely, the animal figure
taking its place upon the shoulder of the vase. This feature appears

96 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

in the specimen given in Fig. 137 and represents the front part of a
reptile, the head being hollow and containing a large movable pellet.
This is a handsome piece, well finished, and decorated in the usual

broad way.

Fic. 187. Vase with handles representing animal heads, which are hollow and contain pellets of clay—j.

A fourth variety is shown in Figs. 138 and 139, in which the handle
spans the orifice as in an ordinary basket. The lip is flaring and is

Fie. 138. Vase with arched handles embellished with life forms in high relief —}.

HOLMES. | VASES OF THE TRIPOD GROUP. 97

prolonged at the sides to meet the handle. In one case the outer sur-
face of the handle is embellished with figures of frogs and serpents,

eg
XX
~ \

Fic. 139. Vase with arched handles embellished with life forms in high relief — 4.

or what seem to be intended for serpents, modeled in the round and
rather imperfectly attached, and in the other with a pair of gro”
tesque human figures set against the base of each end of the handle.

Typical vessels of this class are in many cases mounted upon tripods,
but, for convenience of description, these are classed with the succeed-
ing group, Which consists mainly, if not entirely, of the same variety
of ware.

To recapitulate, the striking characteristics of this group are the
uniformity of size, shape, and handles, the rude finish and ruder
ornamentation, and the very marked evidence of use over fire.

The tripod group.— Closely related in most respects to the group of
ware just described is the striking series of vessels here presented. At
first glance the resemblances are not apparent, but a careful study ren-
ders it clear that the vessels proper correspond closely in both groups.
The basins are for the most part made in the same heavy, rudely
finished style, the decoration is almost equally rude, and the size
and the evidence of use over fire are the same. The strong contrast
in appearance is due mainly to the presence of tripod supports in this
group. The legs, which constitute such a striking feature, are merely
appendages to the bodies of vases already perfect, and are evidently
an acquired feature suggested by some change in function or in the
habits of the people. In this way we are able to account for the

6 ETH——7

98 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

rather uncouth look observed in so many cases, the legs being too
long and too heavy to please the cultured taste; yet in many cases the
parts are so adjusted as to give an impression of firmness and strength,
united with a goodly share of grace of line.

The legs are very generally modeled to represent animal forms.
In a majority of cases the fish was chosen because, perhaps, its shape
was suitable or because the fish bore some relation to the use to
which the vessel was to be devoted. Lizards and mammals are also
seen and the human form occasionally appears. In some cases the
animal figure is attached to the upper part of the leg or is perched
upon the hip, where that feature is pronounced. The body, or
shaft, is hollow and contains pellets of clay, sometimes one only and
again a dozen or more, and in order that these may be seen and heard
variously shaped slits are cut in the sides or front of the legs. If the
animal represented is a fish or lizard the entire body is modeled: the
head is placed at the top, the under jaw or neck uniting with the
body of the vessel; the tail rests upon the ground, and the fins or legs
appear along the sides of the shaft. It should be observed that, while
in Chiriqui the whole body of the creature is usually employed in
forming the support, in Central America and Mexico the head alone
is very generally used, the nose resting upon the ground. In less
elaborate forms the legs are plain or have the merest hint of animal
form in a node, a notched ridge, or a slightly modified extremity.

Handles are present in a majority of cases and as in the preceding
group take the form of loops or represent the forms of animals. The
loops are generally attached in a vertical position, connecting the
shoulder with the lip of the vessel, and are plain round ropes of clay
or consist of two or three cords twisted or plaited together. A few
eccentric forms occur and are illustrated early in this section.

The animal shapes are often quite elaborate and appear to bear no
relation to the creatures embodied in the legs of the vessel; neither
does the position of the handles bear any uniform relation to the
positions of the legs —another indication that the latter features are
recent acquisitions, since features developed together are uniformly
well adjusted.

The rim or lip is generally heavy and flaring, and the neck, which
is short and pretty sharply constricted, is decorated with incised
patterns and with various applied ornaments in relief. The body is
graceful in outline and more or less conical below. As a rule the
surface is uneven and but slightly polished and the figures in red are
rudely executed, but in the more pretentious pieces much care has
been exercised in finishing and painting. Most of the vessels have
been used over the fire and still retain the sooty incrustations. This
ware comes from a wide range of territory to the north and west of
David.

The following illustrations represent some of the more important

HOLMES. | VASES OF THE TRIPOD GROUP. 99

pieces and serve to give a partial idea of the range of form, size, and
decoration.

I present, first, three vases of rather eccentric shapes, the basins of
which are shallow and in two cases are flat bottomed. The handles
are of unusual shapes, consisting of modifications of the lip, as seen
in the illustrations (Figs. 140-142). Life elements are present in all

Fic. 140. Fic. 141,

Nene ae
aa a \Y i

Fie. 142.

Tripod vases with shallow basins and eccentric handles — 4.

cases in connection with the handles and legs where these are pre-
served, but they are very meager and so abbreviated as to be identified
with difficulty. Incised markings at the ends of the handles represent
hands or feet end eyes are affixed to the upper part of the legs. The
ware is identical with that of the preceding group.

A representative specimen of the fish legged vessels is presented in
Fig. 143. Itis one of the most graceful forms in the series and is
neatly finished and embellished, but is thoroughly blackened with
soot. The handles are formed of twisted fillets or ropes of clay and
a narrow, incised, rope-like band encircles the lower part of the neck.
Set upon the neck and alternating with the handles are two scrolls
neatly formed of small round ropes of clay. The fishes forming the
legs are very simply treated. The mouth at the apex is formed by
laying on an oblong loop of clay and the eyes are represented by two
round pellets set into the soft clay of the head and indented with a
shit that gives to them the exact effect of screwheads. <A pair of
fins—small incised or channeled cones—is placed at the sides of the
head and another at the sides of the body. The cavity contains a
single ball of clay and the slit is long and wide.

In other examples the fish form is much more elaborately modeled.

100 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQU1.

The wide mouth exhibits a row of teeth and the body is well supplied
with fins. The head in Fig. 144 reminds one forcibly of the catfish.

Fic. 143. Tripod vase of graceful shape and neat finish — 4.
The snout is furnished with two horn-like appendages; tooth-like
features are formed by setting in pellets of clay, and the gills are in-
dicated by a punctured excrescence at the side of the mouth. In

Fic. 144. Heavy tripod vase with widely spreading feet — 4.

other cases a high sharp cone is set upon the middle of the head
(Fig. 145). It is channeled down the sides, as if meant for a fin.

HOLMES. } VASES OF THE TRIPOD GROUP. 101

The process of inodeling these heads was about as follows: The
upper end of the leg —the head of the fish — was first rounded off, giv-
ing the general shape; then parallel incisions were made to represent
the teeth, and around these a fillet of clay was laid, forming the lips,
which were then channeled with a sharp tool. Nodes or flattened
pellets of clay, representing the gills, snout, and eyes, were then laid

Fia. 145, Neatly modeled vase embellished with life forms and devices in red — }.

on and finished with incision-like indentations. The handles consist
of.bird-like heads, with protruding eyes and long bills that curve
downward and connect with the shoulder of the vase. The body is
rudely spotted with red.

A large, uncouth specimen is shown in Fig. 146. The legs are pon-

Fic. 146. High tripod vase with incised designs and rude figures in red— 4.
derous and are not neatly adjusted to the vessel. A meander pattern
of incised lines encircles the neck and the body is rudely decorated
with broad red stripes.

102 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQULI.

There isa general consistency in the use of life forms which is worthy
of notice. The fish and other creatures used, although variously con-
ceived and treated, are never confused. When the fish is employed
no features suggesting other animals appear and when the heads of
other creatures occupy the upper extremity of the leg all the details
refer to these creatures with uniform consistency. In Fig. 147 we

Fic. 147. Handsome tripod vase with scroll ornament — 4.

have an unusually graceful shape, decorated about the neck with
scrolls and indented fillets. The legs represent some reptilian form
resembling a lizard. The head projects from the hip and is conven-
tionally treated. A round fillet fixed at its middle point to the muzzle
of the creature is turned back at the sides of the head and coiled to

Fic. 148. Vase with lizard shaped legs—}.

form the eyes. The forelegs are attached at the sides near the top
and the recurved terminal point is encircled by rings that stand for
the coiled tail.

HOLMES. ] VASES OF THE TRIPOD GROUP. 103

There is little room for doubt as to the kind of creature represented
in the legs of the vase given in Fig. 148. The head, legs, and general

= “A
e) (0
0)

ey @

Fic. 149. Vase with seroll ornament — 3.

Fig. 150, Large vase with flaring rim and wide spreading legs — }.

104 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

shape are characteristic of the lizard. The vessel is small, plain, and
neatly finished. In Fig. 149 the legs of the vessel, otherwise quite
plain, are surmounted by heads that seem to represent a dog or some
like animal. <A series of neat vertically placed scrolls formed of
round fillets encircles the neck, and below these is a band in relief
imitating a twisted cord.

A vase of unusually striking appearance is presented in Fig. 150,
It is one of the largest tripods in the collection and is characterized
by a high widely expanded.lip and a long conical body and by legs
of unusual size and conformation. Small animal figures are perched
upon the projecting hips. The surface of the vessel is rudely finished
and is much blackened by smoke about the upper part of the legs and
the body.

A unique use of the animal form is illustrated in Fig. 151, which
shows a large fragment of one of these tripods. The figure of an

Fig. 151. Fragment of a tripod vase embellished with the figure of an alligator.

alligator, modeled with a great deal of spirit, is attached to the side of
the vessel, resting partly upon the leg and extending upward obliquely
to the hp. <A similar figure upon the opposite side of the same vase
is represented as grasping the form of a man or boy in its formidable
looking jaws.

The alligator, rarely employed in this group of ware, is freely used
in other groups and was probably a creature of importance in the
mythology of Chiriqui.

In one case only, so far as IT have seen, is the human form employed
in the supports of these vessels, and in that case, as will be seen in
Fig. 152, the result is extremely grotesque. The shape of the basin
is good and the thick, rounded lip and most of the surface are care-
fully polished. A disconnected meander of incised lines encircles
the rather high neck, and parts of the body and its attached features

HOLMES. ] VASES OF THE TRIPOD GROUP. 105

are painted red. As usual this color was applied along with the slip
and in polishing has become much mixed up with it, giving a mottled
effect. The handles take the form.of curious human-appearing figures

Fig. 152. Vase supported by grotesque human figures — }.

which sit against the constricted neck, their heads supporting the
rim and their feet resting upon the shoulder of the vessel. In one
case the hands are held tightly against the lower part of the face and
in the other they are bound together against the chin by a serpent-
like cord of clay. The hollow figures forming the legs of the vase
are as grotesque as could well be imagined. There is no head what-
ever, and the outlandish features are placed upon the front of the
upper part of the body. The arms and hands take the conventional
position characteristic of the statuary of the isthmian states and the
only traces of costume are bands about the wrists and a girdle encir-
cling the lower part of the body.

I add, in Fig. 153, one more example, a large, full bodied vase,
which, more decidedly perhaps than any of the foregoing, pro-
claims its relationship to the preceding group. If the three rather
clumsy legs were knocked off there would remain a large beautifully
shaped and finished vase, with a constricted but flaring rim not in any
way distinguishable from those of the preceding group. The legs in
this case are less perfectly adapted to the vessel than in the other
examples, as if the potter, skillful in modeling the vessel, had only
recently undertaken to add the tripod. The slit in the outer face of
the leg is unusually wide and the inclosed ball is three-fourths of an
inch in diameter. The most remarkable feature of this vessel is the
pair of unique figures affixed to the upper surface of the body near the
lip, and which would seem to be intended to represent semihuman
monsters. The arms and legs are contorted and serpent-like in ap-
pearance and terminate in most cases in heads of serpents instead of

106 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

in hands and feet. The attitude is expressive of agony or horror.
It seems to me probable that, contrary to the rule in primitive art,
these strange figures do not embody any well defined or serious con-
ception, but are rather exhibitions of the fancy of the potter. They
occupy small unpainted panels, which are finished in neat incised pat-
terns. The remaining surface is a bright red.

Fic 153. Round bodied vase embellished with figures of monsters — 4,

It may be noted, in recapitulation, that these vases, although elabo-
rately modeled and often well finished, are rudely decorated and very
generally show use over fire; that the legs, though often graceful
and well proportioned, are in many cases clumsily adjusted to the
body, giving a decidedly unsatisfactory result asa whole. This ware
was devoted to domestic uses, or, if otherwise, in all probability to
the burning of incense. Animal forms are freely employed, but in
a rather rude way. The fish form is more generally used than any
other, and is in all cases embodied in the legs of the vessel, the head
joining the body of the vessel and the tail resting upon the ground.
These representations exhibit all grades of elaboration from the fairly
well modeled to the merest suggestion of animal character—any one
feature, as the mouth, the eye, the fins, or the tail, being alone a suf-
ficient suggestion of the creature to satisfy the potter and keep alive
the idea of the fish. Other animal forms are employed in modeling
the legs, and exhibit equally varying degrees of elaboration, and it is

a oe

HOLMES. ] VASES OF THE MAROON GROUP. 107

worthy of especial note that creatures are not confused or confounded,
so far as I can discover, at any stage of the simplifying process —
that a fish is still purely a fish if nothing is left to represent it but a
node or an incision, There is no apparent relationship between the
animal forms forming the legs and those attached to the body or to
the rim of the vessel.

The pottery of the two groups already presented exhibits charac-
ters so uniform throughout that there need be no hesitation in plac-
ing them together as the work of one community and of one period
of practice of the art; but between these groups and those that
follow there is a wide gap. The differences are so marked that, if
they had come from widely separated localities, very intimate rela-
tionships would not have been suggested.

The maroon group.—For the want of a better name I have called
the group first to be presented the maroon group, on account of its
color. Our collection comprises not more than a Gozen pieces of
this ware. The locality from which they come is called Los Tena-
jos by Mr. McNeil, but he has not distinguished them in any way
from the other varieties, and I am therefore unable to say whether
or not they occur together with others or under identical condi-
tions. In symmetry of outline, diversity of shape,and cleverness of
modeling this ware takes a high rank, but there is no painted orna-
ment. The surfaces are usually well polished, and all exposed parts
have received a coat of purplish maroon colored paint. The paste
contains a great deal of fine sand, and is yellowish upon the surface

Fig. 154. Cup with incurved rim and life form ornamentation—}

Fig. 155. Cup with widely expanded rim and constricted neck —}.
and generally quite dark within the mass. Considering the small
number of pieces, the scale of form is remarkably varied. There are
plain bowls with incurved rims and with flaring rims, vases with

108 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

round bases, with annular stands, and with tripods, and life forms
wholly unique. Perhaps the most usual form is that shown in Fig.
154, which represents a small cup with incurved rim and a narrow
annular base. The shoulder is embellished with three groups of
small nodes, of four each, which refer to some animal form. In other
similar vases the form of the creature is given in more realistic guise.
A larger vase, similar to this in most respects, has a rounded contour
and incurved lip. The periphery is supplied with four plain nodes.
Another, shown in Fig. 154, has a wide recurved rim, a character
seen to equally good advantage in some of the following figures. In

Fig

. Handsome vase supported by three grotesque figures—?.

the small vase represented in Fig. 156 the treatment of animal forms
in connection with the body of the vessel is shown to good advantage.

HOLMES. ] VASES OF THE RED LINE GROUP. L109

The head, legs, and tail of what is probably intended to represent an
alligator, modeled in the round, are attached to the periphery of the
basin, and heads of some mammal are used for legs.

A most interesting tripod is shown in Fig. 157. The bowl is beau-
tifully modeled, is symmetrical, and has a flaring rim, rounded and
polished on the upper surface and drooping slightly at the outer mar-
gin. The body is hemispherical and is supported by three grotesque
anthropomorphic figures that strongly remind us of the ** mud head”
masks used in one of the dances of the Zuni Indians. The head isa
rounded ball, upon which pellets of clay are stuck to represent the
features. The arms are set against the sides of the body, as in other
isthmian specimens, the hips are excessively large, the legs straight,
and the feet small and united to form the foot of the vessel. Nearly
the entire surface is finished in a dark purplish red paint, which ap-
pears to have been polished down asa slip. A companion piece is
considerably smaller and the supporting figures are very grotesque
and somewhat crouched, as if bearing a very heavy weight.

A number of large basins or caldrons, collected in Chiriqui, and
fragments of vessels of extraordinary size resemble this ware in
material, color, and finish. The rims of the larger pieces are up-
wards of an inch thick and the walls are in cases three-fourths of an
inch thick. A number of large vessels of similar ware now in the
National Museum were collected in Costa Rica and Nicaragua.

The red line group.—The group of vessels to which I have given
this name is represented by about a dozen specimens, which indicate
a wide range of form and exhibit a number of unique characters.

The localities from which they are derived extend from 8° 20’ to
8° 40’ north latitude and from 82° 40’ to 82° 50’ west longitude.

The paste is of about the usual composition, but takes a variety of
tints on burning, a light gray orange prevailing. The finish of the
surface is about the same as in other groups. The decoration consists
of life forms and their conventional representatives in relief and
of carelessly executed geometric designs, the pigment used being a
bright, sienna-like red.

As will be seen by reference to the illustrations, the forms are
varied and pleasing, but for the most part repeat outlines common
to other groups. The handles, single or in twos, are upright loops,
and the tripods are in nearly all cases looped or annular, an unusual
feature in other groups.

I present three illustrations, two of which were given in outline in
the introductory pages. The first (Fig. 158) has a well proportioned,
somewhat globular body, supported by three legs formed of looped
bands of clay. On the shoulder are two small animal forms, prob-
ably meant for frogs. The spaces between these are occupied by
panel-like arrangements of red lines. The surface is yellowish gray
in color, excepting where blackened in the baking. The paste has

110 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

cracked in firing, a feature observed in a number of pieces belonging
to this group.
A unique piece is represented in Fig. 159. The single handle is a

Fic. 158. Vase decorated with figures of frogs and devices Fie. 159. Vase of unique shape and
in red—}. life form ornamentation — }.
high projecting loop and connects with the margin of the orifice,
which rises to meet it, and with the lower part of the shoulder. An
animal form, apparently anthropomorphic, is embodied in this vessel.
The upper part of the vessel, separated by a shght constriction from
the body proper, represents the head of the creature, the nose, mouth,

Fig. 160. Two handled vase with life form and linear decoration — 4.

HOLMES. ] VASES OF THE WHITE LINE GROUP. 111

and eyes appearing on the front and the ears at the sides. A few
incised lines seen upon the inner surface of the handle stand for the
hair. Upon the shoulder are two sharp nodes, standing for the
breasts, and between these are markings that represent a necklace.
A rude design in red lines covers the upper surface of the body.

A graceful shape is illustrated in Fig. 160. The paste is a grayish
orange on the surface and is rather dark within the thicker portions
of the walls. The under surface is much blackened by use over fire.
An interesting feature is seen upon the handles at the highest point
of the loop. Instead of the single indented transverse fillet observed
in similar forms in other groups, we have two such features, set
about an inch apart, and between them are two indented nodes which
stand for eyes, and a number of indentations within the space refer
to other features of the animal suggested. Upon the shoulder and
collar of the vessel are carelessly drawn geometric patterns in red
lines.

The white line group.— One group of vases, of which we have but
four pieces, is characterized by the use of a whitish pigment in de-
coration. Not one of the collections that I have seen is well sup-
plied with this class of ware, and hence little can be said of its varie-
ties of formand ornament. All are tripods, but the shapes of the ves-
sels vary considerably. Twosmall pieces are from latitude 8° 40’ north
and longitude 82° 32’ west. One of these is shown in Fig. 161. They
are small, rather carelessly finished tripods, with narrow necks and

Fie. 161. Small tripod vase with animal figures in white — }.

flattened bodies. The inner surface of the orifice and the under side of
the body are painted a dull red. The remainder of the surface is a
warm reddish gray, the color of the slip and the paste. The legs in
the piece figured represent some small creature with a rabbit-like face
and a body which tapers gradually to the base. Two feet are placed
near the middle of the body, which is striped transversely with white
lines. A white collar crosses the neck and the eyes are white dots.
The upper surface of the vase is embellished with two animal figures,
executed in a white earthy pigment. They may refer to the alligator,

ue ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

but the drawing is too conventional to admit of full identification.
The companion piece is a little larger, and the upper surface is deco-
rated with three groups of broad white stripes, bordered by rows of
dots, which extend from the base of the neck to the periphery of the
body. The legs are similar to those of the other piece. The little
animal figure fixed to the upper end or hip is identical with that seen
in the following illustration.

Fia, 162. Shapely vase with designs in white paint — }.

The large tripod vase presented in Fig. 162 is distinct In many
ways from anything in the collection and is remarkable for sym-
metry of form and neatness of finish. The body is a long, symmet-
rical cone and the legs are long, straight cylinders, neatly rounded
off toa point below. A thick-rim projects at a sharp angle and is
rounded up toward the margin. The legs are hollow, and through
two pairs of lateral slits a number of small pellets can be seen, which
rattle when the vase is moved. Rudely modeled little animals, with
erect ears, large feet, and conical tails, are fixed to the upper end of
the legs. The ground color, the slip, and the paste are of a reddish

HOLMES. | VASES OF THE LOST COLOR GROUP. 113

gray cast. The greater part of the surface seems to have been painted
red, but the vase has been used over fire to such an extent that little
of the original color remains. The body and the legs have been deco-
rated with geometric patterns in a whitish pigment that can bescraped
off like indurated clay. The little animal figures were also painted
white. A vase very similar to this, from which the legs have been
removed, and the surface smoothed down, has a longer and more
graceful body and asimilar rim. Another piece, exhibiting simi-
lar yet even more strongly marked characteristics of shape, belongs
to the collection of Mr. J. B. Stearns.

The lost color group.—In number of specimens this group is second
to none, excepting perhaps that given under the head of terra cotta
ware. Nine-tenths of the pieces may be classed as bottles, which
have rather short, wide necks and globular bodies, slightly conical
below and in cases flattened above. They range in size from one inch
to nearly a foot in height, but the average capacity is not above a
pint. Aside from the bottles there is a wide range of shapes. There
are shallow bowls and various complex and compound forms. Ani-
mal forms are associated with all classes of vessels. Tripod supports
are limited to rather modest proportions, and handles, although often
present and greatly varied in style, do not constitute an important

‘feature. These vessels are remarkably well preserved and exhibit
few traces of abrasion by use or of blackening over fire. The paste
is fine grained and usually of a light yellow gray tint throughout.

The surface was finished either in a light colored slip or ina strong
red pigment. In some cases the light tint was used exclusively and
again the red covered the entire surface, but more frequently the
two were used together, occupying distinct areas of the same vessel
and forming the groundwork for decorative patterns in other colors.
They were usually polished down with very great care, giving a
glistening surface, upon which the markings of the tool can still be
seen.

I have already described the methods of decoration, but may review
them briefly here. The bright red color, which forms such a promi-
nent and pleasing feature, is, as stated above, only a ground tint and is
not used in any case in the delineation of design. The actual pat-
terns, so varied and interesting, were worked out in a pigment or fluid
now totally lost, but which has left traces of its former existence
through its effect upon the ground colors. In beginning the decora-
tion, a thin black color, probably of vegetal character, was carried
over the area to be treated, and upon this the figures were traced in the
lost color. When this color (if it was indeed a pigment, and not
merely an acid or ‘‘taking out” medium) disappeared, it carried with
it the black tint beneath, exposing the light gray and red tints of the
ground and leaving the interstices in black. The interstitial figures
thus formed are often of such a character as to be taken for the true

6 ETH 8

114 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

design. In examining the decoration of this ware it is essential that
this fact should be kept in mind, as otherwise great confusion will
result.

The nature of the materials employed cannot be determined. Ap-
plied to the polished surface, they were easily removed. The black
eround tint is now easily rubbed off and in most cases is much in-
jured by handling or by contact with the soil. The lost color may
have been similar to the white, argillaceous pigment used by the
Aztecs, which has in many cases partially or wholly disappeared,
leaving its marks upon the ground either by deadening the polish or
by removing portions of the slip and the paste upon which it was laid,
presenting the ornament in intaglo.

The designs are infinitely varied in appearance and arrangement,
yet are far from having a mixed or heterogeneous character. It is
probably our lack of knowledge of the origin and history of the ele-
ments and their derivations that causes confusion. Both geometric
and imitative elements abound and are blended in perfectly graded
series. The treatment of geometric figures is peculiar to Chiriqui
and in many respects is peculiar to this group of ware. Classic
forms, such as the meander, the scroll, and the fret, rarely occur
and are barely recognizable. It appears from a close study of all the

work that motives derived from nature have greatly leavened the .

whole body of decoration. This matter will receive attention as the
examples are presented and will be treated with greater care ina
succeeding section.

Plastic decoration, aside from the life forms so commonly associated
with the body of the vase and with the handles and legs, is not of
importance. The high degree of polish required in this ware tended
to simplify all relieved features.

The presence of life forms in relief has produced important modifi-
cations in the appearance and the arrangement of the painted devices,
and in many cases there is a manifest correlation between the plastic
and the painted forms: as, for example, when the body of the vase was
thought of asthe body of the animal, the extremities of which were
placed upon its sides, the colored figures carried out the idea of the
creature by imitating in a more or less conventional way the mark-
ings of the body. This will be understood through reference to the
examples presented in the following pages.

I will present, first, a series of bottles, selecting at the beginning
those decorated in the more purely geometric style and gradually
approaching those upon which animal forms are treated in a literal
manner. The few pieces selected for illustration are totally inade-
quate to the proper representation of the group and must be regarded
only as average specimens, more or less typical in character.

I give first a number of examples in which the decorative devices
are arranged in horizontal zones. In Fig. 163 broad bands of orna-

Poke

HOLMES. ] BOTTLES OF THE LOST COLOR GROUP. 115

ment, consisting of scalloped and plain lines, encircle the neck and
the body of the vessel. In finishing this piece the whole surface was
painted a rich red and highly polished; then a black coat was applied,
covering the body from the lip to the base of the design; and finally
the delineating fluid was applied, removing the black, as shown in the
narrow lines, the sharply dentate bands, and the broad, plain band

Fie. 163, Small red bottle with horizontal bands of ornament consisting of plain and scalloped
lines — }.

Fie. 164. Small red bottle with encircling geometric devices —},

between. The second example (Fig. 164) varies somewhat in shape
and design, but is identical in color and manipulation. The dark
figures are merely the interspaces, although they appear at first
glance to have been intended for the design proper.

In a numerous series of vessels the decorated bands are divided into
compartments or panels, often four in number, which spaces are occu-
pied by lines and figures of greatly diversified characters. In the
example shown in Fig. 165 the ground color of the principal zone is
in the light yellow gray tint of the slip, the remainder being red.
This lends brilliancy to the effect.

116 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

In the vase shown in Fig. 166 the treatment is in a general way the
ame, but the compartments are triangular and are separated by lines
nat form a disconnected meander. An additional example is given

na
in Fig. 167. Here the principal zone is expanded to cover the whole

5
t
t

Fic. 166, Bottle with broad zone containing geometric figures — }.

upper surface of the vase, which was finished in the light colored slip
to receive it. The principal lines are arranged to give the effect of
rays when viewed from above, but as seen in the cut they give the
effect of a carelessly connected meander. The groups of lines are

VASES OF THE LOST COLOR GROUP. ly

HOLMES. |

bordered by series of dots. A great number of pieces are painted in
this style. The effect is varied by altering the shape of the inter-
spaces or by modifying the number and relationship of the lines, dots,

and figures.

Fig. 167. Bottle with decoration of meandered lines—}.
Somewhat similar also in general effect to the last example is the

work upon another important series of vases. Instead of the sim-

ple meandered or zigzag arrangement of parts, two of the dividing

Fia. 168. Bottle with arched panels and geometric devices — }.

lines of the zone run tangent to the neck of the vase on opposite
sides, forming arched panels and leaving upright panels between.

edies ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

In the example presented in Fig. 168 the arched areas are filled in with
lattice-like arrangements of lines. In others we have dots, checkers,

Fic. 169. Bottle with arched panels and elaborate devices — }.

and varied geometric combinations, and in very many cases the fig-
ures are derived from life forms. The same may be said of the de-
vices that occupy the spaces between the arches. The piece shown in
Fig. 169 exhibits a somewhat more elaborate treatment, but the mo-
tives and arrangements are much the same. These vessels are pecu-
liar in the treatment of the ground. ‘The entire surface is red, with
the exception of narrow bands of light ground color, which outline
the arches and encircle the periphery. In other cases these bands are
red, the remainder of the ground being light. Series of lines are
drawn from the lower border of the zone to the center of the base of
the b« dy.

In asmall group of vases we have a radiate ornament within the
arches and in a few cases the arched lines are continued down around

Fic. 170. Vase with rosette-like panels

Fic. 170a. Ornament from vase shown in Fig. 170.

the base of the vessel, forming vertical circles in which rosette-like
designs are formed by repeating the radiate figures in an inverted

HOLMES. ] VASES OF THE LOST COLOR GROUP. 119

position below the peripheral line. The elaboration in these circular
inclosures is very remarkable, as will be seen by reference to the three

Fic. 171, Vase with rosette-like panels — }. Fic. 172. Vase with rosette-like panels—}.

examples givenin Figs. 170, 171,and 172. Inthe first case the periph-
eral line isa red band nearly one-half an inch wide and the rays
appear in groups above and below it. Within the four broader black
rays (Fig. 170a), which are the interspaces or remnants of the ground,
groups of lines have been drawn, in most cases curved at the inner ends
like an opening frond and accompanied in all cases by series of dots.
An examination of a number of vessels shows various degrees of con-
vention. It is clear, however, that these devices, showing curves,
hooks, and dots, are not of technical or mechanical origin, but that
they refer to delineative originals of which they are survivals; but we
must remain in the dark as to what the originals were or what was the
precise nature of the idea associated with them in the mind of the
decorator. Another question refers to the arrangement of the parts
of the design in the five preceding figures. The distribution of the
designs is a matter of great interest, and much may be learned from a
close study of these specimens.

Horizontal zones appear in the ceramic decoration of all countries,
and result, no doubt, from technical causes; but the division of zones
into compartments of peculiar shape is due to other influences. I be-
lieve the peculiar arched arrangement here seen results from the em-
ployment of plastic features, such as handles or life forms. The
ancient races were accustomed to conceive of the vessel as the body of
an animal, an idea originating in the association of mythologic con-
ceptions with art. The head and the tail of the particular creature
thought of were attached to opposite sides of the vase and consequently
interfered with the original zonal arrangement of the design where
it existed, or where it did not exist the sides were filled with devices
representing the markings of the creature’s body, The decoration
now consisted of four parts, two in the round or in relief and two in
color, the former occupying small areas and the latter wide areas, as

120 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUL

seen in Fig. 173. The same result would spring from the use of two
handles, such a common feature in this ware. The lateral spaces
reached from the periphery to the base of the neck and were most

Fie. 173. Fic. 174. Fic. 175.
Theoretical origin of the arched panels,

readily and naturally separated from the plastic features by lines ex-
tending across the shoulder tangent to the neck and forming arches
(Fig. 174). In time the plastic features, being difficult to manage,
would gradually decrease in boldness of modeling and finally disap-
pear, leaving a space upon which the life form could be symbolized
in color (Fig. 175). Now it happens that in this collection we have
aseries of examples illustrating all stages of this change, the first,
the middle, and the final steps bemg shown in the above figures,

Fic. 176. Vase decorated with conventional figures of alligators— 4.

In multiplying these vessels the original forms and associations of
decorative features are necessarily to some extent lost sight of ; the
panels change in shape, number, and relationships; and devices orig-
inally appropriate to particular spaces are employed indiscriminately,
so that the uninitiated see nothing but confusion. All devices are
delineations of or have more or less definite reference to the creature
or spirit associated with the vessel.

HOLMES. | VASES DECORATED WITH LIFE FORMS. 1?1

I will now pass over the many hundreds of pieces with designs too
conventional to furnish a clew to the original animal forms, yet
still suggesting their existence, to those in which the life forms can
be traced with ease or in which they are delineated with a much
nearer approach to nature. The manner of introducing life forms
into the panels of the encircling zones is illustrated in the following
figures. In the vase shown in Fig. 176 there are four panels, two

[zl [Ra

Fig. 177. Fic. 178.
Portions of decorated zones illustrating treatment of life forms,

short and two long, separated by vertical bands. The short panels
are black, but the long ones are occupied by rudely drawn figures of
alligators, some of which are very curiously abbreviated. At the
right hand in the cut we have simply the head with its strong re-
curved jaws and notched crest. The principal figure at the left is a
two headed alligator, the body being straight and supplied with two
feet. The ground finish of the decorated band is in the light gray
tint and the alligator figures and vertical septa now appear in that

Fie. 179. Vase decorated with highly conventional life forms — }

color. The ground of the remainder of the surface is red. It will
be seen that in this case the panel outlines are rather elaborate and
that the neck and base are striped in a way to enhance considerably
the beauty of the vessel. Additional examples of animal devices are

given in Figs. 177 and 178. The significance of the curious figure

122 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.
seen in the first is not easily determined, although we do not hesitate
to assign to it an animalorigin. There is a suggestion of two sitting
figures placed back to back between the upright serrate lines. In the
second piece, which is from another vessel, the space between the ser-
rate lines is occupied by a sketchy figure which, in the phraseology
of heraldry, may be likened to a monkey rampant.

A Ke)

Fic. 179a. Design from vase shown in Fig. 179.
In Figs. 179 and 180 I present very interesting examples in which

the arched panels are used. In the first the compartments are occu-
pied by a favorite Chiriquian motive, which consists of groups of

Fic. 180, Vase decorated with highly conventional life forms— 3}.

lines curled up at one end like unfolding fronds. The whole group
represents a very highly conventionalized animal figure (Fig. 179a).
The devices occupying the upright panels take the place of the ani-
mal heads shown in several preceding figures. In the arched panels
shown in Fig. 180 we have the frond-like motive treated in a man-

HOLMES. ] VASES DECORATED WITH LIFE FORMS. 12:
ner to make it pretty certain that a reptilian form is intended. These
figures are fully and systematically presented in a succeeding section.

Many of these globular vases are unusually handsome. The pol-
ished ground is red or is varied with stripes or panels of the whitish
slp. Over this ground the whole surface was painted black and then
the lost color was employed to work out the design. The coiled
figures were produced by drawing the lines in the lost color. The
interspaces were then roughly gone over with the same pigment in
such a way as to leave the figures inclosed within rather uneven black
borders. The presentation of these ornaments brings me naturally to
the consideration of a number of very puzzling forms which, if taken
alone, must inevitably be referred to vegetal originals. In Fig.
181 we have a handsomely shaped vessel, finished in a polished red

ground and decorated in the usual manner. In the main zone—here

Fie. 181. Vase decorated with highly conventional life forms — 4.

rather high up on the vase—there is a series of upright figures re-
sembling stalks or stems with scroll-like branches springing from the
sides. The stalks are probably the septa of the panels and the leaves
are the usual reptilian symbols. About the widest part of the body
of the vase is a band of ornament probably representing an animal.

A still more remarkable ornament is shown in Fig. 182. The dec-
orated zone of the vessel from which this is taken is divided into three
panels, each of which contains stem-like figures terminating in flower
shaped heads and uniting in a most remarkable way animal deriva-
tives and vegetal forms. Iam inclined to the view that here, as in

124. ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

the preceding case, the resemblance to a vegetal growth is purely
adventitious.

Fic. 182. Decorated panel with devices resembling vegetal growths, but probably of animal origin — 4},

In striking contrast with the globular forms just given are the
angular outlines presented in the following illustrations. The first is
flattened above, the body being much expanded horizontally and

Fic. 183. Example of vase of unusual shape —}

Examples of vases of unusual shapes —}.

having a sharp peripheral angle. Upon the shoulder, occupying the
places of and probably standing for animal heads, are two cruciform

HOLMES } VASES OF UNUSUAL SHAPES. 125

nodes, about which the scroll-like decorations of the upper surface are
coiled. We see by this that in the mind of the potter a correlation
existed between the plastic and the painted devices even in these con-
ventional decorations. The second illustration represents a neatly
finished bottle, with upright sides and conical base, upon the shoulder
of which minute animal figures are perched. The painted design is
nearly obliterated. The third example is unique. The sides are up-
right and the bottom is flat. The ornament occupies the entire sur-
face and is divided into two sections or zones by a red band about the
middle.

Complex and compound forms are comparatively rare. A double
vessel is shown in Fig. 186, and a second, varying somewhat from the

Tia. 186. Double vessel with high arched handle — }.

first in shape and ornamentation, is presented in the succeeding figure.
Vessels of this form are always small, but are neatly constructed and
finished with much care. The strong handles are more or less arched
and connect the inner margins of the two lips. The bodies of the twin
cups are closely joined, but the two compartments are not connected.

Fig. 187. Double vessel with arched handle — }.

It seems impossible to present a satisfactory series of the plastic
features characteristic of this group of products without extending
this paper inordinately. Handles, legs, and life forms are varied and
interesting; they are not so boldly treated, however, as in some of the

126 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUL.

other groups. This is a result perhaps of the unusual degree of pol-
ish given to all parts of the surface preparatory to the application
of designs in color, the processes tending to subdue and simplify
the salient features.

With reference to life forms it has already been pointed out that
the painted figures generally imitate or typify animal forms, and it
is important to note that these figures are in very many cases used
as auxiliaries to plastic features in the development of particular
conceptions. This is shown to advantage in Fig. 188, which illus-
trates a small, well formed bottle, having two large human-like heads
attached to opposite sides of the body. There are no other plastic
features, but the heads are supplied with arms and legs, rudely ex-
pressed in black lines, which are reaily the interspaces of the lines
drawn in the lost color. These painted parts occupy the zone usually
devoted to decoration and, as will be seen by reference to the cut, re-
semble closely the radiate or meandered figures seen in vases of the
class shown in Fig. 167. The arms are joined to the lower part-of
the head and extend upward to the neck of the vessel, where they
terminate in rudely suggested fingers. Rising to the right and left
of the arms are legs terminating as do the arms. <A double row of
dots is carried along each member, and thus we have a suggestion of

Fie. 188. Vase embellished with life forms, heads in relief and other parts in color — 4.

the relation of the dots and dotted lines, seen in more highly con-
ventional forms, to the markings of the creature represented or sym-
bolized. The grotesque faces are covered with lines which follow the
forms as if imitating markings upon the skin. Another. example,
equally suggestive, also employing an animal form, is shown in Fig.
189. It is a cup, mounted upon three feet, which has attached to
one side the head of a peccary, modeled with more than usual skill.
The ears of the animal appear at the sides of the vessel and the
tail is opposite the head. The lines and dots seen upon the head
are carried along the sides of the vessel as far as the ears and un-

HOLMES.| PAINTED FIGURES AUXILIARY TO PLASTIC FEATURES. 127

doubtedly represent the markings of the animal’s skin. Behind the
ears the markings are different in character and purely geometric.
A view of the under side of the vessel is shown in Fig. 190 and illus-

Fic. 190. Under surface of vase shown in Fig. 189.

trates a treatment characteristic of the tripod vases of this class. In
other cases, instead of fixing the head of the animal upon one side

Fic. 191. Small vessel with human figures in high relief and geometric color decoration—4.

128 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

and other members of the body upon other sides, two heads, or two
complete creatures, are placed opposite each other,

I present next (Fig. 191) a piece in which there is no recognizable
relationship between the painted and the plastic features. It isa
small tripod cup with upright walls, upon which two characteristic
Chiriquian human figures, male and female, are fixed. The painted
figures upon the sides of the vessel are geometric, but refer possibly
to some character or attribute of the modeled figures or are the sur-
vivals of figures belonging to vessels of this shape or style before the
life forms were associated with them. The legs, however, so far as
can be determined, are not related to the human motive, as they are
modeled and painted to imitate the heads of alligators.

T shall now present a few shallow bowls or pans mounted upon
tripods. They vary in dimensions from a few inches in diameter to
a foot or more and are strongly made, symmetrically formed, and
neatly finished. The polished surfaces are mainly red. The designs
were executed in the usual way in the lost color, upon a black ground,
and are confined chiefly to the exterior surface. The alligator is the
favorite motive, and in a number of cases is quite graphically, al-
though still conventionally, rendered. Asin the preceding examples,
the animal heads represented in the legs do not always correspond
to the creatures embodied in the painted decoration.

In Fig. 192 we have a representative example of moderate size and
ordinary finish. The decorated band is divided into panels, three of
which are long and contain figures of the alligator. The other three

Fig. 192. Tripod cup, with figures of the alligator — }.

are short and are filled with conventional devices, related perhaps to
that animal. The legs are apparently intended to resemble the heads
of alligators. A large piece, nearly twelve inches in diameter, 1s very
similar in shape and decoration, but the legs resemble puma heads,

HOLMES. ] VASES OF THE LOST COLOR GROUP. 129

The specimen shown in Fig. 195 is extremely well made and differs
decidedly from the preceding. The sides are upright and the lip is
recurved and thick. The legs represent some animal form with
thick body, eyes at the top, and a tail-like appendage below that
turns up and connects with the side of the body. The form of the
bowl is symmetrical and the surface carefully finished and polished.
The exterior design is divided into panels, as in the preceding case;
the figures are simple and geometric. The inside of the upright por-
tion of the wall is decorated with vertical lines and bands and the
bottom is covered with an octopus-like figure, now partially obliter-
ated.

Fre. 193. Large shallow tripod vase, with geometric decoration —}.

The remarkable example shown in Fig. 194 illustrates a number
of the points suggested in the preceding pages. It is a large bottle
of the usual contour and color, mounted upon three high legs,
which are slit on the inner surface and contain movable balls of
clay. Two handles, placed at opposite sides of the neck, represent
human or anthropomorphic figures. These figures and the neck and
base of the vessel were finished in the red slip. The broad zone ex-
tending from the neck to some distance below the periphery was fin-
ished in the gray slip, with the exception of the frames of two panels
beneath the handles and the foundation lines of two large figures of
alligators, which are in red. The surface, when thus treated, was
well polished and then a coat of black was laid upon it, and upon this
details of the designs were drawn in the lost color. The figures of
the alligators exhibit some striking peculiarities. The hooked snout,
the hanging jaw, the row of dotted notches extending along the back,
and especially the general curve of the body are worthy of atten-

6 ETH——_9

130 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

tion. These features are seen to better advantage in the series of
vases presented in the following section.

Belonging to this group are many whistles, needlecases, and rattles,
all of which are described under separate headings upon subsequent
pages.

Fic. 194. Large bottle shaped vase, with high tripod and alligator designs— 4,

The alligator group.—The group of ware to which I give the above
name is perhaps the most interesting in the collection, although
numerically inferior to some of those already presented. Its deco-
ration is of a very striking character and may serve to throw much
light upon the origin and evolution of certain linear devices, as it il-
lustrates with more than usual clearness the processes of modification.

I will first present a representative series of the vessels, in order that
they may ina measure tell their own story ; yet it is not possible with-

HOLMES. | ALLIGATOR GROUP OF WARE. 131

out the direct aid of a full series of the objects themselves to convey
a clear and comprehensive notion of the metamorphoses through
which the forms and decorations pass. ;

This group, like that last described, is composed chiefly of bottle
shaped vases with globular bodies and short, wide necks; but there is
no danger of confusion. By placing a series from each group side by
side a number of marked differences may be noted. In the lost color
group the neck is decided in form, the body is usually somewhat flat-
tened above and is distinctly conical below, and the prevailing color
isavich dark red. In the alligator group the body is more nearly
globular and the curves of the whole outline are more gentle; the
prevailing color is a light yellowish gray. The reds and the blacks,
which are used chiefly in the figures, are confined to rather limited
areas.

Besides the bottle shaped vases, there is a limited series of the
usual forms, and a few pieces exhibit unique features. The manage-
ment of life forms is especially instructive. Handles are rare and
legs are usually not of especial interest, as they are plain cones or at
most but rude imitations of the legs of animals. Shallow vessels
are invariably mounted upon tripods anda few of the deeper forms
are so equipped. Usually the sizes are rather small; but we occasion-
ally observe a bottle having the capacity of a gallon or more. The
materials do not differ greatly from those employed in other groups
of ware. The paste is fine grained and light in color, sometimes
reddish near the surface, and where quite thick is darker within the
mass. A slip of light yellowish hue was in most cases applied to the
entire surface. A red ochery pigment was in some instances used in
finishing the hp and the base of the body, and occasionally the red
pigment was applied as a base, a kind of sketch foundation for the
decoration proper. Hor example, when the alligator was to appear
upon the side of the vessel, the principal forms were traced in broad
lines of the red color, and these were polished down with the slips
When the polishing process was complete, the details of the figure.
were drawn in black and in cases partially in red. Black was the
chief delineating color, the red having been confined to broad areas,
to outlines, and to the enframing of panels. In execution, therefore,
there is a decided contrast with the preceding group, and it may be
added that there is an equally strong contrast in both treatment and
subject matter of the ornament. The motives are derived almost
wholly from life forms and retain for the most part features that sug-
gest their origin. The subjects are chiefly reptilian, the alligator
appearing in a majority of cases, and hence the name of the group.

I present first a few examples of plain bottles which have no extrane-
ous plastic features. The decorations are arranged in two ways, in
zones about the upper part of the body or in circular areas, generally
four in number, equidistantly placed about the shoulder of the vessel.

132 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

An example of the first style is given in Fig. 195, which represents the
largest piece in this group of ware. The form is symmetrical and
very pleasing to theeye. Thesurface is not very highly polished and
shows the marks of the polishing implement distinctly over the entire
surface. Two black lines encircle the flat upper surface of the rim
and the outer margin is red. The neck and a narrow zone at the up-
per part of the body are finished in a cream colored slp and the body
below this is red. The narrow band of ornament occupies the lower
margin of the light colored zone and consists of five encircling lines
in black, three of which are above and two below a band one-half an
inch wide, in which five much simplified figures of alligators are
drawn. Besides these figures there are two vertical septum-like bands.

Fic, 195. Large bottle, with narrow zone containing fizures of the alligator — 4.

Hach of these consists of three lines bordered by dots, which proba-
bly have some relationship with the alligator. The decorated zone of
these vessels is divided in various ways into panels, some of which are
triangular, while others are rectangular or arched. The latter form
is seen in Fig. 196. Five arches, having no border line above, are
occupied by abbreviated alligator devices. The number of compart-

HOLMES. ] VASES OF THE ALLIGATOR GROUP. 13¢

ments ranges In other specimens from two toa dozen or more. They
are filled in with various devices, to be described in detail further on.

Fic. 196. Vase with decorated zone containing four arched panels — }.

A very peculiar form of decoration consists of circular or rosette-
like ornaments, such as are shown in Fig. 197. Four slightly relieved
nodes an inch or more in diameter are placed upon the shoulder of the
vessel. These are encircled by red lines which inclose two black lines

Ira. 197. Vase with four round nodes upon which animal devices are painted— 4,

134 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

sach, and within these are peculiar devices in black. Other vessels
furnish figures of greatly diversified characters, most of which evi-
dently refer to life forms. <A full series of these is given in a subse-
quent section of this paper, where the origin of the nodes and the
manner in which the painted figures probably became associated with
them will be fully set forth.

In the series of outlines presented in Fig. 198, we have some of the
varieties of form and decoration of both the ordinary bottles and the
plainer tripod cups. Hach example presents certain features of par-
ticular interest. The handsome little bottle (d) with the plastic orna-
ment about the neck and the zone of geometric ornament in black and
red lines is unique. The double necked bottle is an unusual form and

ranean tristan AyNANANW™

file}

att 8
SRMLLUNT en

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Fig. 198. Vases of varied form and decoration,

its decoration consists of a strangely conceived representation of the
alligator. The tripod vases are worthy of close attention: the piece
illustrated in 6 has a zone of ornament separated into three parts by
vertical spaces, each part being enframed in black. The sections are
divided by red lines into three panels, each of which contains a con-
ventional figure of an alligator in black. The piece shown in @ is
unique in its decoration. Four angular fret links in black are in-
closed in as many panels, bordered by red and separated by blank
spaces. These fret links, as I shall show further on, probably refer
to or symbolize the alligator. The legs of the cups are all conical
and are marked with short transverse lines in black, which have a
direct reference to the markings of the animal to which the vase was
consecrated, A careful study of the preceding illustrations leads to

tia al

HOLMES.] VASES OF THE ALLIGATOR GROUP. 135

the conelusion that in the mind of the potters there was a close and
important relationship between the vessel and the reptilian forms
embodied in both plastic and surface embellishment. The series of
examples which follow have a bearing upon this point. I shall begin
with that in which the creature is most literally rendered.

-In Fig. 199 the whole conformation of the vessel is considerably
modified through the attempt to perfect the likeness of the alligator,
whose head, tail, and legs are graphically rendered. The body, head,
and tail are covered with nodes, each of which is encircled by a black
ring and has a black dot upon the apex. Dotted rings and short strokes
of black occupy the interspaces. These devices represent the spines

RY
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AULT AT

Fie. 199. Alligator vase, with conventional markings - 4.

Fic. 200. Alligator vase, with conventional figures of the alligator painted on the sides — }.

and scales of the creature’s skin. The legs are marked with horizontal
stripes and oval spaces at the top inclose three dots each. The gen-

136 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUL

eral color of the vessel is a dark brown. This piece should be com-
pared with the alligator whistle shown in Fig. 250,

A somewhat different treatment is shown in Fig. 200. Here the
animal form has undergone considerable modification. There are but
three legs—a concession to the conventional tripod—and the body
exhibits, instead of the nodes and the markings of the creature’s skin,
two conventional drawings of the wholeanimal. Now, by higher and
higher degrees of convention, we come to a long series of modified
results which must be omitted for want of room. We find that the
plastic features are gradually reduced until mere nodes appear where
the head and the tail should be, and finally in the lower forms there
remains but a blank panel or a painted device, as already shown ina
preceding section. The painted devices are also reduced by degrees
until all resemblance to nature is lost and geometric devices alone

Fic. 201. Vase having the head and tail of a serpent projecting from opposite sides of the body and
connected by a meandered design which stands for the markings of the body— }.

remain. I observe in this association of plastic and painted features
a lack of the perfect consistency I had learned to expect in the work
of primitive peoples. It is easy to see how, from painting the mark-
ings of the creature’s skin upon the body of the vessel, the painter
should come gradually to delineate parts of the creature or even the
whole creature, but we should not expect him to paint a creature
distinct in kind from that modeled, thus confusing or entirely sepa-
rating the conceptions; this has been done, apparently, in the vase
illustrated in Fig. 202, where the plastic form represents a puma and
the painting upon the sides seems intended for an alligator. It will
be seen from the figures given that the devices of the panels or sides
do not necessarily represent the markings of the animal’s body, asin
Fig. 201, but that they may refer to the entire creature (Fig. 200) or
even to what appears to be a totally distinct creature (Fig. 202).

If realistic or semirealistic delineations are confused in this way
it is to be expected that highly conventional derivative figures, so
numerous and varied, should be much less clearly distinguished; that
indeed there should be no certainty whatever in the reference to orig-
inals. It is difficult to say of any particular conventional device

HOLMES. ] VASES OF THE ALLIGATOR GROUP. 137

that it originated in the figure of the animal asa whole rather than
in some part or character of that animal or of some other animal.

A very instructive example bearing upon this subject is shown in
Fig. 203. Attached to one side of the basin is a pendent head resem-

Fic. 202, Vase representing a puma, with figures of the alligator painted upon the sides —{.

bling that of a serpent or a turtle. A kind of hood overhangs the
head and extends in a ridge around the sides of the vessel, connect-

Fic. 203. Shallow vase with reptilian features in the round and designs in red and black represent ing
the markings of the creature’s body — }.

ing with the tail of the creature, which is also pendent and hooded.
Four legs support the vessel and are marked with transverse stripes
of red and black paint. The upper surface of the head is covered
with reticulated lines in black, and bands of conventional ornament
in the same color extend around the sides of the vessel, uniting the
head with the tail of the animal. <A single band of ornament passes
beneath the body, also connecting those members. It is plain that
these painted bands serve to complete the representation of the reptile.

138 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

3ut, as I have just shown, they are as likely to stand for the whole
creature or to be the abbreviated representative of the whole creature
as to represent merely the markings of the body. These devices, as
arranged in the zone, resemble in a remarkable degree the conven-
tional running scroll.

I have but one more example of the alligator vases to present, but
it is perhaps the most remarkable piece in the collection (Fig. 204).

Fic. 204. Vase with funnel shaped mouth and square body, supported by two grotesque figures and

decorated with figures of alligators and monkeys— }

It illustrates to good advantage both the skill and the strange fancy
of these archaic potters. A large vase, having a high flaring rim and
a subcubical body, is supported by two grotesque human appearing
figures, whose backs are set against opposite ends of the vessel. The
legs are placed wide apart, thus affording a firm support. The heads
of the two figures project forward from the shoulder of the vase and
are flattened in such a way as to give long oval outlines to the crowns

HOLMES, ] VASES OF THE ALLIGATOR GROUP. 13°

which are truncated and furnished with long slit-like openings
that connect through the head with the main chamber of the vessel.
The openings are about two and a half inches long and one-eighth
of an inch wide and are surrounded by a shallow channel in the
flat, well polished upper surface. The extraordinary conformation
of this part of the vessel recalls the well known whistling vases of
South America; but this piece is too badly broken to admit of ex-
periment to test its powers. It is generally likened to a money box.
In order to convey a clear conception of the shape of the upper sur-
face, I present a top view of the vessel (Fig. 205).

A front view of one of the supporting figures is shown in Fig. 206.
Although certainly not intended to represent a human figure with
accuracy, it is furnished with a crown, as are the figures in gold and
stone, and is covered with devices that seem to refer to costume. The
features are extremely grotesque, the nose resembling the beak of a

Fic. 205. Top view of vase in Fig. 204, Fig. 206. End view of vase in Fig. 204, show-
showing the main orifice and the ob- ing front view of grotesque figure. The red
long openings. portions of the painted figures are outlined

with dots.

bird and the mouth being a mere ridge, without indications of the
lips. The face and the chest are painted with curious devices in red.
The funnel and body of the vase are decorated with subjects that seem
to have no connection with the plastic features and no relation to one
another in subject matter. The upper panel, surrounded by a frame-
work of black and red lines, contains the figure of an alligator much
simplified and taking a peculiar position on account of the shape of
the space into which it is crowded. The figure occupying the body
panel is that of a very strangely conventionalized two tailed monkey
and is enframed by a wide red line. On the shoulder of the vessel
is an ornament consisting of a number of angular hooks attached
toastraight line. The effect is like that of fretwork, but the figure
is probably derived from a modified animal form. The paste of this

140 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

vase is sandy and is reddish gray near the surface and quite dark
within the mass. The modeling is thoroughly well done, and the sur-
face, which is of a somber, yellowish gray tint, is highly polished.
The figures are drawn chiefly in black, red being confined to broad
lines and areas. De Zeltner published photographic illustrations of
a similar vase with his pamphlet on the graves of Chiriqui. That
specimen is now, I believe, in the hands of Prof. O. C. Marsh, of
New Haven. It corresponds very closely in nearly every respect
with the example here described.

The polychrome group.—The National Museum collection contains
but three examples of this most aitistic of the wares of Chiriqui. Its
claim to superiority rests upon a certain boldness and refinement of
execution, combined with nobleness of outline and a type of design
much in advance of other isthmian decoration. It is probably most
nearly allied to the ware of the alligator group, and it possesses some
of the characteristics of the best Central American work. Unlike

Fig. 207, Large vase with decorations in red and black — 3.

the other wares of Chiriqui, this pottery has a bright salmon red
paste and the slip proper is a delicate shade of the same color. In
nearly all cases undecorated portions of the surface are finished in

HOLMES. | VASES OF THE POLYCHROME GROUP. 141

red, which appears to have been polished down as a slip. The designs
are in three colors — black, a strong red, anda fine gray purple —which.
in combination with the bright reddish ground, give a very rich
effect. The first example, shown in Fig. 207, is a large, nearly
symmetrical bottle with a short neck and a thick, flaring lip. The
inner surface of the orifice and the lower half of the body are finished
in red and the neck and shoulder in the salmon colored slip. A wide
zone of ornament encircles the upper surface of the body. The de-
signs are executed with great skill in red and black colors and include
two highly conventional figures, probably of reptilian origin. The
manner of their introduction into the zone is shown in Fig. 208. The

Fic. 208. Devices of the decorated zone of vase shown in Fig. 207

oval faces are placed on opposite sides, taking the positions usually
occupied by modeled heads. Each face is supplemented by a pair of
arms which terminate in curiously conventional hands, and the two
caudal appendages are placed midway between the faces, filling tri-
angular areas. The body of the vase serves as a body for both
creatures. In the illustration, the red of the design, which is carried
over all of one face save the eyes and mouth and serves to emphasize
the features of the other face, is indicated in vertical tint lines and the

black is given in solid color. This vase is twelve inches in height.

14? ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

A second example, illustrated in Fig. 209, is a fine piece of some-
what unusual shape. The orifice is trumpet shaped and rather too
wide for good proportion. The body is flattened above and conical
below and is supported by a rather meager annular foot. The paste

Fig. 209, Handsome vase with four handles and decorations in black, red, and purple — 3.

is of a light brick red color, and the slip, as seen in the ground of
the decorated belt, is a pale gray orange. Undecorated portions of
the surface are painted red. The ornamented zone is interrupted by
two pairs of handle-lke appendages set upon the outer part of the
shoulder. These projections may possibly have served as handles, as
they are perforated both horizontally and vertically, but they are
at the same time undoubtedly conventionalized animal forms, the
creature being represented by the four flattened, transversely marked
arms or rays and an eye-likedevice painted upon the top of each figure.
The painted devices are seen in plan in Fig. 210, where the relations of
the releved features to the zone of painted decoration are clearly
shown. This zone is divided into panels of unequal dimensions, and
within these a number of extraordinary devices are drawn in three
colors, red, black, and purple. These are distinguished in the plan by
peculiar tint lines. The designs are of such a character as to leave little
doubt that they are ideographic, although at present it is impossible to
guess the nature of the associated ideas. The annular foot observed
in this specimen illustrates the first step in the development of a
feature the final stage of which is shown in Fig. 211. The latter

HOLMES. | VASES OF THE POLYCHROME GROUP. 143

shape is such as would result from inverting the preceding form, re-
moving the conical base of the body, and using the funnel shaped
orifice asa stand. This highly developed shape implies a long prac-

Gt
s ah =e ou)
wR, EERYZ

Fig. 210. The painted designs of vase in Fig. 209 viewed from above.

tice of the art. The form is a usual one in Mexico and in Central
America. The bowl is shallow and is set gracefully upon the stand,
the whole shape closely resembling simple conditions of the classic
kylix. The color of the paste is a pale brick red and that of the slip
approaches orange. The walls are thick and even and the surface is
very carefully polished.

The painted decoration is of unusual interest. The colors are so
rich, the execution is so superior, and the conception so strange that
we dwell upon it with surprise and wonder. The central portion of
the bowl is occupied by what would seem to represent a fish painted
in strong, firm, marvelously turned lines, and in a style of convention
wholly unique. The outlines are in black and the spaces are filled in
with red and purple or are left in the orange hue of the ground, An
idea of the superior style of execution can be gained from Fig. 212.
It will be impossible to characterize the details of the drawing
in words. The strange position and shape of the head, the oddly
placed eyes and mouth, and the totally incomprehensible treatment
of the body can be appreciated, however, by referring to the illustra-
tion. A careful study leads inevitably to the conclusion that this

144 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

was no ordinary decoration, no playing with lines, but a serious
working out of a conception every part of which had its significance

or its raison d’étre.

Fic. 211. Vase of unusual shape, with decoration in black, red, and purple —4.

Fig. 212. Ornament occupying the interior surface of the basin of vase shown in Fig. 211.

The fieures occupy ine the border zone of the bowl are worthy of
careful inspection. It will be seen that the potter, even in this

neem
4

HOLMES. | VASES OF THE POLYCHROME GROUP. 145

highly specialized condition of the utensil, has not lost sight of the
conception that the vessel is the body of an animal, as we have seen
so often in simpler forms, and that the symbols of the creature should
appear upon it and encircle it. The zone is divided into two equal
sections by small knobs, painted, as are the handle-like appendages
in the preceding specimen, to represent some animal feature. The
lateral sections are occupied by eye-like figures that stand for the
markings of the body of the creature symbolized. They really oc-
cupy the spaces left by a continuous waved body or life line, which
they serve to define. Devices of this class are most frequently met
with in connection with representations of the alligator. They may,
however, symbolize the serpent, as occasionally seen in the alligator
group. Decorative conceptions so remarkable as these could arise
only through one channel: the channel of mythology. The super-
stitions of men have imposed upon the art a series of conceptions
fixed in character and limited to especial positions, relations, and
forms of expression. It is useless to speculate upon the nature of
the mythologic conceptions with an idea of arriving at any under-
standing of the religion of the people; but we do learn something
of the stage of development, something of the condition of philos-
ophy.

I must not close this section without referring to some fine
vases that belong apparently to this group and which were collected

Fie. 213. Large vase of fine shape and simple decorations. From De Zeltner about }.

6 ETH——10

146 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

by De Zeltner and illustrated by photographs accompanying his
pamphlet. They are now, I believe, in the possession of Prof. O. C.
Marsh. The sketches given herewith are copied from De Zeltner’s
photographs and are probably somewhat defective in details of draw-
ing. The piece illustrated in Fig. 213 is not described by the author,
but is evidently a handsome vessel and is decorated in a very simple
manner. <A band of devices symbolizing the body of an animal en-
circles the middle portion of the vase. The height is about a foot.

Fie. 214. Vase with extraordinary decorative designs. From De Zeltner — about }.

A second piece (Fig. 214), of which two views are given by the
same author, corresponds closely in many respects with the vase illus-
trated in Fig. 211 and is described in the following language:

My collection includes a cup (or chalice) of baked clay 25 centimeters in diameter,
mounted on a hollow stand which gives it a height of 18 centimeters, and the de-
signs of which are very rich and in perfect taste. The base is hollow and colored
red, white, black, and purple ; it has four narrow openings or slits, and the design
represents plaits spirally arranged. The under side of the cup is divided into four
compartments, each of which incloses a dragon painted in black and red on a white
ground ; the borders are sometimes red, sometimes purple. The body of the dragon
might have been painted in China, so neat and intricate is the drawing.

The design upon the inside of the cup seems to resemble Egyptian art. The body
of aman is seen, painted in red, the arms and legs separated, and the shoulders
bearing the head of the dragon with teeth and crest. The color is similar to the
rest of the piece — purple, white, and black. The intermediate spaces are filled
with very int'icate designs.

This extraordinary design is shown in Fig. 215, and it will be seen
that it agrees in many respects with figures presented in the lost
color and alligator groups. It is compound in character, however,
the head referring to the alligator, the body and extremities perhaps
to aman or toa monkey. The suggestion of the oriental dragon in
this, as in other examples, is at once apparent, and the resemblance
to certain conventional forms that come down to us from the earliest

HOLMES. | VASES OF THE POLYCHROME GROUP. 147

known period of Chinese art is truly remarkable. . We cannot, of
course, predicate identity of origin even upon absolute identity of
appearances, but such correspondences are worthy of note, as they
may in time accumulate to such an extent that the belief ina com-
mon origin will force itself upon us.

Fic. 215. Painted design of vase in Fig. 214, viewed from above, thought to represent a dragou by
De Zeltner; probably a composite of the alligator and the monkey or man

Unclassified.—A small number of vases do not admit of classifi-
cation under any of the preceding heads. In most cases, however,
they are not of especial interest and may be passed over. They rep-
resent a number of varieties of ware and are possibly not all Chiri-
quian, their affinities being rather with the pottery of Costa Rica
and Nicaragua. One remarkable piece, of which a sketch is given
in Fig. 50, ¢, is of large size and is shaped somewhat lke an hour
glass, and on account of its peculiar form and markings may be said
to resemble a corset. The upper end is somewhat the smaller, and
the septum, which forms the bottom of the vessel, is placed about
an inch above the base of the foot. The interior surface is smoothly
polished and painted a dark dull red. The exterior is uncolored and
neatly fluted. The series of vertical ribs of the upper end is sepa-

148 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHTRIQUL.

rated from those of the base by a belt of horizontal flutings, and a

Cs laliadl

wide smooth space extends from the top to the base, the lower sec-
tion of which is occupied by a row of button-like, indented knobs.
The use of this utensil may not have been peculiar, but its shape is 4
wholly unique. It resembles most nearly the ware of the maroon :
group. Its height is twelve inches.

Perhaps the most interesting of these unclassified vases is a some-
what fragmentary piece, of which an outline is given in Fig. 216.
The ware closely resembles that of the alligator group in color of the

——

Fic. 216. Vase of unique eT and decoration — 4.

paste and slip, but the base has been supplied with an annular stand,
a feature not observed in that group, and the colors of the design,
with the exception of the black, are unlike those used in Chiriquian

Vases.

Fic. 217. Painted design of vase in Fig. 216 in black, red, and gray.

It will be seen by reference to Fig. 217 that the painted figures are
partially pictorial, the conventional scenes including the sun, the
moon, and stars. The more conventional parts of the design are very
curious and without doubt are symbolic. The border of fret work
is Mexican in style. The sun, which is only partially exposed above
the horizon, is outlined in red and is surrounded by red rays. The

HOLMES. | SPINDLE WHORLS. 149

figures supposed to represent the moon and the stars are in black. In
the illustration the reds of the original are represented by vertical
tint lines and the brownish grays by horizontal tint lines. The black

is in solid color.
MISCELLANEOUS OBJECTS OF CLAY.

As primitive peoples advance in culture and the various branches
of art are differentiated, each of the materials employed is made to
fill a wider and wider sphere of usefulness. Clay, applied at first to
vessel making and used perhaps as an auxiliary in a number of arts
in which it took no definite or individual shapes, gradually extended
its dominion until almost every art was in a measure dependent upon
it or in some way utilized it. The extent of this expansion of avail-
ability is in a general way a measure of the advancement of the races
concerned. The Chiriquians employed clay in the construction of
textile machinery, as shown by the occurrence of spindle whorls, and
a number of small receptacles, probably needlecases, are constructed
of that material. It was employed in the manufacture of stools,
statuettes, drums, rattles, and whistles. With less cultured races.
such as the Pueblo and mound builders of the north, such articles
were rarely manufactured, while with the more cultured nations of
Mexico and Peru a wider field was covered and the work was con-
siderably superior.

SPINDLE WHORLS.

The art of weaving was carried to a high degree of perfection by
many of the American races, but the processes employed were of the
simplestkind. Thethreads were spun upon wooden spindles weighted

Fie. 218. Spindle whorl in gray clay decorated with annular nodes—}.

Fig. 219. Spindle whorl of gray clay with Fig. 220. Spindle whorl ot dark clay with perfora-
animal figures — }. tions and incised ornament — }

150 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

with whorls of baked clay. These whorls are not plentiful in the
graves of Chiriqui, but such as have been collected are quite sim-
ilar in style to those of Mexico and Peru. In Figs. 218, 219, ana
220 we have three examples modeled with considerable attention to
detail but comparatively rude in finish. They are in the natural
color of the baked clay and are but rudely polished. The first is en-
circled by a line of rough, indented nodes, the second is embellished
with homely little animal figures, and the third with incised patterns
and rude incisions.
7 NEEDLECASES(?).

I have given this name to a rather large class of small oblong or
oval receptacles that could have served to contain needles or any
other small articles of domestic use or of the toilet. They consist of
two parts, a vessel or body and ald. The former takes a variety of
cylindrical, subeylindrical, and doubly conical shapes, and the latter
is conical and is in many cases furnished with a knob at the top for
grasping with the fingers. The lid is attached or held in place by
means of strings passed through small holes made for the purpose in
corresponding margins of the two parts. These objects were in pretty
general use in the province, as they are found to belong to a number
of the groups of ware, being finished and decorated as are the ordi-
nary vessels of these classes. A few type specimens are given in the
following cuts. A fine example belonging to the unpainted ware is

————

Fig. 221. Needlecase of unpainted clay with con- Fig. 222. Needlecase, lost color group of
ical lid—}4, ware — }.
shown in outline in Fig. 221. It is five inches in height and three in
diameter and is pleasing in shape. The specimen outlined in Fig.

HOLMES. | NEEDLECASES AND FIGURINES. 151

222 is of the lost color group, but has lost nearly all traces of the
decorative design.

A fine example, with high polish and elaborate decoration, is pre-
sented in Fig. 223. The lid is raised to show the position of the per-
forations. Two interesting examples belonging to the dark incised

Fia. 224. Needlecase of gray clay with angu-
lar incised geometric ornament — }.

Fig. 223. Needlecase with painted geometric Fic. 225. Needlecase of gray clay with black
ornament, belonging to the lost color group of polished surface and incised ornament — }
ware —}.

ware are shown in Figs. 224 and 225. The deeply incised design of
the first is purely geometric, but is probably of graphic parentage,
while that of the second, rather rudely scratched through the dark
surface into the gray paste, is apparently a less highly conventional-
ized treatment of the same motive.

FIGURINES.

[have already called attention to the fact that there is no such thing
in Chiriquian ceramic art as a well modeled human figure and appar-
ently no indication of an attempt to render the human physiognomy
with accuracy. It is highly probable that the personages embodied
in the mythology of the people took the forms of animals or were an-
thropomorphic and gave rise to the peculiar conceptions embodied in
their arts. The strange objects herewith presented are rendered in
a measure intelligible by the adoption of this hypothesis. These
figurines are confined to the alligator group of ware and are quite
numerous. They are small, carefully finished, and painted with care
in red and black lines and figures. They are semihuman and appear
to be arrayed in costume. The head of each is triangular in shape,
having a sharp, projecting profile, with the mouth set back beneath
the chin, reminding one of the face of a squirrel or some such rodent.

152 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

The figures occupy a sitting posture. The legs are spread out hori-
zoutally, giving a firm support, and terminate in blunt cones, which
are in some cases slightly bent up to represent feet. The hands rest
upon the sides or thighs or clasp asmall figure apparently intended for
an infant, which, however, does not seem to have any human features.
In one case this figure is placed upon the back of the figurine and
appears to hold its place by means of four feet armed with claws (Fig.
226); in another it is held in front (Fig. 227). The neck is usually
pierced to facilitate suspension, and the under side of the body —the
is triply perforated, or punctured if solid, as if
for the purpose of fixing the figure in an upright position to some

sitting surface

Fia. 226. Statuette, alligator group—}.

movable support. The central perforation is round and the lateral
ones, on the under side of the legs, are oblong. The largest specimen
is Six Inches in height and the smallest about one and a half inches.
They are rather elaborately painted with black and red devices
which, by their peculiar geometric character, are undoubtedly in-
tended to indicate the costume. The hair is represented by black
stripes, which descend upon the neck, and the face is striped with red.
They are found associated with other relics in the graves and were
possibly only toys, but more probably were tutelary images or

HOLMES. | STATUETTE

153

Fig. 227. Statuette, alligator group — 4

served some unknown religious purpose. The sex is usually femi-
nine. Two additional examples showing side and back views are
outlined in Figs. 228 and 229,

Fig. 228. Statuette of small size—— }. Fic, 229. Statuette of largest size

154 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.
STOOLS.

I have given this name to a class of stone carvings presented in a
previous section, and, for want of a better name, give it also toa
series of similar objects modeled in clay. These are among the most
elaborate products of Chiriquian art. In all cases they are of the
yellowish unpainted pottery and indicate much freedom and skill in
the handling of clay. They do not show any well defined evidences
of use, and as they are too sight and fragile to be used as ordinary
seats we are left to surmise that they may have served some purpose
in the religious rites of the ancient races. They are uniform in con-
struction and general conformation and consist of a circular tablet
supported by upright circular walls or by figures which rest upon a
strong, ring shaped base. The tablet or plate is somewhat concave
above, is less than an inch in thickness, and has a diameter of ten
and one-fourth inches in the largest piece, descending to seven and
one-half in the smallest. The margin is rounded and usually em-
bellished with a beaded ornament consisting of grotesque heads, gen-
erally reptilian. The variations exhibited in details of modeling are
well shown by the illustrations. In the example given in Fig. 230

Fic. 230. Stool of plain terra cotta, decorated with grotesque heads and incised figures — }.

the upright portion is a hollow cylinder, having four vertical slits,
alternating with which are oblique bands of ornament in incised lines
and punctures. The projecting margin of the tablet is encircled by
a row of grotesque, monkey-like heads, facing downward.

Fig. 231 illustrates a specimen in which three grotesque figures,
with forbidding faces, alternate with as many flat columns embel-
lished with rude figures of alligators. Eighteen grotesque, monkey-
like heads occupy the lower margin of the seat plate in the spaces
between the heads of the supporting figures. This specimen illus-
trates the favorite Chiriquian method of construction. The various
parts were modeled separately in a rough way and then set into place

HOLMES. | STOOLS. 1 55

in the order of their importance. When this was done and the in-
sertions were neatly worked together with the fingers, a number of
small instruments were employed in finishing: a sharp stylus for indi-
cating parts of the costume, and blunt points and small tubular dies

Fie. 231. Stool of plain clay, with grotesque figures— },

for adding intaglio details of anatomy, such as the navel, the pupils
of the eyes, and the partings of the fingers and toes.

The discoidal plate of another specimen is supported by four ab-
surdly grotesque monkeys, giving a general effect much like that of
the last.

A very remarkable piece is shown in Fig. 232 The tablet is sup-

Fic. 232. Stool of plain terra cotta, with strange figures

ported by six grotesque figures, somewhat human in appearance,
whose limbs are intertwined with serpents, suggesting the famous
group of the Laocojn. The work is roughly done and the details

156 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

are not carried out in a very consistent manner, as the arms and legs
of the figures become confused with the reptiles and are as likely to
terminate in a snake’s head as in a hand or foot. The rudely shaped
bodies are covered with indented circlets or with short incised lines.
The material, color, and finish are as usual. The height is four and
one-half inches and the diameter of the tablet ten inches.

There are additional specimens in the National Museum. In one
case, the largest specimen of the series, the tablet is supported by
five upright female human figures and the margin is encircled by a
cornice of forty-six neatly modeled reptilian heads. A small example
differs considerably in general shape from those illustrated, the base
being much smaller than the circular tablet. The supporting figures
are two rudely modeled ocelots and two monkey-like figures, all of
which are placed in an inverted position. Similar objects are ob-
tained from the neighboring states of Central and South America.

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS.

Something is already known of the musical instruments of the
ancient Chiriquians through fugitive specimens that have found their
way into collections in all parts of Hurope and America. The testi-
mony of the earthen relics—for no others are preserved to us— goes
to show that the art of music was, in its rude way, very assiduously
practiced, and that it probably constituted with these, as with most
primitive communities, a serious and important feature in the various
ceremonial exercises. Clay is naturally limited to the production of
a small percentage of the musical instruments of any people, the
various forms of woody growths being better adapted to their manu-
facture. We have examples of both instruments of percussion and
wind instruments, the former class embracing drums and rattles and
the latter whistles and clarionette-like pipes.

Rattles.— Besides the ordinary rattles attached to and forming
parts of vessels, as already described, there are a number of small
pieces that seem to have served exclusively as rattles, while some
are rattle and whistle combined in one piece. In no case, however,
would they seem to the unscientific observer to be more than mere
toys, as they are of small size and the sounds emitted are too weak
to be perceptible at any considerable distance. At the same time it
is true that they may have had ceremonial offices of no little conse-
quence to the primitive priesthood. The simple rattles are shaped
like gourds, the body being globular and the neck or handle long and
straight. Like the wares already described, they are ‘inished and
decorated, the majority belonging to the lost color group. The length
varies from three to six or seven inches. A number of minute slit-
like orifices or perforations for the emission of the sound occur about
the upper part of the body (Fig. 233). A septum is placed in the lower
part of the neck, so that the handle, which is hollow and open at the

HOLMES. | MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS. 157

upper end, may serve as a whistle. In some cases the lower part of
the neck is perforated for suspension at the point occupied by the
septum, as imperfectly shown in the section (Fig. 234). The most in-
teresting specimen in the collection is shown in Fig. 235; it is espe-
cially notable on account of its construction, which points clearly to
the gourd as a prototype. The body is of the usual globular shape,
slightly elongated above. The neck is represented as a separate piece

————
Fig. 233. Rattle decorated in the Fia. 234. Section of rattle Fic. 235. Rattle of plain ware
style of the lost color group— }. shown in Fig. 233. surmounted by two grotesque fig

ures — 4.

lashed on with cords by means of perforations made for the purpose,
just as are the handles of similar instruments constructed of gourds
and reeds in Central American countries. The compartments of the
handle and of the body are separate and the sound produced by the
small oval pellets is emitted through slits of the usual form. The
top of the handle is surmounted by a pair of grotesque human figures,
male and female, placed back to back and united at the backs of the
heads as seen in the cut. This object is gray in color and presents
the roughened granular surface resulting from long exposure to the
elements.

Drums.—The drum was a favorite instrument with the native
American musician. Early explorers found its use next to uni-
versal, and the ‘‘tambour” is even now a characteristic feature of the
musical paraphernalia of the Spanish-Americans. The primitive
instrument was made by stretching a thin sheet of animal tissue over
the orifice of a large gourd vessel or a vessel of wood or clay. The

158 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

use of clay was probably exceptional, as there are but three specimens
in our Chiriquian collection. The shape is somewhat like that of an
hour glass, the upper part, however, being considerably larger than
the base or stand. In all cases the principal rim is finished with
especial reference to the attachment of the vibrating head. The ex-
ample presented in Fig. 236 has a deeply scarified belt an inch wide
encircling the rim, and below it is a narrow ridge, intended perhaps to
facilitate the lashing or cementing on of the head. Two raised bands,
intended to imitate twisted cords, encircle the most constricted part
of the body, a single band similarly marked encircling the base.
The surface is gray in color and but rudely polished. The walls are
about three-eighths of an inch thick, the height sixteen and one-half
inches, and the greatest diameter seven and one-half inches.

Fie, 236, Drum of gray unpainted clay — }.

The decorated specimen illustrated in Fig. 237 is imperfect, a few
inches of the base having been lost. The shape is rather more ele-
gant than that of the other specimen and the surface is neatly finished
and polished. The ground color or slip is a warm yellow gray and
the decoration is in red and black. The rim or upper margin is

HOLMES. | DRUMS. 159

rather rudely finished and is painted red and on the exterior is made
slightly concave and furnished with a raised band to facilitate the
attachment of the head. The painted ornament encircles the body
in four zones, two upon the upper portion and two upon the base.

Fic. 237. Drum with painted ornament in the style of the lost color group—}.

Fig. 238. Conventional design on drum shown in Fig. 237, composed of alligator derivatives.
The designs occupying the body zones are unique and viewed in the
light of their probable origin are extremely interesting. In another
place further on in this paper I shall show that they are probably

1G0 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

very highly conventionalized derivatives of the alligator radical, the
meandered line representing the body of the creature and the scal-
loped hooks the extremities (Fig. 238). Thetwo bands upon the base
consist of geometric figures, the origin of which cannot be definitely
determined, although they also probably refer to the alligator.

In the collection there isa minute toy drum of the same general
shape, and the same form reappears in some of the whistles, in one
of which (Fig. 247) the skin head and its fastenings are all carefully
reproduced in miniature. The immediate original of this particular
form of drum was probably made of wood. A drum recently brought
from Costa Rica was made by hollowing out a cylindrical piece of
wood and stretching a piece of snakeskin across the top. The shape
is nearly identical with that of these earthen specimens.

Wind instruments.—Karthenware wind instruments are found in
considerable numbers and are associated with other relics in the
tombs. Nearly all are very simple in construction and are limited
in musical power, receiving and perhaps generally deserving no bet-
ter name than whistles or toys. A few pieces are more pretentious
and yield a number of notes, and if operated by skilled performers or
properly concerted are capable of producing pleasing melodies. It is
not difficult to determine the powers of individual instruments, but we
cannot say to what extent these powers were understood by the origi-
nal owners, nor can we say whether or not they were intended to be
played in unison in such a way as to, give a certain desired succes-
sion of intervals. There are, however, in a large number of these in-
struments a uniformity in construction and a certain close corre-
spondence in the number and degree of the sounds that indicate the
existence of well established standards. It does not appear absolutely
certain to me that the system of intervals was made to conform to that
of any known scale; buta difficulty arises in attempting to determine
this point, as most of the pieces are more or less mutilated. We find
also that the note producible by any given stop is not fixed in pitch,
but varies, with the force of the breath, two or even three full inter-
vals. As a result of this a glide is possible to the skilled performer
from note to note and any desired pitch can be taken.

In material, finish, and decoration these objects do not differ from
the ordinary pottery. A majority belong to the alligator group. The
size is generally small, the largest specimen being about eight inches
in length. The shapes are wonderfully varied and indicate a lively
imagination on the part of the potter. Animal forms prevail very
decidedly, that of the bird being a great favorite. In many cases the
animals copied can be identified, but in others they cannot — perhaps
from our lack of knowledge of the fauna of the province, perhaps from
carelessness on the part of the artist or from the tendency to model gro-
tesque and complicated shapes. The following creatures can be rec-
ognized: men, pumas, ocelots, armadillos, eagles, owls, ducks, parrots,

HOLMES. | WHISTLES. 161

several varieties of small birds, alligators, crabs, and scorpions.
Vegetal forms, excepting where in use as instruments or utensils,
as reeds and gourds, were not copied. In the National Museum col-
lection there are two tubular pipes, probably modeled after reeds,
and another resembles a gourd in shape. The construction of the
whistling apparatus is identical in all cases and corresponds to that
of our flageolets (see sections, Figs. 240 and 242). Plain tubes were
doubtless also used as whistles, and all utensils of small size, such as
needlecases and toy vases, can be made to give forth a note more or
less shrill, according to the size of the chamber. The simplest form
of whistle produces two shrill notes identical in pitch. The shape is

Fre. 239. Double whistle, lost Vie. 240. Section of double whistle.
color ware — }.

double, suggesting a primitive condition of the tibize pares of the
Romans. The parts are pear or gourd shaped, are joined above and
below, and have an opening between the necks. The two mouth-
pieces are so close together that both are necessarily blown at once.
The note produced is pitched very high and is extremely penetrating,

8va

not to say ear splitting, making an excellent call for the jungles and
forests of the tropics. A small specimen is presented full size in Fig.
239, and the section in Fig. 240 shows the relative positions of the
mouthpieces, air passages, vent holes, and chambers.

Reed shaped instruments are furnished with passages and orifices
corresponding to the other forms. The chamber is tubular and the
lower end is open, and the finger holes, when present, are on the upper
side of the cylinder. One example without finger holes has two notes
nearly an octave apart, which are produced, the higher with the tube
open and the lower with it closed. Perhaps the most satisfactory
instrument in the whole collection, so far as range is concerned, is
shown in Fig. 241, and a section is given in Fig. 242. It is capable
of yielding the notes indicated in the accompanying scale: First, a
normal series of eight sounds, produced as shown in the diagram, and,

6 ETH——11

16: ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

“

second, a series produced by blowing with greater force, one note two
octaves above its radical and the others three octaves above. These

Fic. 242. Section of whistle.

notes are difficult to produce and hold and were probably not utilized
by the native performer.

END OPEN

END _,CLOSED
ee

e)
& 5
BRS
o 2 2 be
=f oe
2a 5 a 2
Tr a)
Se YS Ss
“45 OR BREA

Two little instruments of remarkable form and unusual powers
stand quite alone among their fellows. One only is entire. It is
made of dark clay and represents a creature not referable to any
known form, so completely is it conventionalized. A fair idea of its
appearance can be gained from Figs. 243 and 244. The first gives the

Fig. 243. . Fie, 244.
Small animal shaped whistle of blackish ware, with four finger holes— }.

side view and the second the top view. The mouthpiece is in what
appears to be the forehead of the creature. The vent hole is beneath

ea aS ©

HOLMES. | : WHISTLES. 1 63

the neck and there are four minute finger holes, one in the middle
of each of four flattish nodes, which have the appearance of large
protruding eyes. A suspension hole passes through a node upon the
top of the head. The capacity of this instrument is five notes, clear
in tone and high in pitch. It is notable that the pitch of each stop.
when open alone, is identical, the holes being of exactly the same size.

8va---------

ica

In playing it does not matter in what order the fingers are moved.
The lower note is made with all the holes closed and the ascending
scale is produced by opening successively one, two, three, and four
holes. The fragmentary piece is much smaller and the holes are ex-
tremely small.

Of a distinct type of form, although involving no new principle of
construction, are two top-like or turnip shaped instruments. one of
which is shown in Fig. 245. The form is symmetrical, the ornamen-
tation tasteful, and the surface highly polished. The ware is of the
alligator group and is decorated in red and black figures. A section
is given in Fig. 246, a. and top and bottom views in} and ¢. By
reference to these a clear conception of the object can be formed.

Fig. 245. Top shaped instrument, with three finger holes, alligator ware

The companion piece is identical in size, shape, and conformation,
and, strange to say, in musical notes also. The tones are not fixed,

164 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

as each can be made to vary two or three degrees by changing the force
of the breath. The tones produced by a breath of average force are

Fig. 246. Section and vertical views of instrument shown in Fig. 245.

indicated as nearly as may be in the accompanying scale. They
will be found to occur nearer the lower than the upper limit of their

END OPEN END CLOSED
SS SS

ranges. It should be observed that the capacity for variation pos-
sessed by each of these notes enables the skilled performer to glide
from one to the other without interruption. This instrument is,
therefore, within its limited range, as capable of adjusting itself to afiy
succession of intervals as is the trombone or the violin. I do not im-
agine, however, that the aboriginal performer made any systematic
use of this power or that the instrument was purposely so constructed.
It will be seen by reference to the scale that stopping the orifice in
the end opposite the mouthpiece changes the notes half a tone, or
perhaps, if accurately measured, a little less than that.

Our collection contains several dozen three note whistles or pipes.
Most of these represent animal forms, which are treated in a more or
less realistic way, but with a decided tendency toward the grotesque.
Nearly all are of small size, the largest, an alligator form, having a
length of about eight inches. In the animal figures the air chamber
is within the body, but does not conform closely to the exterior shape.
The mouthpieces and the orifices are variously placed, to suit the fancy
of the modeler, but the construction and the powers are pretty uniform
throughout. There are two finger holes, placed in some cases at
equal and in others at unequal distances from the mouthpiece, but
they are always of equal size and produce identical notes. The
capacity is therefore three notes. The lower is produced when all the
orifices are open, the higher when all are closed, and the middle when
one hole—no matter which—is closed.

Besides the animal forms there are a number of shapes copied from
other musical instruments or from objects of art, such as vases. A
very interesting specimen, illustrated in Fig. 247, modeled in imita-

HOLMES. | WHISTLES. 165

tion of a drum, has not only the general shape of that instrument,
but the skin head, with its bands and cords of attachment, is truth-
fully represented. A curious conceit is here observed in the asso-
ciation of the bird —a favorite form for the whistles — with the drum.
A small figure of a bird extends transversely across the body of the
drum chamber, the back being turned from the observer in the cut.
The tail serves for a mouthpiece, while the finger holes are placed in

Fic. 247. Drum shaped whistle of plain ware, Fia. 248. Vase shaped whistle, lost color ware — }
with bird figure attached — }.

the breast of the bird, the position usually assigned to them in simple
bird whistles ; its three notes are indicated in the accompanying scale:

One specimen is vase or pitcher shaped, with base prolonged for a
mouthpiece and with a neat handle (Fig. 248). The ground color is
a dull red, upon which are traces of painted figures. Its notes are
as follows:

Bya----—

©
A novel conceit is exhibited in the crab shaped instrument pre-
sented in Fig. 249, which gives a back view of the animal. On the
opposite side are four small conical legs, upon which the object rests
as does a vase upon its tripod. The mouthpiece is in the right arm,
beneath which is the sound hole. The two finger holes are in the

166 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

Fic. 249. Crab shaped whistle, alligator ware — }.
back behind the eyes of the creature and a suspension hole is seen in
the left arm. The painted designs are in red and black lines upon a
yellowish gray ground. The following scale indicates its capacity:
8va------

The largest specimen in the collection, shown in Fig. 250, repre-
sents an alligator and is finished in the usual conventional style of
the alligator group. Theair chamber is large and the sounds emitted

Fic. 250. Alligator shaped whistle. alligator ware —}.

are full and melodious and are lower in pitch than those of any other
instrument in the collection. The cavity in the mouth and head is
separated from the body chamber, and, with the addi-
tion of earthern pellets, probably served as a rattle.
The mouthpiece is in the tail and the finger holes are
in the sides of the body.

HOLMES. | WHISTLES. 167

Mammals are very often reproduced in these instruments. What
appears to be the ocelot or jaguar is the favorite subject. A rep-
resentative specimen is shown in Fig. 251. The mouthpiece is in

Svar the tail and one of the sound holes is in the left shoulder
and the other beneath the body. The head is turned to
one side and the face is decidedly cat-like in expression.

Fic. 251. Cat shaped whistle, alligator ware — }.

The decoration is in black and red and may be taken as a typical
example of the conventional treatment of the markings of the bodies
of such animals. The tips of the ears, feet, and tail arered. Rows of
red strokes, alternating with black, extend ina broad stripe from the
point of the nose to the base of the neck. Red panels, inclosing rows
of red dots and enframed by black lines, cross the back. On the sides
we have oblong spaces filled in with the conventional devices so com-
mon in other animal representations. Thelegs are striped and dotted
after the usual manner.

A unique form, and one that will be looked at with interest by com-
parative ethnologists on account of the treatment of the tongues, is
given in Fig. 252. The instrument consists of an oblong body to
which four ocelot heads are fixed, one at each end and the others at
the sides. It rests upon four feet, in one of which the mouthpiece is
placed. The finger holes are in the side of the body near the legs, as
seen in the cut. The decoration which consists of more or less con-

168 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUL.

Vic. 252. Whistle with four ocelot-like heads, alligator ware — }.

ventional representations of the skin markings of the animal, is in
black and red. Its notes are three, as follows:

°
pe

The prevalence of bird forms is due no doubt to the resemblance of
the notes of primitive whistles to the notes of birds. The shape of
the bird is also exceptionally convenient, as the body accommodates
the air chamber, the tail serves as a mouthpiece, and the head is con-
venient for the attachment of a cord of suspension. A great variety
of forms were modeled and range from the minute proportions of the
smallest humming bird to those of a robin. The larger pieces repre-
sent birds of prey, such as hawks, eagles, and vultures, and the smaller
are intended for parrots and song birds. The treatment is always
highly conventional, yet in many cases the characteristic features of
the species are forcibly presented. The painted devices have reference
in most cases to the markings of the plumage, yet they partake of the
geometric character of the designs used in ordinary vase painting.
The ground is the usual yellowish gray of the slip, and nearly all the
pieces belong to the lost color and alligator groups.

A characteristic example is illustrated in Fig. 253. The head is large
and flat and the painted devices are in the red and black of the lost
color group. The three notes are as follows :

8va-——

HOLMES. } W HISTLES. 169

Fig. 253. Bird shaped whistle, with decoration in black, lost color ware — }

The piece givenin Fig, 254 has the shape and markings of a hawk or
eagle. It belongs to the alligator ware and is elaborately finished

Ss
1 x

Fic. 264. Bird shaped whistle, with conventional decoration in red and black. alligator ware — }.

8 va-----—

170 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI,

in semigeometric devices in red and black. All of these devices re-
fer more or less definitely to the markings of the plumage.

The example shown in Fig. 255 represents a bird with two heads,
the shape and markings of which suggest one of the smaller song

birds.

Fia. 255. Two headed. bird shaped whistle, with conventional decoration in black, lost color ware — }

8va--—--

I cannot say that the whistles were modeled and pitched with the
idea of imitating the notes of particular birds, but it is possible for
the practiced performer to reproduce the simpler songs and cries of
birds with a good deal of accuracy.

The human figure was.occasionally utilized. The treatment, how-
ever, is extremely rude and conventional, the features having the

mC )

Fie. 256. Whistle in grotesque life form, with decorations in black and red, alligator ware — $.

Pehee

:
‘

HOLMES. | LIFE FORMS IN VASE PAINTING. IL

peculiar squirrel-like character shown in the figurines already given.
The unique piece given in Fig. 256 represents a short, clumsy female
figure with a squirrel face, carrying a vessel upon her back by means
of a head strap, which is held in place by the hands. The mouth-
piece of the whistle is in the right elbow and one sound hole is in
the middle of the breast and the other in the left side. The costume
and some of the details of anatomy are indicated by red and black
lines in the original. Its notes are the same as those presented with
Wig. 249.

LIFE FORMS IN VASE PAINTING.

This section is to be devoted to a short study of the decorative sys-
tem of the ancient Chiriquians, and more especially to a considera-
tion of the treatment of life forms in vase painting. Many of the
finest examples of these designs, so far as execution and effect in em-
bellishment are concerned, have already been given ; but it is desir-
able now to select and arrange a series to illustrate origins and pro-
cesses of growth or modification.

Elements of ornament flow into the ceramic art from a number of
sources, but chiefly in two great currents: the one from art, and con-
sisting chiefly of technical or mechanically produced phenomena, and
hence geometric, and the other from nature, and carrying elements
primarily delineative, and hence non-geometric. When once within
the realm of decoration the various motives or elements are subject
to modification by two classes of influences or conditioning forces :
the technical restraints of the art and the esthetic forces of the hu-
man mind. Mechanical and geometric elements, although born
within the art or its associated arts, are modified in the processes of
adaptation to the changing requirements and conditions of the art
and through the tendency towards elaboration under the guidance
of the esthetic forces; left by themselves they remain, throughout
all changes of use and modification of form, purely geometric. lmni-
tative elements tend, under the same influences, to move in the di-
rection of the unreal or geometric. In this way the realistic forms
undergo marked changes, gradually assuming a geometric character
and finally losing all semblance of nature.

Now it must be noted that the decorations of any group of art
products may embody both classes of elements or they may be re-
stricted rather closely to either. This fact enables us to account for
many of the strongly marked distinctions observed in the decorative
systems of different communities, races, and times. In arecent study
of ancient Pueblo art I traced the decoration to a mechanical origin,
mainly in the art of basketry, and thus accounted for its highly geo-
metric character. Chiriquian art presents a strong contrast to this,
as the great body of elements are maniéestly derived from nature by
delineative imitation. It was further observed in Pueblo art that as

Way ANCLENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUL.
time went on life forms were little by little introduced into its decora-
tion and that in recent times they shared the honors equally with the
primitive geometric forms. In Chiriquian art we find but meager
traces of a primitive geometric system, and conclude that either the
earliest art of the people did not’ give rise to such a system or that
the graphic motives, entering gradually and steadily multiplying,
supplanted the archaic forms, finally usurping nearly the entire field.
As noticed in the preceding sections, there is always a certain amount
of geometricity in the arrangement and the enframing of the designs,
as well as a certain degree of convention in the treatment of even the
most graphic motives; but these characters may be due to the restrain-
ing conditions of the art, rather than to the survival of original or
ancestral features or characters.

In beginning the study of Chiriquian decorative art I found it
impossible to approach the subject advantageously from the geo-
metric side, as was done in the Pueblo study, since life elements so
thoroughly permeate every part of it. I have, therefore, turned
about, and in the following study present first the more realistic
delineations of nature, arranging long series of derivative shapes
which descend through increasing degrees of convention to purely
geometric forms. These remarks relate wholly to the plan or linear
arrangement of the motives.

As to method of realization, ceramic ornament may be arranged
in two classes: the plastic or relieved and the non-plastic or flat.
Life forms are freely rendered by both plastic and non-plastic
methods, and in either style may range from the highly realistic to
the purely geometric. As shown in a preceding section, plastic life
forms in Chiriquian art appear to have been subject to two divergent
lines of thought, the one trivial and the other serious. Through the
one we have grotesque and perhaps even humorous representations
of men andof animals. The figures are attached to the vessels for the
purpose — perhaps for the exclusive purpose—of embellishment, and
often with excellent success, as judged by our own standards of taste.
The other deals with plastic representations apparently of a serious
nature, although utilized also for embellishment. The animal forms
employed are treated in a way to suggest that in the mind of the
artist the creature bore a definite relation to the vessel or its use, a
relationship originating in superstition and preserved throughout all
changes of form. Their office was symbolic, and this office was prob-
ably not always lost sight of by the potter, even though, through the
forces of convention, the animal shapes were reduced to mere knobs,
ridges, or even to painted devices.

In color delineations, although the same subjects are to a great ex-
tent employed, there is necessarily greater constraint—there is less
freedom as well as less vigor in the presentation of natural forms.
There is apparently no attempt at the grotesque or amusing. The

HOLMES LIFE FORMS IN VASE PAINTING. 173

variants are practically infinite. The work is more purely decorative
and is perhaps less subject to the restraints of associated ideas and of
use with particular vessels or in definite relations to other features of
the vessel. At the same time it is manifest that these painted figures
are not all merely meaningless decorations, but that many, through-
out all degrees of modification, refer with greater or less clearness
to natural originals, to ideas associated with these originals, or to
the relationship of these originals to the vessel and its uses.

It is clear, however, that a considerable body of nature-derived
elements, plastic and painted, are employed as simple embellishments,
having no other function. This suggests the separation of all decora-
tions into two grand divisions, based upon the kind of thoughts asso-
ciated with them. These divisions may be designated as significant
and non-significant, the term significant referring not to the mere
identification of a device with an original form or to its office as an
ornament, but to its symbolism, to its mystic relation with the vessel
and its uses. But I havetodo here with the forms taken by motives,
with their morphology rather than with their signification, as the
latter must, with reference to archeeologic material, remain greatly
speculative.

In the application of life forms in vase painting several classes of
modifying and constraining agencies of a technical nature are pres-
ent, and the following examples are grouped with the idea of defining
these classes of forces and keeping them in a measure distinct.

Of all the animal forms utilized by the Chiriquians the alligator
is the best suited to the purpose of this study, as it is presented most
frequently and in the most varied forms. In Figs. 257 and 258 I re-

Pic, 257. Graphic delineation of the alligator. from a vase of the lost color group.

Fic. 258. Graphic delineation of the alligator, from a vase of the lost color group

produce drawings from the outer surface of a tripod bow] of the lost
color group. Simple and formal as these figures are, the character-

174 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

istic features of the creature —the sinuous body, the strong jaws, the
upturned snout, the feet, and the scales—are forcibly expressed. It
is not to be assumed that these examples represent the best delineative
skill of the Chiriquian artist. The native painter must have exe-
cuted very much superior work upon the more usual delineating sur-
faces, such as bark and skins. The examples here shown have already
experienced decided changes through the constraints of the ceramic
art, but are the most graphic delineations preserved to us. They
are free hand products, executed by mere decorators, perhaps by
women. who were servile copyists of the forms employed by those
skilled in sacred art.

Fire. 259 Conventional alligator, from the lost color ware
A third illustration from the same group of ware, given in Fig. 259,
shows, in some respects, a higher degree of convention. The scales
are here represented by triangular dentals, which occupy the entire

Fig. 261. Style of convention in the alligator group of ware.

length of the back. These dentals are filled with the round dots

that stand singly in the preceding cases.

HOLMES. | LIFE FORMS IN VASE PAINTING. L75

In another class of ware—the alligator group—the treatment is
quite different, being decidedly more clumsy and realized by distinct
processes ; but prominence is given to a number of corresponding
features. The strong curve of the back, the dentals and dots, and
the muzzle and mouth refer apparently to the same creature. The
curiously marked panel in the body of the last example is a unique
feature, which appears, however, in a few other cases.

These drawings occur upon the sides of vases, alternating with the
plastic features, and are perhaps generally associated with such
features in the expression of some mythical idea.

The modeled creature is often represented with two heads instead
of with a head and a tail, and the painted forms, in many cases, ex-
hibit the same peculiarity as shown in Fig. 262. I surmise that the
employment of two heads arises from the need of securing perfect
balance of parts rather than as an original product of the imagination.

It will be interesting, as additional examples are presented, to note
the effect of modification upon particular features of the animal, to
observe how some come into prominence, representing the creature
and the idea, while others fall into disuse and disappear. In nature
the line of the body is perhaps the most strongly characteristic feature,

Re OA
YK

Fic. 262. Two headed form of the alligator.
and it is in art the most persistent. It survives in the stems of many
conventional devices from which all other suggestions of the animal
have vanished.

The following examples depart still further from nature, approach-
ing the border line between the distinctly imitative and the purely
conventional or geometric phases. In the first (Fig. 263) all the lead-
ing features are recognizable, but are very much simplified. The

Fic. 263. Figure of the alligator much simplified.

176 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

jaws are without teeth, the head is without eyes, and the body without
indication of scales. The other example (Fig. 264) is of a somewhat
different type and may possibly refer to some other reptilian form.

Fic. 264. The alligator much modified by ceramic influences,

but many links connecting the two are found. The shape is more
angular and is a step further removed from nature. From shapes as
conventional as this we drop readily into purely geometric forms, as
will be seen further on. These and the preceding drawings are all
executed on broad surfaces, where fancy could have free play. The
modifying or conventionalizing forces are, therefore, quite vague.
Variation from natural forms is due partly to a lack of skill on the
part of the painter, partly to the peculiar demands of ceramic em-
bellishment, and partly to the traditional style of treatment acquired
in still more primitive stages of culture and in other and unidentified
branches of art.

I shall now call attention to some important individualized or well
defined agencies of convention. First, and most potent, may be men-
tioned the enforced limits of the spaces to be decorated, which spaces
take shape independently of the subject to be inserted. When the
figures must occupy a narrow zone they are elongated, when they
must oceupy a square they are restricted longitudinally, and when
they must occupy a circle they are of necessity coiled up. Fig. 265

Fig. 265 Fie, 266.

KSS

1 Key

FIG. 267.

Ilustrations of the influence of the shape of spaces upon the delineation of animal forms.

HLOLMES. | LIFE FORMS IN VASE PAINTING. 17/7

illustrates the effect produced by crowding the oblong figure into a
short rectangular space. The head is turned back over the body and
the tail is thrown down along the side of the space. In Fig. 266 the
figure occupies a circle, and is in consequence closely coiled up, giv-
ing the effect of a serpent rather than an alligator. In Fig. 267 the
space is semicircular, and we observe peculiar conventional condi-

Fic. 265. Delineation retaining but slight traces of the life form

tions, some of which may be due to other causes. For example.
such spaces may originally have been filled with purely geometric
figures, which tended to impart their own characters to the life forms
that supplanted them.

>) (er

Fic. 269. Delineation retaining but slight traces of the life form

Now, it often happens that, as in the last example given, the ani-
mal form, literally rendered, does not fill the panels satisfactorily.
The head and the tail do not correspond and there is a lack of bal-
ance. In such cases two heads have been preferred. The body is
given a uniform double curve and the heads are turned down, as
shown in Figs. 268 and 269, or one may turn up and the other down,
as seen in Fig. 270. The two headed form may also arise from imi-

Fic. 270. Delineation retaining but slight traces of the life form.
tation of plastic forms, as | have already shown. The example given

6 ETH——12

178 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUT.

in Fig. 268 is extremely interesting on account of its complexity and
the novel treatment of the various features. The two feet are placed
close together near the middle of the curved body, and on either side
of these are the under jaws turned back and armed with dental pro-
jections for teeth. The characteristic scale symbols occur at inter-
vals along the back; and very curiously at one place, where there is
scant room, simple dots are employed, showing the identity of these
two characters. Some curious auxiliary devices, the origin of which
is obscure, are used to fillin marginal spaces. The shape given in Fig.
269 is so highly modified that it is not recognizable as an animal form,
excepting through a series of links connecting it with more realistic
delineations. It is perfectly symmetrical and consists of a compound
curve for the body, with hooks at the extremities and two appended
hooks for legs. The spots symbolizing the scales are here placed
within the body, showing another step toward complete annihilation
of the natural forms and relations. Three additional examples, show-
ing still higher degrees of convention, are presented in Figs. 271, 272,
and 273. The series could be filled up and continued indefinitely,

Fic. 271. Highly conventionalized alligator derivative.

Fic. 272. Highly conventionalized alli- Fic. 273. Highly conventionalized alli-
gator derivative gator derivative.

connecting the whole family of devices in which dentals, hooks, spots,
and circles occur with the alligator radical or with other reptilian
forms confused with the alligator through the carelessness or igno-
rance of the decorator.

In looking over a large series of the vases it will be seen that the
tendency of decoration is toward the zonal arrangement, the spaces

HOLMES. | LIFE FORMS IN VASE PAINTING. 179

being narrow and long, even when divided into the usual number of
panels. Asa consequence the motives tend to take linear forms.
Parts are repeated or greatly drawn out to fill the spaces. This
phase of conventional evolution may be illustrated by a multitude of
examples.

— POLY
ENA

Fic. 274. Series of forms showing modification through use in narrow zones.

Beginning with an ordinary form in Fig. 274, a4, we advance under
the restraint of parallel border lines through the series, ending in a
simple meander, f, the spaces about which are, however, filled out
with the conventional scale symbols, the triangles inclosing dots.
Thus we witness the transformation of the life form into a linear
device, in which the flexures of the body are emphasized and mul-
tiplied without reference to nature, and there is little doubt that the
series continues further, ending with simple curved lines and even
with straight lines unaccompanied by auxiliary devices.

Next to the body line the most important of the alligator deriva-
tives is the notched or dotted hook, which in the lost color group
stands sometimes for the whole creature, but more frequently for
one or more of the members of its body, the snout, the tail, or
the feet. It is employed singly or in various arrangements suited to

the shape of the spaces to be filled or occurs in connection with
the body line or stem, where, by systematic repetition, it serves to
fill the triangular interspaces. Take, for example, an ornament
(Fig. 275) which encircles the shoulder of a handsome vase of the

180 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

lost color group. The space is neatly filled with groupings in
which the simple life coil elements are joined one to another in

Fic. 276, Running ornaments composed of life motives.

such a way as to give somewhat the effect of an ordinary running
ornament. The same motive takes a different form in Fig. 276,
which is part of the decorated zone of an earthen drum (see Fig.
235). Here the body of the creature is represented by a wide me-
andered line, and to this the notched or scalloped hooks are attached
with perfect regularity, one to each angle of the meandered body.
In other examples the angular geometric character extends to every
part of the detail and the curved hooks lose their last suggestion of
nature and are entirely dropped or used separately.

The rings, strokes, spots, and dentate figures that serve to repre-
sent the markings and scales of the reptile are among the most im-
portant of the derivative devices and occur in varied relations to
other classes of derivatives. They also occur independently, either
singly or in groupings. Thus we see that the alligator, in Chiriquian
vase painting, is represented by an endless list of devices, and it is
interesting to note that among these are several figures familiar to
the civilized world in both symbolism and ornament.

I present five series of figures designed to illustrate the stages
through which life forms pass in descending from the realistic to
highly specialized conventional shapes. In the first series (Fig. 277),
we begin with a meager but graphic sketch of the alligator; the

<< ES
e
e v
—_—_—_———
a b c d

¥ia. 277. Series of derivatives of the alligator showing stages of simplification.

second figure is hardly less characteristic, but is much simplified; in
the third we have still three leading features of the creature: the
body line, the spots, and the stroke at the back of the head; and in
the fourth nothing remains but a compound, yoke-like curve, stand-
ing for the body of the creature, and a single dot.

The figures of the second series (Fig. 278) are nearly all painted
upon low round nodes placed about the body of the alligator vases
and hence are inclosed in circles (see Fig. 197). The animal figure

HOLMES. | LIFE FORMS IN VASE PAINTING. 181

in the first example is coiled up like a serpent, but still preserves
some of the well known characters of the alligator. In the see-
ond example we have a double hook near the center of the space
which takes the place of the body, but the dotted triangles are
placed separately against the encircling line. In he next figure
the body symbol is omitted and the three triangles remain to rep-
resent the animal. In the fourth there are four triangles, and the
body device, being restored in red, takes the form of a cross. In the

Fic. 278. Series showing stages in the simplification of animal characters.

fifth two of the inclosing triangles are omitted and the idea is pre-
served by the simple dots. In the sixth the dots are placed within
the bars of the cross, the triangles becoming mere interspaces ; and
in the seventh the dots form a line between the two encircling lines.
This series could be filled up by other examples, thus showing by
what infinitesimal steps the transformations take place. The round
nodes upon which these medallion-like figures are drawn are survivals
of the heads or other parts of animals originally modeled in the round,
but in the processes of manufacture partially or wholly atrophied. It
was sought to preserve the idea of the creature by the use of painted
details, but these, as we have seen, were also in time reduced to formal
marks, symbols doubtless in many cases of the conception to which
the original plastic form referred.

The derivation of the fret and scroll —most admired of the decora-
tive motives of numerous races—has been a fruitful source of dis-
cussion. The vase painting of Chiriqui serves to throw new lght
upon the subject. We learn by the series of steps illustrated in the
annexed cuts that the alligator radical, under peculiar restraints and
influences, assumes conventional forms that merge imperceptibly
into these classic devices. In the third series given (Fig. 279) the first
figure is far removed from the realistic stage of representation, but it
is one of the ordinary conventional guises of the alligator. Other
still more conventional forms are seen in the three succeeding figures,
the last of which is a typical rectangular fret link known and used
by most nations of moderate culture. The derivatives in nearly all

182 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

the preceding figures can be traced back to the body of the creature
as a root, but there are many examples which seem to have come from
the delineation of a part of the creature, as the head, foot, eye. or

mare [Sate

= b

Cc d
Fic. 279. The scroll and fret derived from the body line of the alligator.

scales—abbreviated representatives of the whole creature. Such
parts, assuming the role of radicals, pass also through a series of mod-
ifications, ending in purely geometric devices in the manner indi-
cated in the following or fourth series of examples (Fig. 280). In the
first cut we have what appears to be the leg and foot of the favorite
reptile, and following this are other forms that seem to refer to the

Io See

Fig. 280. Devices derived from drawings of parts of the life form.

same feature. Additional examples are shown in Figs. 281 and 282,
which, while they doubtless arose more or less directly from the life
form, are not so readily traceable through less conventional antece-
dents. The first forms part of the incised ornament of a small vase
or needlecase and the second is a section of the zonal ornament of
the tripod cup illustrated in Fig. 203, by reference to which it will be

Fic. 281. Devices incised in a . Devices representing
needlecase the markings of a reptile’s body

seen that the zone of devices serves to connect the head and the tail
of the reptile, which are modeled as a part of the vase ; the devices

HOLMES. | j LIFE FORMS IN VASE PAINTING. 183

therefore represent the markings of the creature’s body, although they
may originally have been derived from the figure of the whole or a
part of the animal rather than from the markings of the skin. In
other examples still more highly conventional figures are found to
hold the same relation to the plastic representation of the extremities
of the creature. They include the meander, the scroll, the fret, and
the guilloche. We find that in the stone metates of many parts of
Central America, nearly all of which are carved to imitate the puma,
the head and tail of the creature are connected by bands of similar
devices that encircle the margin of the mealing plate (see Fig. 9).
The alligator form is therefore not necessarily the originator of all such
devices. Itis probable that any animal form extensively used by such
lovers of decoration as the ancient inhabitants of Central America
would be found thus interwoven with decoration. These considera-
tions will serve to widen our views upon the origin and development
of especial devices. As it now stands we are absolutely certain that
no race, no art, no motive or element in nature or in art can claim the
exclusive origination of any one of the well known or standard con-
ventional devices, and that any race, art, or individual motive is capable
of giving rise to any and to all such devices. Nothing can be more
absurd than to suppose that the signification or symbolism attaching
toa given form is uniform the world over, as the ideas associated with
each must vary with the channels through which they were developed.

Other classes of geometric figures, derived chiefly from scale or skin
markings, are given in the fifth series. In more realistic phases of rep-

Fig. 283. Conventional figures derived from the markings of the bodies of animals.

resentation the dentate and dotted devices are ranged along the body
of the creature, as in nature, but as convention progresses they are
used independently to fill up spaces, to form the septa of panels, &c.
Many illustrations appear in the preceding pages and additional ex-
amples are given in Fig. 283. It is possible that these devices come
from delineations of a number of distinct animal forms ; but in the
higher stages of convention confusion cannot be avoided, and must
have existed to some extent in the mind of the decorator ; they serve,
however, to illustrate the stages of simplification through which all
forms extensively used for a long period must pass. The laws of
derivation, modification, and application in art are the same in all.

184 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

It has now been shown that life forms and their varied derivatives
constitute the great body of Chiriquian decorative motives; that
when first introduced the delineations are more or less realistic, ac-
cording to the skill of the artist or the demands of the art; but that
in time, by a long series of abbreviations and alterations, they de-
scend to simple geometric forms in which all visible connection with
the originals is lost. The agencies through which this result is accom-
plished are chiefly the mechanical restraints of the art acting inde-
pendently of voluntary modification and without direct exercise of
esthetic desire.

There may be forces at work of which we find no clear indications.
Some of the conventional forms into which life forms are found to
grade may be survivals of forms originating in other regions and
belonging to other cultures which have through accidents of contact
imposed themselves upon Chiriquian art ; such are the scroll, the
fret, and the guilloche ; but the thorough manner in which such forms
are interwoven with purely Chiriquian conceptions makes it impos-
sible to substantiate such a theory. The conclusion most easily and
most naturally reached is that all are probably indigenous to Chiriqui,
and hence the striking deduction that the processes of modification
inherent in the art are of such a nature that any animal form ex-
tensively used in decoration may give rise to any or all of the
highly conventional forms of ornament.

During the progress of this study a question has frequently been
raised as to the extent to which the memory of the creature original
or of its symbolism in first use was kept alive in the mind of the
decorator. It is a well established fact that primitive peoples habit-
ually invest inanimate objects with the attributes of living creatures.
Thus the vessel, from the time it assumes individual shape and is
fitted to perform a function, is thought of as a living being, and by
the addition of plastic or painted details it becomes a particular
creature, an alligator, a fish, or a puma, each of which is in most
cases the symbol of some mythologic concept. When, through the
changes of convention in infinite repetition, all resemblance to indi-
vidual creatures was lost and mere knobs or simple geometric figures
occupied the surface of the vessel, there is little doubt that many of
these features still recalled to the mind of the potter the ultimate
originals and the conceptions of which they were the representatives,
and that others represented ideas, the outgrowth of or a development
from primary ideas, while still others had acquired entirely new ideas
from without. It cannot be denied, however, that there does come a
time in the history of vase painting at which such associated ideas
become vague and are lost and elements formerly significant are added
and combinations of them are made for embellishment alone, without
reference to meaning or appropriateness; but I am inclined to place
this period a very long way from the initiatory stages of the art. It

HOLMES. | LIFE FORMS IN OTHER ARTS. 185

may not be possible to find evidence of the arrival of this period,
as it is not necessarily marked by any loss of unity or consistency —
striking characteristics of ancient American art; for such is the con-
servatism of indigenous methods that, unless there be forcible in-
trusion of exotic art, original forms and groupings may be perpetu-
ated indefinitely and remain much the same in appearance after the
associated ideas are modified or lost.

In our study of the forms and meanings of these devices it should
not be forgotten that collateral branches of art are also simultaneously
employing the same motives and reducing them through other sim-
ilar classes of conventionalizing forces to corresponding forms. Re-
cording arts — pictography, hieroglyphic and phonetic writing—carry
life forms through all degrees of abbreviation and change, and all
ceremonial and all domestic arts with which such forms are associated
do the same; and it is not impossible that many conventional forms
found upon pottery are borrowed outright from the other arts. It
will be impossible to detect these borrowed elements unless very liter-
ally transferred from some art the style of which is well known. — It
would be comparatively easy to identify literal borrowings from pho-
netic art or even from hieroglyphic art, as the form and arrangement
of the devices are quite unlike those observed in pure decoration,
We do not know that Chiriquian culture had achieved a hieroglyphic
or a phonetic system of writing, but it is worth while to call atten-
tion to the form and the manner of employment of some of the de-

Fic. 284. Vase with decorated zone containing remarkaple devices — 4

OE PEPELPLE CaS

Tra, 285. Series of twelve conventional devices from the decorated zone of a vase.

vices found upon the pottery. In Fig. 2841 present an outline draw-
ing of a vase, the shoulder of which is encircled by a broad zone of
decoration. This zone is divided into panels by oblique lines. A
row of rectangular compartments extends along the middle of the
band and rows of triangular spaces occur at the sides. Each space is

186 ANCIENT ART OF THE PROVINCE OF CHIRIQUI.

occupied by a device having one or more features suggesting a pictorial
original and doubtless derived from one. In the main row there are
twelve figures, no two of which are identical. Although we are unable
to show that any of these characters had other than a purely decora-
tive use, we see how richly the ancient peoples were supplied, through
the conventionalizing agencies of the art, with devices that could
have been employed as ideograms and letters where such were needed,
and devices, too, that, from their derivation and use in the art, must
in most eases have had ideas associated with them,

RESUME,

A brief summary of the more salient points of interest dwelt upon
in this paper may very appropriately be given in this place. We
find that a limited area—a small and obscure province of the isth-
mian region — possesses a wonderful wealth of art products the char-
acter of which indicates a long period of occupation by peoples of
considerable culture. The art remains are perhaps as a whole infe-
rior to those of the districts to the north and south, but they possess
many features in common with the art of neighboring provinces.
There is, however, at the same time, a well marked individuality.
In conception and execution these works are purely aboriginal, and, so
far as can be determined by the data at hand, are pre-Columbian, and
possibly to a great extent remotely pre-Columbian. The discovery
of articles of bronze, which metal we cannot prove to be of indige-
nous production, is the only internal evidence pointing toward the
continuance of the ancient epoch of culture into post-Columbian times.
The relics are obtained from tombs from which nearly all traces
of human remains have disappeared.

Artin stone covers the ground usually occupied by works in this

material in other Central American countries, save in the matter of -

architecture, of which art there are but meager traces. There are
rock inscriptions, statuettes and statues of rather rude character,
shapely mealing stones, elaborately carved seats or stools, many celts
of extremely neat workmanship, spear and arrow points of unique
shape, anda yery few beads and pendent ornaments. There are ap-
parently no traces of implements of war.

In metal there are numerous and somewhat remarkable works.
They are of gold, gold-copper alloy, copper, and bronze. The objects
are of small size, rarely reaching a pound in weight, and they are
almost exclusively pendent ornaments. They were, for the most
part, cast in molds, and in nine cases out of ten represent animal forms.
A few bells are found, all of which are of bronze. Pieces formed of
alloyed metal are usually washed or plated with pure gold.

The great body of relics are in clay, and the workmanship dis-
played is often admirable. Vases are found in great numbers, and

——

i
é

HOLMES. | RESUME. 187

as a rule are small and shapely, and are so carefully and elaborately
decorated as to lead to the inference that their office was in a great
measure ceremonial. They take a high place among American fictile
products for grace of form and beauty of decoration. There is neither
glaze nor evidence of the use of a wheel. Besides vases we have sey-
eral other classes of objects, which include grotesque, toy-like statu-
ettes, small, covered receptacles resembling needlecases, seat-like ob-
jects elaborately modeled, spindle whorls, and musical instruments.
The occurrence of numerous specimens of the two latter classes in-
dicates that the arts of weaving and music were assiduously practiced.

An examination of the esthetic features of the ceramic art has
proved exceptionally instructive. We find much that is worthy of
attention in the forms of vases as well as in the plastic or relieved
features of embellishment, and a still richer field is opened by the
study of the incised and painted —the flat — decorations.

I have shown that the elements of decoration flow into the ceramic
art chiefly through two channels, the one from art and the other from
nature. Elements from art are mainly of mechanical origin, and
are, therefore, non-imitative and geometric. Elements from nature
imitate natural forms, and hence are primarily non-geometric. Ele-
ments from art, being mechanical, are meaningless or non-ideographic;
those from nature are in early stages of art usually associated with
mythologic conceptions, and hence are ideographic. All decorations
may therefore have four dual classifications, as follows: First, with
reference to method of realization, as plastic and flat; second, with
reference to derivation, as mechanical and imitative; third, with
reference to plan of manifestation, as geometric and non-geometric;
and, fourth, with reference to the association of ideas, as significant
and non-significant.

I have found that the ceramic art, having acquired the various ele-
ments of ornament, carries them by methods of its own through
many strangemutationsof form. The effect upon life forms is of para-
mount importance, as is indicated by the following broad and striking
generalization: The agencies of modification inherent in the art in
its practice are such that any particular animal form extensively em-
ployed in decoration is capable of changing into or giving rise to any
or to allof the highly conventional decorative devices upon which our
leading ornaments, such as the meander, the scroll, the fret, the chey-
ron, and the guilloche, are based. It is further seen, however, that
ideographic elements are not necessarily restricted to decorative or
symbolic functions, for the processes of simplification reduce them to
forms well suited to employment in hieroglyphic and even in phonetic
systems of expression. Such systems are probably made up to a great
extent of characters the conformation of which is due to the unthink-
ing—the mechanical —agencies of the various arts.

wee a

A STUDY OF THE TEXTILE ART

IN ITS RELATION TO THE

DEVELOPMENT OF FORM AND ORNAMENT

WILLIAM H. HOLMES.

COMEEE NES:

Page

Im THOAUGH ON ert area erleceatalspercte esse srstatrove siNetacs ctelclatteye/racstgit ocsiagsts sat SaaS 195
amoyainabeiite>.qnt lena Keo qo tin Uaomoen Gone aetcon OTS mies sinaete 196
Relations Of LOonm cco OLMMaAMien tava teyalevattelevevcbeyorecereiereser-teicter eis eus)srar-n-) 201
Golorgnbtextilevanurer erst tterte cess tee eeR heist eetoa teks aiclec lars < Hieteiateneyress 201
Mextile;onmamiepiiger cee ceric secre ete retest testa Mansi yous ayes Becta neue
Development of a geometric system within the art..................... 202
Dnt od Gti oniveys say aicr scone tists s Sire lealerno hel svete) syeustse Siereveuers w/avs Sysvous eave a te 202

IRE]IGL Gb CNOMSM Ales Me lew. asc tahe ots lerSieve ele isvecencieiar ai sievers lesvererersjerei edb aheiccasoels 203
Ordinanysteatureshose cersec coos che jerideitelsen witesolecee se cone 2038

Retiewlatedh works .cacyiccceccrsscskes cite eisteietace lass sclstsr eater ere eissbieyererens 210
SUPEICONSIMUCtIVe LeatUNeS) ar mises cise etercie citar aire aie clere (cy s.nuclars 211

Color ph ert Orn ental yey apera sake ye trv Toe Pe yee anode oyoyss etere¥=tohe) svayan aye wisi cies 215
Ordinary yates ures cretser trcccreeieyse re recon heleele evi eee ese shevosete re ssave whole 215
Non-essential constructive features .............2..2-00-- eee ee 226
HUpPSrconsumchiveeanucesiyyearetyeiryeerei steele) ela ieleye/ toate ce rst 228
Adventitious features .i4)j0se% cece acts de chs Pe ester etrcc ects 231
Geometricity imposed upon adopted elements .............0..00..00005- 232
Extension of textile ornament to other forms of art .................... 244

(@)

LEU ST RA TLONS.

Page

Fic. 286. Mat or tray with esthetic attributes of form .....................- 197
287. Tray having decided esthetic attributes of form................... 198
288: Pyriform) water vessel) -< 0... cece cs cme ee ee ese ete ee 198
289. Basket with esthetic characters of form ...............-.......++- 199
O90 se basket OmeCGeNte1e LOLs erie rleci te isieelerstalseletye yale elmer SeSaqeas ersUY
291. Character of surface in the simplest form of weaving............. 204
POQs SuLrace PLOCUCEI bya Nn PAC ULI Oe rere ope reat sttatet ae eiererarn ale alam ele ole <i 204
293. Surface produced by use of wide fillets ......................-.--- 204
PLL 1Birelieiy (vablet il ores isnt 2s osc aceangognanon coco soodocessoBUnOnoS 205
295. Bottle showing obliquely ribbed surface .....................---.. 205
PING, UNF Gloxwaieee erst miles. nace oobeocaccocecuucs conecmeced cuebsgcE 205
297. Combination giving herring bone effect..............-.....-.++-.. 206
298. Combination giving triangular figures. ................+.2..++.0+: 206
dh leeramhyatnel Wiorle oneetn sue see ehar sonore snganuosoapDOoTUCoedoCU CEST 206
300. Basket of Seminole workmanship ...............ceseeeeeseee renee 207
301. Surface effect produced in open twined combination .............. 207
302. Surface effect produced in open twined combination .............. 207
303. Surface effect produced by impacting in twined combination... ... 208

304. Surface effect produced by impacting the web strands in twined
COMDINAON peepee Ge cea cae iris enn like sale te 208

305. Surface effect produced by crossing the web series in open twined
SOTO SSI tee eee ie aise Srateve cncis vain te Lorovstdynhststere wUsisysicysverstavsiayeiaveys « 208
306. Tray with open mesh, twined combination.........-.............. 208
30%. ‘(Conical basket, twined combination «22. 0.025. c0c eee weston ess 209
308. Example of primitive reticulated weaving........................ 210
SO9S Sum ple LOLM OfsLe tC ula w OM era areal) ra lalalnlal stn ala le)at sialele lain 2/9 le crm « 211
310: Reticulated pattern m cotton cloth ........:..................... 211
Silo ieariprin Coal Gar. denceseaedoones coda donsoo70Debd0o DobIdadoD 212
312, Basket with pendent ornaments... -.- 2.26. -o oe ce ceca reese nes 213
313. Basket with pendent ornaments.............-...--+22-crereeerese 213
STA LASSE EGU eniiuilamern aries te stelciererateierst aincetolaaitarcVajere vaya A
315. Pattern produced by interlacing strands of different colors ........ 216
316. Pattern produced by interlacing strands of different colors ........ 216
317. Pattern produced by interlacing strands of different colors ........ 216
318. Pattern produced by interlacing strands of different colors ........ 217
Gut), IBESGuay Col Gil len iin os eterna osaearnSaosE Dopp boOS UD UeoeCeanee 218
320. Coiled basket with geometric ornament............-+...-++.2.+06e 218
321. Coiled basket with geometric ornament....................--.055. 219
322. Coiled basket with geometric ornament...................0.-+-05- 220
323. Coiled basket with geometric ornament...............-.262+.0205. 220
324. Coiled basket with geometric ornmament.................2.02e0000 221
325. Coiled basket with geometric ornament.............2..ceseceeeees 223
326. Coiled tray with geometric ormament.................2. 0.500.000 224.
327. Coiled tray with geometric ornament.>..............-....220++25 225

6 ETH 15 = 193

194

FIG.

ILLUSTRATIONS,

$28. Tray with geometric ormament. ..- 2255.22 see een neces ne 3
329) ‘Lray with: Seometric Ornament ome eee er. <r -tnlele ete) alele nielsiereisi=yctetalorel=t C
330. Ornament produced by wrapping the strands .................... 5
331. Ornament produced by fixing strands to the surface of the fabric. .
839. Basket with feather ornamentation. 22.5221 s re aeinieeieieieree rele
BBY Teterclspr nando idsenn ove (ormatsheaQsaleey MOMs p.~ a andaechcocaavcacodundsnows
334. Piece of cloth showing use of supplementary warp and woof ......
335. Piece of cloth showing use of supplementary warp and woof ......
BBL) Da ehany SO fev gCOOIAA son dona géucos soacogstyodannasnoos a
337. Examipleof feather embrold Gryger rns eee eee ei eerie
388. Figures from the Penn wampum' belt... 2... 5.5 2. sss...
339. Figures from a California Indian basket ................:.+.......
340) (California indian bas ke thos ciimrtrte eee eer eer enna erie eee
341. Figures from a Peruvian’ basket';~. 20... .-.500-0265--- 4:

342. Figure from a piece of Peruvian gobelins
BUBy, Thrgkesinayowaye) leven ClO = Gang omeosndbe qasooodseeassacodauqaos
344% Bipune trom! axcinculan baskets seer seeieeeaeri tara teense
345) Hicurelof a bird: from ja) Zim shieldeeecn seers aerate
346. Figure of a bird wovenin a tray ........5....5.......- ca ee eee
347, Bigureof-a birdiwoyeniiniaibasketrmc see est tira eee
348. Figures embroidered on a cotton net by the ancient Peruvians. ....
349. Figures of birds embroidered by the ancient Peruvians ............
350. Conventional design painted upon cotton cloth....................
351. Herring bone and checker patterns produced in weaving ... .
352. Herring bone and checker patterns engraved in clay ........... atin
303, Harthen! vase with textile ormament......-.5-4-<-)- ++ = see
354. Example of textile ornament painted upon pottery................
355. Textile pattern transferred to pottery through costume............
356. Ceremonial adz with carved ornament of textile character.........
30/7. Figures upon’ aitapa stampis = esses sre tes tele ie ayers
308. Design in stucco exhibiting textile characters. ....................

TEXTILE ART IN TPS RELATION TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF FORM AND ORNAMENT.

By WILLIAM H. HoumEs.

INTRODUCTION.

The textile art is one of the most ancient known, dating back to
the very inception of culture. In primitive times it occupied a wide
field, embracing the stems of numerous branches of industry now
expressed in other materials or relegated to distinct systems of con-
struction. Accompanying the gradual narrowing of its sphere there
was a steady development with the general increase of intelligence
and skill, so that with the cultured nations of to-day it takes an 1m-
portant, though unobtrusive, place in the hierarchy of the arts.

Woven fabrics include all those products of art in which the ele-
ments or parts employed in construction are largely filamental and
are combined by methods conditioned chiefly by their flexibility.
The processes employed are known by such terms as interlacing,
plaiting, netting, weaving, sewing, and embroidering.

The materials used at first are chiefly filiform vegetal growths,
such as twigs, leaves, roots, and grasses, but later on filiform and then
fibrous elements from all the kingdoms of nature, as well as numer-
ous artificial preparations, are freely used. These are employed in
the single, doubled, doubled and twisted, and plaited conditions, and
are combined by the hands alone, by the hands assisted by simple
devices, by hand looms, and finally in civilization by machine looms.

The products are, first, individual structures or articles, such as
shelters, baskets, nets, and garments, or integral parts of these; and,
second, ** piece” goods, such as are not adapted to use until they are
cut and fitted. In earlier stages of art we have to deal almost ex-
clusively with the former class, as the tailor and the house furnisher
are evolved with civilization.

In their bearing upon art these products are to be studied chiefly
with reference to three grand divisions of phenomena, the first of
which I shall denominate constructive, the second functional, and
the third esthetic. The last class, with which this paper has almost
exclusively to deal, is composed mainly of what may be called the
superconstructive and superfunctional features of the art and in-
cludes three subdivisions of phenomena, connected respectively with
(1) form, (2) color, and (3) design. Esthetic features of form are,

195

196 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

in origin and manifestation, related to both function and construc-
tion: color and design, to construction mainly. In the following
study separate sections are given to each of these topics.

It is fortunate perhaps that in this work Iam restricted to the prod-
ucts of rather primitive stages of culture, as I have thus to deal with
a limited number of uses, simple processes, and simple shapes. In the
advanced stages of art we encounter complex phenomena, processes,
and conditions, the accumulation of ages, through which no broad
light can fall upon the field of vision.

In America there is a vast body of primitive, indigenous art hav-
ing no parallel in the world. Uncontaminated by contact with the
complex conditions of civilized art, it offers the best possible facili-
ties for the study of the fundamental principles of esthetic develop-
ment,

The laws of evolution correspond closely in all art, and, if once
rightly interpreted in the incipient stage of a single, homogeneous
culture, are traceable with comparative ease through all the succeed-
ing stages of civilization.

FORM IN TEXTILE ART.

Form in the textile art, as in all other useful arts, is fundamentally,
although not exclusively, the resultant or expression of function, but
at the same time it is further than in other shaping arts from express-
ing the whole of function. Such is the pliability of a large portion
of textile products —as, for example, nets, garments, and hangings —
that the shapes assumed are variable, and, therefore, when not dis-
tended or for some purpose folded or draped, the articles are without
esthetic value or interest. The more rigid objects, in common with
the individuals of other useful arts, while their shape still accords
with their functional office, exhibit attributes of form generally recog-
nized as pleasing to the mind, which are expressed by the terms grace,
elegance, symmetry, and the like. Such attributes are not separable
from functional attributes, but originate and exist conjointly with
them.

In addition to these features of form we observe others of a more
decidedly superfunctional character, added manifestly for the pur-
pose of enhancing the appearance.

In very primitive times when a utensil is produced functional
ideas predominate, and there is, perhaps, so far as its artificial char-
acters are concerned, a minimum of comeliness. But as the ages
pass by essential features are refined and elements of beauty are
added and emphasized. In riper culture the growing pressure of
esthetic desire leads to the addition of many superficial modifica-
tions whose chief office is to please the fancy. In periods of dead-
ened sensibility or even through the incompetence of individual art-
ists in any period, such features may be ill chosen and erroneously

HOLMES. | FORM IN TEXTILE ART. 197

applied, interfering with construction and use, and thus violating
well founded and generally accepted canons of taste. In respect to
primitive works we may distinguish four steps in the acquisition of
esthetic features of form, three of which are normal, the fourth
abnormal: First, we have that in which functional characters alone
are considered, any element of beauty, whether due to the artist’s
hand or to the accidents of material, construction, or model, being
purely adventitious; second, that in which the necessary features of
the utensil appear to have experienced the supervision of taste, edges
being rounded, curves refined, and symmetry perfected; third, that
in which the functionally perfect object, just described, undergoes
further variations of contour, adding to variety, unity, &c., thus en-
hancing beauty without interfering with serviceability; and, fourth,
that in which, under abnormal influences, beauty is sought at the sac-
rifice of functional and constructive perfection.

Fic. 286. Mat or tray exhibiting a minimum of esthetic attributes of form. Moki work—1.

The exact relations of the various classes of forces and phenomena
pertaining to this theme may be more fully elucidated by the aid of
illustrations. Woven mats, in early use by many tribes of men and
originating in the attempt to combine leaves, vines, and branches
for purposes of comfort, are flat because of function, the degree of flat-
ness depending upon the size of filaments and mode of combination;
and in outline they are irregular, square, round, or oval, as a result
of many causes and influences, embracing use, construction, material,
models, &c. A close approach to symmetry, where not imposed by
some of the above mentioned agencies, is probably due to esthetic
tendencies on the part of the artist. The esthetic interest attach-
ing to such a shape cannot be great, unless perhaps it be regarded,

198 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

as all individuals and classes may be regarded, in its possible rela-
tions to preceding, associated, and succeeding forms of art. The
varied features observed upon the surface, the colors and patterns
(Fig. 286), pertain to design rather than to form and will receive at-
tention in the proper place.

Fic. 287. Tray having decided esthetic attributes of form. ( )btained from the Apache — }.

In point of contour the basket tray shown in Fig. 287 has a some-
what more decided claim upon esthetic attention than the preceding,
as the curves exhibited mark a step of progress in complexity and
erace. How much of this is due to intention and how much to tech-
nical perfection must remain in doubt. In work so perfect we are
wont, however unwarrantably, to recognize the influence of taste.

Fig. 288. Pyriform water vessel used by the Piute Indians —- t.

A third example— presented in Fig. 288— illustrates an advanced
stage in the art of basketry and exhibits a highly specialized shape.
The forces and influences concerned in its evolution may be analyzed
as follows: A primal origin in function and a final adaptation to a

HOLMES. | FORM IN TEXTILE ART. 1

special function, the carrying and storing of water; a contour full
to give capacity, narrow above for safety, and pointed below that it
may be set in sand; curves kept within certain bounds by the limit-
ations of construction; and a goodly share of variety, symmetry, and
grace, the result to a certain undetermined extent of the esthetic
tendencies of the artist's mind. In regard to the last point there
is generally in forms so simple an element of uncertainty; but many
examples may be found in which there is positive evidence of the exist-
ence of a strong desire on the part of the primitive basketmaker to
enhance beauty of form. It will be observed that the textile materials
and construction do not lend themselves freely to minuteness in de-
tail or to complexity of outline, especially in those small ways in
which beauty is most readily expressed.

Modifications of a decidedly esthetic character are generally sug-
gested to the primitive mind by some functional, constructive, or
accidental feature which may with ease be turned in the new direc-
tion, In the vessel presented in Fig. 289 —the work of Alaskan

——

SN elias
: I rewes ih BaRARsne|

Fia. 289. Vessel with esthetic characters of form. Work of the Yakama— 1}

Indians —the margin is varied by altering the relations of the three
marginal turns of the coil, producing a scalloped effect. This is
without reference to use, is uncalled for in construction, and hence
is, in all probability, the direct result of esthetic tendencies. Other
and much more elaborate examples may be found in the basketry of
almost all countries.

In the pursuit of this class of enrichment there is occasionally no-
ticeable a tendency to overload the subject with extraneous details.
This is not apt to occur, however, in the indigenous practice of an
art, but comes more frequently from a loss of equilibrium or balance
in motives or desires, caused by untoward exotic influence. When,
through suggestions derived from contact with civilized art, the sav-
age undertakes to secure all the grace and complexity observed in the

200 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

works of more cultured peoples, he does so at the expense of construc-
tion and adaptability to use. An example of such work is presented
in Fig. 290, a weak, useless, and wholly vicious piece of basketry.

Fia. 290. Basket made under foreign influence, construction and use being sacrificed to fancied

beauty — 3.
Other equally meretricious pieces represent goblets, bottles, and tea
pots. They are the work of the Indians of the northwest coast and
are executed in the neatest possible manner, bearing evidence of the
existence of cultivated taste.

It appears from the preceding analyses that form in this art is
not sufficiently sensitive to receive impressions readily from the
delicate touch of esthetic fingers; besides, there are peculiar diffi-
culties in the way of detecting traces of the presence and supervision
of taste. The inherent morphologic forces of the art are strong and
stubborn and tend to produce the precise classes of results that we,
at this stage of culture, are inclined to attribute to esthetic influence.
If, in the making of a vessel, the demands of use are fully satisfied,
if construction is perfect of its kind, if materials are uniformly
suitable, and if models are not absolutely bad, it follows that the
result must necessarily possess in a high degree those very attributes
that all agree are pleasing to the eye.

In a primitive water vessel function gives a full outline, as ca-
pacity is a prime consideration; convenience of use calls for a narrow
neck and a conical base; construction and materials unite to impose
certain limitations to curves and their combinations, from which the
artist cannot readily free himself. Models furnished by nature, as
they are usually graceful, do not interfere with the preceding agen-
cies, and all these forces united tend to give symmetry, grace, and
the unity that belongs to simplicity. Taste which is in a formative
state can but fall in with these tendencies of the art, and must be led

pm, ia

HOLMES. | FORM AND ORNAMENT IN TEXTILE ART. 201

by them, and led in a measure corresponding to their persistency and
universality. If the textile art had been the only one known to man,
ideas of the esthetic in shape would have been in a great measure
formed through that art. Natural forms would have had little to
do with it except through models furnished directly to and utilized
by the art, for the ideas of primitive men concentrate about that
upon which their hands work and upon which their thoughts from
necessity dwell with steady attention from generation to generation.

RELATIONS OF FORM TO ORNAMENT.

It would seem that the esthetic tendencies of the mind, failing to
find satisfactory expression in shape, seized upon the non-essential
features of the art— markings of the surface and color of filaments —
creating a new field in which to labor and expending their energy
upon ornament.

Shape has some direct relations to ornament, and these relations
may be classified as follows:

First, the contour of the vessel controls its ornament to a large ex-
tent, dictating the positions of design and setting its limits; figures
are in stripes, zones, rays, circles, ovals, or rectangles — according, in
no slight measure, to the character of the spaces afforded by details
of contour. Secondly, it affects ornament through the reproduction
and repetition of features of form, such as handles, for ornamental
purposes. Thirdly, it is probable that shape influences embellishment
through the peeuliar bias given by it to the taste and judgment of
men prior to or independent of the employment of ornament.

COLOR IN TEXTILE ART.

Color is one of the most constant factors in man’s environment,
and it is so strongly and persistently forced upon his attention, so
useful as a means of identification and distinction, that it necessarily
receives a large share of consideration. It is probably one of the
foremost objective agencies in the formation and development of the
esthetic sense.

The natural colors of textile materials are enormously varied and
form one of the chief attractions of the products of the art. The
great interest taken in color—the great importance attached to it —is
attested by the very general use of dyes, by means of which additional
variety and brilliancy of effect are secured.

Color employed in the art is not related to use, excepting, perhaps,
in symbolic and superstitious matters ; nor is it of consequence in con-
struction, although it derives importance from the manner in which
construction causes it to be manifested to the eye. It finds its chief
use in the field of design, in making evident to the eye the figures
with which objects of art are embellished.

Color is employed or applied in two distinct ways: it is woven or

2()? TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

worked into the fabric by using colored filaments or parts, or it is
added to the surface of the completed object by means of pencils,
brushes, and dies. Itsemployment in the latter manner is especially
convenient when complex ideographic or pictorial subjects are to be
executed,

TEXTILE ORNAMENT.

DEVELOPMENT OF A GEOMETRIC SYSTEM OF DESIGN WITHIN THE ART.

INTRODUCTION,

Having made a brief study of form and color in the textile art, I
shall now present the great group or family of phenomena whose
exclusive office is that of enhancing beauty. It will be necessary,
however, to present, besides those features of the art properly express-
ive of the esthetic culture of the race, all those phenomena that, being
present in the art without man’s volition, tend to suggest decorative
conceptions and give shape tothem. I shall show how the latter class
of features arise as a necessity of the art, how they gradually come
into notice and are seized upon by the esthetic faculty, and how
under its guidance they assist in the development of a system of
ornament of world wide application.

For convenience of treatment esthetic phenomena may be classed
as relieved and flat. Figures or patterns of a relievo nature arise
during construction as a result of the intersections and other more
complex relations —the bindings— of the warp and woof or of in-
serted or applied elements. Flat or surface features are manifested
in color, either in unison with or independent of the relieved details.
Such is the nature of the textile art that in its ordinary practice cer-
tain combinations of both classes of features go on as a necessity of
the art and wholly without reference to the desire of the artist or to
the effect of resultant patterns upon the eye. The character of such
figures depends upon the kind of construction and upon the accidental
association of natural colors in construction.

At some period of the practice of the art these pecular, adventitious
surface characters began to attract attention and to be cherished for
the pleasure they gave; what were at first adventitious features now
took on functions peculiar to themselves, for they were found to
gratify desires distinct from those cravings that arise directly from
physical wants.

It is not to be supposed for a moment that the inception of esthetic
notions dates from this association of ideas of beauty with textile
characters. Long before textile objects of a high class were made,
ideas of an esthetic nature had been entertained by the mind, as, for
example, in connection with personal adornment. The skin had
been painted, pendants placed about the neck, and bright feathers
set in the hair to enhance attractiveness, and it is not difficult to

HOLMES. | GEOMETRIC CHARACTER OF RELIEVED FEATURES. 203

conceive of the transfer of such ideas from purely personal associa-
tions to the embellishment of articles intimately associated with the
person. No matter, however, what the period or manner of the as-
sociation of such ideas with the textile art, that association may be
taken as the datum point in the development of a great system of
decoration whose distinguishing characters are the result of the
geometric textile construction.

In amplifying this subject I find it convenient to treat separately
the two classes of decorative phenomena— the relieved and the flat —
notwithstanding the fact that they are for the most part intimately
associated and act together in the accomplishment of a common end,

RELIEF PHENOMENA,

Ordinary features.—The relieved surface characters of fabrics
resulting from construction and available for decoration are more or
less distinctly perceptible to the eye and to the touch and are suscepti-
ble of unlimited variation in detail and arrangement. Such features
are familiar to all in the strongly marked ridges of basketry, and much
more pleasingly so in the delicate figures of damasks, embroideries,
and laces. So long as the figures produced are confined exclusively
to the necessary features of unembellished construction, as is the case
in very primitive work and in all plain work, the resultant patterns
are wholly geometric and by endless repetition of like parts extremely
monotonous.

Inright angled weaving the figurescombine in straight lines, which
run parallel or cross at uniform distances and angles. In radiate
weaving, as in basketry, the radial lines are crossed in an equally
formal manner by concentric lines. In other classes of combination
there is an almost equal degree of geometricity.

When, however, with the growth of intelligence and skill it is found
that greater variety of effect can be secured by modifying the essential
combinations of parts, and that, too, without interfering with con-
structive perfection or with use, a new and wide field is opened for
the developmental tendencies of textile decoration.

Moreover, in addition to the facilities afforded by the necessary ele-
ments of construction, there are many extraneous resources of which
the textile decorator may freely avail himself. The character of these
is such that the results, however varied, harmonize thoroughly with
indigenous textile forms.

To make these points quite clear it will be necessary to analyze
somewhat closely the character and scope of textile combination and
of the resultant and associated phenomena.

We may distinguish two broad classes of constructive phenomena
made use of in the expression of relieved enrichment. As indicated
above, these are, first, essential or actual constructive features and,
second, extra or superconstructive features,

204. TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

First, it is found that in the practice of primitive textile art a va-
riety of methods of combination or bindings of the parts have been
evolved and utilized, and we observe that each of these—no matter
what the material or what the size and character of the filamental
elements — gives rise to distinct classes of surface effects. Thus it ap-
pears that peoples who happen to discover and use like combinations
produce kindred decorative results, while those employing unlike con-
structions achieve distinct classes of surface embellishment. These
constructive peculiarities have a pretty decided effect upon the style
of ornament, relieved or colored, and must be carefully considered in
the treatment of design; but it is found that each type of combination
has a greatly varied capacity of expression, tending to obliterate sharp
lines of demarkation between the groups of results. It sometimes
even happens that in distinct types of weaving almost identical sur-
face effects are produced.

It will not be necessary in this connection to present a full series of
the fundamental bindings or orders of combination, as a few will suf-
fice to illustrate the principles involved and to make clear the bearing
of this classof phenomena upon decoration. I choose, first, a number
of examples from the simplest type of weaving, that in which the web
and the woof are merely interlaced, the filaments crossing at right
angles or nearly so. In Fig. 291 we have the result exhibited in a
plain open or reticulated fabric constructed from ordinary untwisted
fillets, such as are employed in our splint and cane products. Fig.
292 illustrates the surface produced by crowding the horizontal series

2. Surface relief pro- Fig. 293. Surface relief

Fig. 291. Surface relief in
simplest form of intersee- duced by horizontal series produced by wide fillets set
tion crowded together. close together.

of the same fabric close together, so that the vertical series is entirely
hidden. The surface here exhibits a succession of vertical ribs, an
effect totally distinct from that seen in the preceding example. The
third variety (Fig. 293) differs but slightly from the first. The fil-
lets are wider and are set close together without crowding, giving
the surface a checkered appearance.

The second variety of surface effect is that most frequently seen
in the basketry of our western tribes, as it results from the great
degree of compactness necessary in vessels intended to contain liquids,

HOLMES. | GEOMETRIC CHARACTER OF RELIEVED FEATURES. POD

semiliquid foods, or pulverized substances. The general surface
effect given by closely woven work is illustrated in Fig. 294, which
represents a large wicker carrying basket obtained from the Moki

Fic. 294. Basket showing ribbed surface produced by impacting the horizontal or concentric fila
ments. Moki work — }.

Indians. In this instance the ridges, due to a heavy series of radi-
ating warp filaments, are seen in a vertical position.
It will be observed, however, that the ridges do not necessarily take

Fig. 295. Alternation of intersection, Fic. 296. Radiating ribs as seen in flat work viewed
producing oblique or spiral ribs. Pi- from above. Moki work — }.
ute work — t.
the direction of the warp filaments, for, with a different alternation of
the horizontal series —the woof —we get oblique ridges, as shown in
the partly finished bottle illustrated in Fig. 295. They are, how

906 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

ever, not so pronounced as in the preceding case. The peculiar effect
of radiate and concentric weaving upon the ribs is well shown in Fig.
296,

By changes in the order of intersection, without changing the type
of combination, we reach a series of results quite unlike the preced-
ing; so distinct, indeed, that, abstracted from constructive relation-
ships, there would be little suggestion of correlation. In the example

: \
N x \\ \ \ AN \ \ y >» >>> SS ay, . \
» D<KCS&E
KMS
Yj Yj Yj Ui; YH Z YY Y ? Yj Hy
Fic. 297. Diagonal combination, giving Fic. 298. Elaboration of diagonal combina-
herring bone effect. tion, giving triangular figures.

given in Fig. 297 the series of filaments interlace, not by passing
over and under alternate strands, as in the preceding set of exam-
ples, but by extending over and under a number of the opposing series
at each step and in such order as to give wide horizontal ridges
ribbed diagonally.

This example is from an ancient work basket obtained at Ancon,
Peru, and shown in Fig. 299. The surface features are in strong
relief, giving a pronounced herring bone effect.

Fic. 299. Peruvian work basket of reeds, with strongly relieved ridges.

Slight changes in the succession of parts enable the workman to
produce a great variety of decorative patterns, an example of which
is shown in Fig. 298. A good illustration is also seen in Fig 286,
and another piece, said to be of Seminole workmanship, is given in
Fig. 300. These and similar relieved results are fruitful sources of
primitive decorative motives. They are employed not only within

HOLMES. | GEOMETRIC CHARACTER OF RELIEVED FEATURES 207

the art itself, but in many other arts less liberally supplied with sug-
gestions of embellishment.

|Fic. 300. Effects produced by varying the order of intersection. Seminole work — }.

Taking a second type of combination, we have a family of result-
ant patterns in the main distinguishable from the preceding.

Fie, 301. Surface effect in open twined combination.

Fig. 301 illustrates the simplest form of what Dr. O. T. Mason has
called the twined combination, a favorite one with many of our native
tribes. The strands of the woof series are arranged in twos and in

Dol

All ae pane mba oo

iia!

Fic. 302, Surface effect of twined, lattice combination in basketry of the Clallam Indians of Washing-
ton Territory —}.

208 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT,

weaving are twisted half around at each intersection, inclosing the
opposing fillets. The resulting open work has much the appearance
of ordinary netting, and when of phable materials and distended or
strained over an earthen or gourd vessel the pattern exhibited is
strikingly suggestive of decoration. The result of this combination
upon a lattice foundation of rigid materials is well shown in the
large basket presented in Fig. 302. Other variants of this type are
given in the three succeeding figures.

Fic. 303. Surface effect in impacted work of twined combination,

The result seen in Fig. 303 is obtained by impacting the horizontal
or twined series of threads. The surface is nearly identical with
that of the closely impacted example of the preceding type (Fig. 292).
The peculiarities are more marked when colors are used. When the
doubled and twisted series of strands are placed far apart and the
opposing series are laid side by side a pleasing result is given, as
shown in Fig. 304 and in the body of the conical basket illustrated
in Hig. 307.

Fic, 304. Surface effect obtained by Fic. 305. Surface effect obtained
placing the warp strands close together by crossing the warp series in open
and the woof cables far apart. twined work.

In Fig. 305 we have a peculiar diagonally crossed arrangement of
the untwisted series of filaments, giving a lattice work effect.
Fig. 306 serves to show how readily this style of weaving lends

Fic. 306. Decorative effects produced by variations in the radiate or warp series in an open work
tray. Klamath work—}

eo? ans oe

HOLMES. | GEOMETRIC CHARACTER OF RELIEVED FEATURES. 209

itself to the production of decorative modification, especially in the
direction of the concentric zonal arrangement so universal in vessel-
making arts.

The examples given serve to indicate the unlimited decorative re-
sources possessed by the art without employing any but legitimate
constructive elements, and it will be seen that still wider results can
be obtained by combining two or more varieties or styles of binding
in the construction and the embellishment of a single object or in the
same piece of fabric. A good, though very simple, illustration of
this is shown in the tray or mat presented in Fig. 286. In this case
a border, varying from the center portion in appearance, is obtained
by changing one series of the filaments from a multiple to a single
arrangement.

Fie. 307. Conical basket of the Klamath Indians of Oregon, showing peculiar twined effect and an
open work border — t.

The conical basket shown in Fig. 307 serves to illustrate the same
point. In this case a rudely worked, though effective, border is
secured by changing the angle of the upright series near the top and
combining them by plaiting, and in such a way as to leave a border
of open work.

Now the two types of construction, the interlaced and the twined,
some primitive phases of which have been reviewed and illustrated,
as they are carried forward in the technical progress of the art, ex-
hibit many new features of combination and resultant surface char-
acter, but the elaboration is in all cases along lines peculiar to these
types of weaving.

Other types of combination of web and woof, all tapestry, and all

6 ETH——14 ;

210 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

braiding, netting, knitting, crochet, and needle work exhibit char-
acters peculiar to themselves, developing distinct groups of relieved
results; yet all are analogous in principle to those already illustrated
and unite in carrying forward the same great geometric system of
combination.

Reticulated work.—A few paragraphs may be added here in regard
to reticulated fabrics of all classes of combination, as they exhibit
more than usually interesting relievo phenomena and have a decided
bearing upon the growth of ornament.

In all the primitive weaving with which we are acquainted definite
reticulated patterns are produced by variations in the spacings and
other relations of the warp and woof; and the same is true in all the
higher forms of the art. The production of reticulated work is the
especial function of netting, knitting, crocheting, and certain varieties
of needlework, and a great diversity of relieved results are produced,
no figure being too complex and no form too pronounced to be under-
taken by ambitious workmen.

In the following figures we have illustrations of the peculiar class
of primitive experiments that, after the lapse of ages, lead up to mar-
velous results, the highest of which may be found in the exquisite
laces of cultured peoples. The Americans had only taken the first
steps in this peculiar art, but the results are on this account of espe-
cial interest in the history of the art.

An example of simple reticulated hand weaving is shown in Fig.
308. It is the work of the mound builders and is taken from an im-
pression upon an ancient piece of pottery obtained in Tennessee.

BA Z GEEZ

ae | Hevea if i

LES EEE . y \
THLLERITATEB I RIDIL
SRE RCER EEL RELORLD

Fic. 308. Incipient stage of reticulated ornament. Fabric of the mound builders.

Fig. 309 illustrates a bit of ancient Peruvian work executed on a
frame or ina rude loom, a checker pattern being produced by arrang-
ing the warp and woof now close together and now wide apart.

Open work of this class is sometimes completed by after processes,
certain threads or filaments being drawn out or introduced, by which
means the figures are emphasized and varied.

In Fig. 310 we have a second Peruvian example in which the woof
threads have been omitted for the space of an inch, and across this

“Me >

HOLMES. | GEOMETRICITY OF SUPERCONSTRUCTIVE FEATURES. Bala

interval the loose warp has been plaited and drawn together, produc-
ing a lattice-like band.

Fic. 309. Simple form of ornamental reticulation, Ancient Peruvian work.

In a similar way four other bands of narrow open work are intro-
duced, two above and two below the wide band. These are produced

Fie. 310. Reticulated pattern in cotton cloth. Work of the ancient Peruvians.

by leaving the warp threads free for a short space and drawing al-
ternate pairs across each other and fixing them so by means of a
woot thread, as shown in the cut.

Examples of netting in which decorative features have been worked
are found among the textile products of many American tribes and
occur as well in several groups of ancient fabrics, but in most cases
where designs of importance or complexity are desired parts are in-
troduced to facilitate the work.

Superconstructive features.—These features, so important in the
decoration of fabrics, are the result of devices by which a construc-
tion already capable of fulfilling the duties imposed by function has
added to it parts intended to enhance beauty and which may or may
not be of advantage to the fabric. They constitute one of the most

212 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.
widely used and effective resources of the textile decorator, and are
added by sewing or stitching, inserting, drawing, cutting, applying,
appending, &c. They add enormously to the capacity for producing
relievo effects and make it possible even to render natural forms in
the round. Notwithstanding this fact—the most important section
of this class of features—embroidery is treated to better advantage
under color phenomena, as color is very generally associated with the

designs.

One example of lace-like embroidery may be given in this place.
It is probably among the best examples of monochrome embroidery
America has produced. In design and in method of realization it is
identical with the rich, colored embroideries of the ancient Peruvians,
being worked upon a net foundation, as shown in Fig. 311. The broad

Pia. 311. Open work design embroidered upon a net-like fabric. From a grave at Ancon, Peru.

band of figures employs bird forms in connection with running
geometric designs, and still more highly conventional bird forms are
seen in the narrow band.

Appended ornaments are not amenable to the geometric laws of
fabrication to the extent observed in other classes of ornament. They

HOLMES. | GEOMETRIC CHARACTER OF APPENDED FEATURES. 213

[SK

are, however, attached in ways consistent with the textile system.
and are counted and spaced with great care, producing designs of a
more or less pronounced geometric character. The work is a kind of
embroidery, the parts employed being of the nature of pendants.

These include numberless articles derived from nature and art. It
will suffice to present a few examples already at hand.

Fig. 312 illustrates a large, well made basket, the work of the
Apache Indians. It serves to indicate the method of employing tas-
sels and clustered pendants, which in this case consist of buckskin

Fig, 312. Basket with pendent buckskin strands tipped with bits of tin. Apache Indians —t

strings tipped with conical bits of tin. The checker pattern is in
color.

Fig. 313 illustrates the use of other varieties of pendants. A
feather decked basket made by the northwest coast Indians is em-

Fic. 313. Basket with pendants of beads and bits of shell, work of the northwest coast Indians. --}

bellished with pendent ornaments consisting of strings of beads
tipped with bits of bright shell. The importance of this class of work
in higher forms of textiles may be illustrated by an example from
Peru. It is probable that American art has produced few examples
of tasseled work more wonderful than that of which a fragment is
shown in Fig. 314. It is a fringed mantle, three feet in length and
nearly the same in depth, obtained from an ancient tomb. The body
is made up of separately woven bands, upon which disk-like and

914 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT,

Wig. 314. Tassel ornamentation from an ancient Peruvian mantle.

HOLMES. | GEOMETRIC CHARACTER OF COLOR PHENOMENA. 915

semilunar figures representing human faces are stitched, covering
the surface in horizontal rows. To the center of these rosette-like
parts clusters of tassels of varying sizes are attached. The fringe,
which is twenty inches deep, is composed entirely of long strings of
tassels, the larger tassels supporting clusters of smaller ones. There
are upwards of three thousand tassels, the round heads of which are
in many cases woven in colors, ridges, and nodes to represent the
human features. The general color of the garment, which is of fine,
silky wool, isarich crimson. The illustration can convey only a hint
of the complexity and beauty of the original.

We have now seen how varied and how striking are the surface char-
acters of fabrics as expressed by the third dimension, by variation
from a flat, featureless surface, and how all, essential and ornamental,
are governed by the laws of geometric combination. We shall now
see how these are related to color phenomena.

COLOR PHENOMENA.

Ordinary features.—In describing the constructive characters of
fabrics and the attendant surface phenomena, I called attention to
the fact that a greater part of the design manifested is enforced
and supplemented by color, which gives new meaning to every
feature. Color elements are present in the art from its very incep-
tion, and many simple patterns appear as accidents of textile aggre-
gation long before the weaver or the possessor recognizes them as
pleasing to the eye. When, finally, they are so recognized and a de-
sire for greater elaboration springs up, the textile construction lends
itself readily to the new office and under the esthetic forces brings
about wonderful results without interfering in the least with the
technical perfection of the articles embellished. But color is not
confined to the mere emphasizing of figures already expressed in re-
lief. It is capable of advancing alone into new fields, producing pat-
terns and designs complex in arrangement and varied in hue, and
that, too, without altering the simple, monotonous succession of re-
lievo characters.

In color, as in relieved design, each species of constructive combi-
nation gives rise to more or less distinct groups of decorative results,
which often become the distinguishing characteristics of the work of
different peoples and the progenitors of long lines of distinctions in
national decorative conceptions.

In addition to this apparently limitless capacity for expression,
lovers of textile illumination have the whole series of extraordinary
resources furnished by expedients not essential to ordinary construc-
tion, the character and scope of which have been dwelt upon to some
extent in the preceding section.

I have already spoken of color in a general way, as to its necessary
presence in art, its artificial application to fabrics and fabric mate-

216 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

vials, its symbolic characters, and its importance to esthetic progress.
My object in this section is to indicate the part it takes in textile de-
sign, its methods of expression, the processes by which it advances
in elaboration, and the part it takes in all geometric decoration.

It will be necessary, in the first place, to examine briefly the normal
tendencies of color combination while still under the direct domina-
tion of constructive elaboration. In the way of illustration, let us
take first a series of filaments, say in the natural color of the material,
and pass through them in the simplest interlaced style a second series
having a distinct color. A very simple geometric pattern is pro-
duced, as shown in Fig. 315. It is a sort of checker, an emphasized
presentation of the relievo pattern shown in Fig. 291, the figures
running horizontally, vertically, and diagonally. Had these fila-
ments been accidentally associated in construction, the results might

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Fic. 315. Pattern produced by interlacing strands of different colors.

have been the same, but it*is unnecessary to indicate in detail the
possibilities of adventitious color combinations. So far as they ex-
hibit system at all it is identical with the relievo elaboration.
Assuming that the idea of developing these figures into something
more elaborate and striking is already conceived, let us study the
processes and tendencies of growth. <A very slight degree of inge-
nuity will enable the workman to vary the relation of the parts, pro-
ducing a succession of results such, perhaps, as indicated in Fig. 316.

Fie, 316, Pattern produced by modi- Fic. 317. Isolated figures produced by
fying the alternation of fillets. modifying the order of intersection.

HOLMES. | GEOMETRIC CHARACTER OF COLOR PHENOMENA. ANT

In this example we have rows of isolated squares in white which
may be turned hither and thither at pleasure, within certain angles,
but they result in nothing more than monotonous successions of
squares.

Additional facility of expression is obtaimed by employing dark
strands in the vertical series also, and large, isolated areas of solid
color may be produced by changing the order of intersection, certain
of the fillets being carried over two or more of the opposing series
and in contiguous spaces at one step, as seen in Fig. 317. With these
elementary resources the weaver has very considerable powers of ex-
pression, as will be seen in Fig. 318, which is taken from a basket

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Fig. 318. Pattern produced by simple alternations of light and dark fillets. Basketry of the Indians
of British Guiana,

made by South American Indians, and in Fig. 341, where human
figures are delineated. The patterns in such cases are all rigidly
geometric and exhibit stepped outlines of a pronounced kind. With
impacting and increased refinement of fillets the stepped character
is in a considerable measure lost sight of and realistic, graphic rep-
resentation is to a greater extent within the workman’s reach. It is
probable, however, that the idea of weaving complex ideographic
characters would not occur to the primitive mind at a very early date,
and a long period of progress would elapse before delineative sub-
jects would be attempted.

Ido not need to follow this style of combination into the more refined
kinds of work and into loom products, but may add that through
all, until perverted by ulterior influences, the characteristic geome-
tricity and monotonous repetition are allpervading.

For the purpose of looking still more closely into the tendencies of
normal textile decorative development I shall present a series of
Indian baskets, choosing mainly from the closely woven or impacted
varieties because they are so well represented in our collections and

918 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

at the same time are so very generally embellished with designs in
color ; besides, they are probably among the most simple and primitive
textile products known. I have already shown that several types of
combination when closely impacted produce very similar surface char-
acters and encourage the same general style of decoration. In nearly
all. the color features are confined to one series of fillets —those of the
woof —the other, the warp, being completely hidden from view. In
the preceding series the warp and woof were almost equally concerned
in the expression of design. Here but one is used, and in consequence
there is much freedom of expression, as the artist carries the colored
filaments back and forth or inserts new ones at will. Still it will
be seen that in doing this he is by no means free ; he must follow the
straight and narrow pathway laid down by the warp and woof, and, do
what he may, he arrives at purely geometric results.

I will now present the examples, which for the sake of uniformity
are in all cases of the coiled ware. If a basket is made with no other
idea than that of use the surface is apt to be pretty uniform in color,
the natural color of the woof fillets. If decoration is desired a col-

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Fia. 319. Base of coiled basket showing the method of building by dual coiling. The base or warp
coil is composed of untwisted fiber and is formed by adding to the free end as the coiling goes on.
The woof or binding filament, as it is coiled, is caught into the upper surface of the preceding turn— 1.
ored fillet is introduced, which, for the time, takes the place and does
the duty of the ordinary strand. Fig. 319 serves to show the con-
struction and surface appearance of the base of a coil made vessel
still quite free from any color decoration. Now, if it is desired to
begin a design, the plain wrapping thread is dropped and a colored

Pre. 320. Coiled basket with simple geometric ornament. Work of the northwest coast Indians — 1.

HOLMES. GEOMETRIC CHARACTER OF COLOR PHENOMENA. 219

fillet is inserted and the coiling continues. Carried once around the
vessel we have an encircling line of dark color corresponding to the
lower line of the ornament seen in Fig. 320. If the artist is content
with a single line of color he sets the end of the dark thread and takes
up the light colored one previously dropped and continues the coiling.
If further elaboration is desired it is easily accomplished. In the
example given the workman has taken up the dark fillet again and
carried it a few times around the next turn of the warp coil; then
it has been dropped and the white thread taken up, and again, in
turn, another dark thread has been introduced and coiled for a few
turns, and so on until four encircling rows of dark, alternating
rectangles have been produced. Desiring to introduce a meandered
design he has taken the upper series of rectangles as bases and adding
colored filaments at the proper time has carried oblique lines, one to
the right and the ether to the left, across the six succeeding ridges of
the warp coil. The pairs of stepped lines meeting above were joined
in rectangles like those below, and the decoration was closed by a
border line at the top. The vessel was then completed in the light
colored material. In this ornament all forms are bounded by two
classes of lines, vertical and horizontal (or, viewed from above or be-
low, radial and encircling), the lines of the warp and the woof. Ob-
lique bands of color are made up of series of rectangles, giving stepped
outlines. Although these figuresare purely geometric, it isnot impos-
sible thatin their position and grouping they preserve a trace of some
imitative conception modified to this shape by the forces of the art.
They serve quite as well, however, to illustrate simple mechanical
elaboration as if entirely free from suspicion of associated ideas.

In Fig. 321 I present a superb piece of work executed by the In-
dians of the Tule River, California. It is woven in the closely im-

Fie. 321. Coiled basket with encircling bands of ornament in white, red, and black, upon a yellowish
ground, Obtained from the Indians of the Tule River, California

pacted, coiled style. The ornament is arranged in horizontal zones
and consists of a series of diamond shaped figures in white with red

99() TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

centers and black frames set side by side. The processes of substi-
tution where changes of color are required are the same as in the
preceding case and the forms of figures and the disposition of designs
are the same, being governed by the same forces.

Tig. 322. Coiled basket with ornament arranged in zigzag rays. Obtained from the Pima Indians
of Arizona — t.

Another choice piece, from the Pima Indians of Arizona, is given
in Fig. 322. The lines of the ornament adhere exclusively to the direc-
tions imposed by the warp and the woof, the stripes of black color
ascending with the turns of the fillet for a short distance, then for a
time following the horizontal ridges, and again ascending, the com-
plete result being a series of zigzag rays set very close together.
These rays take an oblique turn to the left, and the dark figures at
the angles, from the necessities of construction, form rows at right
angles to these. A few supplementary rays are added toward the
margin to fill out the widening spaces. Another striking example
of the domination of technique over design is illustrated in Fig. 323.

Fr 3. Coiled basket with two bands of meandered ornament. Obtained from the Pima Indians
of Arizona — 4

Two strongly marked, fret-like meanders encircle the vessel, the
elements of which are ruled exclusively by the warp and woof, by
the radiate and the concentric lines of construction. This is the
work of the Pima Indians of Arizona.

HOLMES. GEOMETRIC CHARACTER OF COLOR PHENOMENA. 221

I shall close the series with a very handsome example of Indian
basketry and of basketry ornamentation (Fig. 324). The conical
shape is highly pleasing and the design is thoroughly satisfactory
and. like all the others, is applied in a way indicative of a refined sense

Fic. 324. Coiled basket with geometric ornament composed of triangular figures. Obtained from
the McCloud River Indians, California -—}.

of the decorative requirements of the utensil. The design is wholly
geometric, and, although varied in appearance, is composed almost ex-
clusively of dark triangular figures upona light ground. The general
grouping is in three horizontal or encircling bands agreeing with or
following the foundation coil. Details are governed by the horizontal
and the oblique structure lines. The vertical construction lines have
no direct part in the conformation of the design excepting in so far as
they impose a stepped character upon all oblique outlines.

These studies could be carried through all the types of primitive
textile combination, but such a work seems unnecessary, for in all
cases the elaboration in design, relieved and colored, is along similar
lines, is governed by the same class of forces, and reaches closely cor-
responding results.

We have observed throughout the series of examples presented a
decided tendency toward banded or zonal arrangement of the orna-
mentation. Now each of these bands is made up of a number of
units, uniform in shape and in size and joined or linked together in
various suitable and consistent ways. In contemplating them we
are led to inquire into the nature of the forces concerned in the ac-
complishment of such results. The question arises as to exactly how

922 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

much of the segregating and aggregating forces or tendencies belongs
to the technique of the art and how much to the direct esthetic super-
vision of the human agent, questions as to ideographic influence being
for the present omitted. This is a difficult problem to deal with, and
I shall not attempt more here than to point out the apparent teach-
ings of the examples studied.

The desires of the mind constitute the motive power, the force that
gives rise to all progress in art; the appreciation of beauty and the
desire to increase it are the cause of all progress in purely decorative
elaboration. It appears, however, that there is in the mind no pre-
conceived idea of what that elaboration should be. The mind is a
growing thing and is led forward along the pathways laid out by
environment. Seeking in art gratification of an esthetic kind it
follows the lead of technique along the channels opened by such of
the useful arts as offer suggestions of embellishment. The results
reached vary with the arts and are important in proportion to the
facilities furnished by the arts. As I have already amply shown,
the textile art possesses vast advantages over all other arts in this
respect, as it is first in the field, of widest application, full of sugges-
tions of embellishment, and inexorably fixed in its methods of expres-
sion. The mind in its primitive, mobile condition is as clay in the
grasp of technique.

A close analysis of the forces and the influences inherent in the
art will be instructive. For the sake of simplicity I exclude from
consideration all but purely mechanical or non-ideographic elements.
It will be observed that order, uniformity, symmetry, are among
th> first lessons of the textile art. From the very beginning the
workman finds it necessary to direct his attention to these consider-
ations in the preparation of his material as well as in the building of
his utensils. If parts employed in construction are multiple they must
be uniform, and to reach definite results (presupposing alwaysa de-
mand for such results), either in form or ornament, there must be a
constant counting of numbers and adjusting to spaces. The most
fundamental and constant elements embodied in textile art and avail-
able for the expression of embellishment are the minute steps of the
intersections or bindings; the most necessary and constant combina-
tion of these elements is in continuous lines or in rows of isolated
figures; the most necessary and constant directions for these combi-
nations are with the web and the woof, or with their complementaries,
the diagonals. If large areas are covered certain separation or aggre-
gation of the elements into larger units is called for, as otherwise
absolute sameness would result. Such separation or aggregation
conforms to the construction lines of the fabric, as any other arrange-
ment would be unnatural and difficult of accomplishment. When
the elements or units combine in continuous zones, bands, or rays
they are placed side by side in simple juxtaposition or are united

notmEs.| RELATION OF GEOMETRIC TO GRAPHIC CHARACTERS. 2293

in various ways, always following the guide lines of construction
through simple and complex conyolutions. Whatever is done is at
the suggestion of technique; whatever is done takes a form and ar-
rangement imposed by technique. Results are like in like techniques
and are unlike in unlike techniques; they therefore vary with the art
and with its variations in time and character.

All those agencies pertaining to man that might be supposed im-
portant in this connection — the muscles of the hand and of the eye, the
cell structure of the brain, together with all preconceived ideas of the
beautiful —are all but impotent in the presence of technique, and, so
far as forms of expression go, submit completely to its dictates. Ideas
of the beautiful in Hinear geometric forms are actually formed by tech-
nique, and taste in selecting as the most beautiful certain ornaments
produced in art is but choosing between products that in their evolu-
tion gave it its character and powers, precisely as the animal selects its
favorite foods from among the products that throughout its history
constitute its sustenance and shape its appetites.

Now, as primitive peoples advance from savagery to barbarism
there comes a time in the history of all kinds of textile products at
which the natural technical progress of decorative elaboration is in-
terfered with by forces from without the art. This occurs when
ideas, symbolic or otherwise, come to be associated with the purely
geometric figures, tending to arrest or modify their development, or,
again, it occurs when the artist seeks to substitute mythologic subjects
for the geometric units. This period cannot be always well defined,
as the first steps in this direction are so thoroughly subordinated
to the textile forces. Between what may be regarded as purely
technical, geometric ornament and ornament recognizably deline-
ative, we find in each group of advanced textile products a series
of forms of mixed or uncertain pedigree. These must receive slight
attention here.

Fig. 325 represents a large and handsome basket obtained from the

Fig. 325. Coiled basket ornamented with devices probably very highly conventionalized mythological
subjects. Obtained from the Apache —}.

994 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

Apache. It will be seen that the outline of the figures comprising
the principal zone of ornament departs somewhat from the four ruling
directions of the textile combination. This was accomplished by in-
creasing the width of the steps in the outline as the dark rays pro-
gressed, resulting in curved outlines of eccentric character. This
eccentricity, coupled with the very unusual character of the details at
the outer extremities of the figures, leads to the surmise that each part
of the design is a conventional representation of some life form, a
bird, an insect, or perhaps a man.

By the free introduction of such elements textile ornament loses
its pristine geometric purity and becomes in a measure degraded.
In the more advanced stages of Pueblo art the ornament of nearly
all the textiles is pervaded by ideographic characters, generally
rude suggestions of life forms, borrowed, perhaps, from mythologic
art. This is true of much of the coiled basketry of the Moki In-
dians. True, many examples occur in which the ancient or indig-
enous geometric style is preserved, but the majority appear to be
more or less modified. In many cases nothing can be learned from a
study of the designs themselves, as the particular style of construc-
tion is not adapted to realistic expression, and, at best, resemblances
to natural forms are very remote. Two examples are given in Figs.

Fic. 826, Coiled tray with geometric devices probably modified by ideographic association. Moki
work —}. 7
326 and 327. I shall expect, however, when the art of these peoples
is better known, to learn to what particular mythic concept these
mixed or impure geometric devices refer.

The same is true of other varieties of Pueblo basketry, notably
the common decorated wickerware, two specimens of which are

ST AD Rieti clei

HOLMES. | GEOMETRIC MODIFIED BY GRAPHIC CHARACTERS, 995

given in Figs. 328 and 329. This ware is of the interlaced style, with
radially arranged web filaments. Its geometric characters are easily

Fic. 327. Coiled tray with geometric devices, probably modified by ideographic association. Moki
work—}.

distinguished from those of the coiled ware. Many examples exhibit
purely conventional elaboration, the figures being arranged in rays,

Fic. 328. Tray of interlaced style of weaving, showing geometric ornament, probably modified by
ideographic association. - Moki work —4.
zones, checkers, and the like. It is to be expected, however, that the
normal ornament of this class of products should be greatly inter-
fered with through attempts to introduce extraneous elements, for
the peoples have advanced to a stage of culture at which it is usual
to attempt the introduction of mythologic representations into all
art. Further consideration of this subject will be necessary in the
next section of this paper.

6 ETH 15

IP6 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

The processes of pure geometric elaboration with which this section
is mainly concerned can be studied to best advantage in more prim-
itive forms of art.

Pic. 329. Tray of interlaced style of weaving, showing geometric ornament, probably modified by
ideographie association, Moki work—}.

Non-essential constructive features.—Now, all the varied effects
of color and design described in the preceding paragraphs are obtained
without seriously modifying the simple necessary construction, with-
out resorting to the multiple extraordinary devices within easy reach.
The development and utilization of the latter class of resources must
now receive attention. In the preceding examples, when it was de-
sired to begin a figure in color the normal ground filament was dropped
out and a colored one set into its place and made to fill its office
while it remained; but we find that in many classes of work the colored
elements were added to the essential parts, not substituted for them,
although they are usually of use in perfecting the fabric by adding to
serviceability as well as to beauty. This is illustrated, for example,
by the doubling of one series or of both warp and woof, by the intro-
duction of pile, by wrapping filaments with strands of other colors, or
by twisting in feathers. Savage nations in all parts of the world are
acquainted with devices of this class and employ them with great
freedom. The effects produced often correspond closely to needle-
work, and the materials employed are often identical in both varieties
of execution.

The following examples will serve to illustrate my meaning. The
effect seen in Fig. 330 is observed in a small hand wallet obtained in
Mexico, The fillets employed appear to be wide, flattened straws of
varied colors. In order toavoid the monotony of a plain checker cer-
tain of the light fillets are wrapped with thin fillets of dark tint in
such a way that when woven the dark color appears in small squares
placed diagonally with the fundamental checkers. Additional effects
are produced by covering certain portions of the filaments with straws
of distinct color, all being woven in with the fabric. By other devices

Le At tn, Os ca gaaall

nommes.| GEOMETRIC CHARACTER OF NON-ESSENTIAL ELEMENTS. 227

certain parts of the fillets are made to stand out from the surface
in sharp points and in ridges, forming geometric figures, either normal
or added elements being employed. Another device is shown in Fig.
331. Here a pattern is secured by carrying dark fillets back and
forth over the light colored fabric, catching them down at regular in-
tervals during the process of weaving. Again, feathers and other

Fic. 330. Ornament produced by wrapping certain light fillets with darker ones before weaving.
Mexican work.

Stet

Fic. 331. Ornamental effect secured by weaving in series of dark fillets, forming a superficial de
vice. Work of the Klamath Indians.
embellishing media are woven in with the woof. Two interesting
baskets procured from the Indians of the northwest coast are shown
in Figs. 332and 333. Feathers of brilliant hues are fixed to and woven
in with certain of the woof strands, which are treated, in the execution
of patterns, just as are ordinary colored threads, care being taken not

Fie. 332. Fic. +

Baskets ornamented with feather work. Northwest coast tribes

998 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

to destroy the beauty of the feathers in the process. The richly col-
ored feathers lying smoothly in one direction are made to represent
various figures necessarily geometric. This simple work is much
surpassed, however, by the marvelous feather ornamentation of the
Mexicans and Peruvians, of which glowing accounts are given by
historians and of which a few meager traces are found in tombs.
Much of the feather work of all nations is of the nature of embroidery
and will receive attention further on. A very clever device practiced
by the northwest coast tribes consists in the use of two woof strands
of contrasting colors, one or the other being made to appear on the
surface, as the pattern demands.

An example from a higher grade of art will be of value in this
connection. The ancient Peruvians resorted to many clever de-
vices for purposes of enrichment. An illustration of the use of ex-
tra-constructional means to secure desired ends are given in Figs.
334 and 335. Threads constituting a supplemental warp and woof
are carried across the under side of a common piece of fabric, that
they may be brought up and woven in here and there to produce fig-
ures of contrasting color upon the right side. Fig. 334 shows the
right side of the cloth, with the secondary series appearing in the
border and central figure only. Fig. 335 illustrates the opposite side

Fig. 334 Fig. 335.
Piece of cotton cloth showing the use of a supplementary web and woof. Ancient Peru.

and shows the loose hanging, unused portions of the auxiliary series.
In such work, when the figures are numerous and occupy a large part
of the surface, the fabric is really a double one, having a dual warp
and woof. Examples could be multiplied indefinitely, but it will
readily be seen from what has been presented that the results of these
extraordinary means cannot differ greatly from those legitimately
produced by the fundamental filaments alone.

Superconstructive features.—In reviewing the superconstructive
decorative features in the preceding section I classified them some-

> &* eee >

somes.) GEOMETRICITY OF SUPERCONSTRUCTIVE ELEMENTS. 229

what closely by method of execution or application to the fabric, as
stitched, inserted, drawn, cut, applied, and appended. It will be seen
that, although these devices are toa great extent of the nature of
needlework, all cannot be classed under this head.

Before needles came into use the decorative features were inserted
and attached in a variety of ways. In open work nothing was needed
but the end of the fillet or part inserted; again, in close work, per-
forations were made as in leather work, and the threads were inserted
as are the waxed ends of the shoemaker.

The importance of this class of decorative devices to primitive
peoples will be apparent if we but call to mind the work of our own
Indian tribes. What a vast deal of attention is paid to those classes
of embroideries in which beads, feathers, quills, shells, seeds, teeth,
&c., are employed, and to the multitude of novel applications of tas-
sels, fringes, and tinkling pendants. The taste for these things is
universal and their relation to the development of esthetic ideas is
doubtless very intimate.

Needlework arose in the earliest stages of art and at first was em-
ployed in joining parts, such as leaves, skins, and tissues, for various
useful purposes, and afterwards in attaching ornaments. In time
the attaching media, as exposed in stitches, loops, knots, and the like,
being of bright colors, were themselves utilized as embellishment,
and margins and apertures were beautified by various bindings and
borders, and finally patterns were worked in contrasting colors upon
the surfaces of the cloths and other materials of like nature or use.

No other art so constantly and decidedly suggested embellishment
and called for the exercise of taste. It was the natural habitat for
decoration. It was the field in which technique and taste were most
frequently called upon to work hand in hand.

With the growth of culture the art was expanded and perfected.
its wonderful capacity for expression leading from mere bindings to
pretentious borders, to patterns, to the introduction of ideographs, to
the representation of symbols and mythologic subjects, and from
these to the delineation of nature, the presentation of historical and
purely pictorial scenes.

And now a few words in regard to the character of the work and
its bearing upon the geometric system of decoration. As purely con-
structive ornamentation has already been presented, [will first take
up that class of superconstructive work most nearly related toit. In
some varieties of basketry certain bindings of the warp and woof are
actually left imperfect, with the idea of completing the construction
by subsequent processes, the intersections being gone over stitch by
stitch and lashed together, the embroidery threads passing in regular
order through the openings of the mesh. This process is extremely
convenient to the decorator, as changes from one color to another
are made without interfering with construction, and the result is of a

230 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

closely similar character to that reached by working the colors in
with warp and woof. In a very close fabric this method cannot be
employed, but like results are reached by passing the added filaments
beneath the protruding parts of the bindings and, stitch by stitch,
covering up the plain fabric, working bright patterns. Fig. 336 is
intended to show how this is done. The foundation is of twined work

Fic. 336. Grass embroidery upon the surface of closely impacted, twined basketry. Work of the
northwest coast Indians,
and the decorating fillets are passed under by lifting, with or with-
out a needle. This process is extensively practiced by our west coast
tribes, and the results are extremely pleasing. The materials most
used are quills and bright colored straws, the foundation fabric being
of bark or of rushes. The results in such work are generally geo-
metric, in a way corresponding more or less closely with the ground
work combination.

A large class of embroideries are applied by like processes, but with-
out reference to the construction of the foundation fabric, as they are
also applied to felt and leather. Again, artificially prepared perfora-
tions are used, through which the fillets are passed. The results are
much less uniformly geometric than where the fabric is followed;
yet the mere adding of the figures, stitch by stitch or part by part,
is sufficient to impart a large share of geometricity, as may be seen
in the buckskin bead work and in the dentalium and quill work of
the Indians.

Feather embroidery was carried to a high degree of perfection by
our ancient aborigines, and the results were perhaps the most brill-
iant of all these wonderful decorations. I have already shown how
feathers are woven in with the warp and woof, and may now give a
single illustration of the application of feather work to the surfaces of
fabrics. Among the beautiful articles recovered from the tombs of
Ancon, Peru, are some much decayed specimens of feather work. In
our example delicate feathers of red, blue, and yellow hues are -ap-
plied to the surface of a coarse cotton fabric by first carefully tying
them together in rows at regular distances and afterwards stitching
them down, as shown in Fig. 337.

The same method is practiced by modern peoples in many parts of
the world. Other decorative materials are applied in similar ways
by attachment to cords or fillets which are afterwards stitched down.
In all this work the geometricity is entirely or nearly uniform with

HOLMES.| GEOMETRIC CHARACTER OF ADVENTITIOUS ELEMENTS. 231

that of the foundation fabrics. Other classes of decoration, drawn
work, appliqué, and the like, are not of great importance in aborig-
inal art and need no additional attention here, as they have but slight
bearing upon the development of design.

Fig. 337. Feather embroidery of the ancient Peruvians, showing the method of attaching the feathers

Attached or appended ornaments constitute a most important part
of decorative resource. They are less subject to the laws of geome-
tricity, being fixed to surfaces and margins without close reference
to the web and woof. They include fringes, tassels, and the multi-
tude of appendable objects, natural and artificial, with which primi-
tive races bedeck their garments and utensils. A somewhat detailed
study of this class of ornament is given at the end of the preceding
section.

Adventitious features.—Ornament is applied to the surfaces of
fabrics by painting and by stamping. These methods of decoration
were employed in very early times and probably originated in other
branches of art. If the surface features of the textile upon which a
design is painted are strongly pronounced, the figures produced with
the brush or pencil will tend to follow them, giving a decidedly geo-
metric result. If the surface is smooth the hand is free to follow its
natural tendencies, and the results will be analogous in character to
designs painted upon pottery, rocks, or skins. In primitive times
both the texture of the textiles and the habits of the decorator,
acquired in textile work, tended towards the geometric style of de-
lineation, and we find that in work in which the fabric lines are not
followed at all the designs are still geometric, and geometric in the
same way as are similar designs woven in with the fabric. Illustra-
tions of this are given in the next section.

Ihave dwelt at sufficient length upon the character and the ten-
dencies of the peculiar system of embellishment that arises within
textile art as the necessary outgrowth of technique, and now pro-
ceed to explain the relations of this system to associated art.

939 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

In the strong forward tendency of the textile system of decoration
it has made two conquests of especial importance, In the first place
it has subdued and assimilated all those elements of ornament that
have happened to enter its realm from without, and in the second
place it has imposed its habits and customs upon the decorative sys-
tems of all arts with which the textile art has come in contact.

GEOMETRICITY IMPOSED UPON ADOPTED ELEMENTS OF DESIGN.

At avery early stage of culture most peoples manifest decided
artistic tendencies, which are revealed in attempts to depict various
devices, life forms, and fancies upon the skin and upon the surfaces
of utensils, garments, and other articles and objects. The figures
are very often decorative in effect and may be of a trivial nature, but
very generally such art is serious and pertains to events or supersti-
tions. Thedevicesemployed may be purely conventional or geometric,
containing no graphic element whatever; but life forms afford the
most natural and satisfactory means of recording, conveying, and sym-
bolizing ideas, and hence preponderate largely. Such forms, on ac-
count of their intimate relations with the philosophy of the people, are
freely embodied inevery art suitable to their employment. Asalready
seen, the peculiar character of textile construction places great diffi-
culties in the way of introducing unsymmetric and complex figures
like those of natural objects into fabrics. The idea of so employ-
ing them may originally have been suggested by the application of
designs in color to the woven surfaces or by resemblances between
the simpler conventional life form derivatives and the geometric fig-
ures indigenous to the art.

At any rate, the idea of introducing life forms into the texture was
suggested, and in the course of time a great deal of skill was shown
in their delineation, the bolder workmen venturing to employ a wide
range of graphic subjects.

Now, if we examine these woven forms with reference to the mod-
ifications brought about by the textile surveillance, we find that the
figures, as introduced in the cloth, do not at all correspond with those
executed by ordinary graphic methods, either in degree of elaboration
or in truthfulness of expression. They have a style of their own.
Each delineative element upon entering the textile realm is forced
into those peculiar conventional outlines imposed by the geometric
construction, the character of which has already been dwelt upon at
considerable length. We find, however, that the degree of conven-
tion is not uniform throughout all fabrics, but that it varies with the
refinement of the threads or filaments, the compactness of the mesh,
the character of the combination, the graphic skill of the artist, and
the tendencies of his mind; yet we observe that through all there is
still exhibited a distinct and peculiar geometricity.

So pronounced is this technical bias that delineations of a particular

HOLMES. | GEOMETRIC CHARACTER OF ADOPTED MOTIVES. 233

creature —as, for example, a bird—executed by distant and unrelated
peoples, are reduced in corresponding styles of fabric to almost iden-
tical shapes. This conyentionalizing force is further illustrated by the
tendency in textile representation to blot out differences of time and
culture, so that when a civilized artisan, capable of realistic pictorial
delineation of a high order, introduces a figure into a certain form of
coarse fabric he arrives at a result almost identical with that reached
by the savage using the same, who has no graphic language beyond
the rudest outline.

A number of examples may be given illustrating this remarkable
power of textile combination over ornament. I select three in which
the human figure is presented. One is chosen from [Troquoian art, one
from Digger Indian art, and one from the art of the Incas— peoples
unequal in grade of culture, isolated geographically, and racially dis-
tinct. I have selected specimens in which the parts employed give
features of corresponding size, so that comparisons are easily insti-
tuted. The example shown in Fig. 338 illustrates a construction pecu-
liar to the wampum belts of the Iroquois and their neighbors, and
quite unlike ordinary weaving. It is taken from the middle portion
of what is known as the Penn wampum belt. The horizontal series of
strands consists of narrow strips of buckskin, through which the op-
posing series of threads are sewed, holding in place the rows of cylin-

ve ———yh rt

GROeen: Wit,

Ts ret
ret i ELE

+H Tha E “EELEEGER
FO CCOECCURON UNE TOLL LoL

Fig. 338. Figures from the Penn wampum belt, showing the conventional form imposed in bead work.

drical shell beads. Purple beads are employed to develop the figures
in a ground of white beads. If the maker of this belt had been re-
quired to execute in chalk a drawing depicting brotherly love the
results would have been very different.

My second illustration (Fig. 339) is drawn from a superb example of
the basketry of the Yokut Indians of California. The two figures form

934 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

part of a spire ally radiating band of ornament, which is shown to good
advantage in the small cut, Fig. 340. It is of the coiled style of con-
struction. The design is worked in four colors and the effect is

quiet and rich.

Ti nei i At OT Yl WL sereeeet Hh qeeene ae B06
MI }

Ne os ne a age ch ree cane iy
ay i net ca Pu tie ee 7)
van ae ae Ae ir aes
ui ae a BIR MLL.
| ) Up }
titel Ha loi don:

wa
i ait

[
[} M
q
i

ee
PY
vida 11 i Ct

ny)
U} mann ¢
Pi ih }
F ( ane Me

ut wee OO AUES i
EA weer sae wae
cee MMMM mama

) By ih Ue u joe MA 1a

Fic. 339, Conventional figures from a California Indian basket.

Fic. 340. Basket made by the Yokut Indians of California.

Turning southward from California and passing through many
strange lands we find ourselves in Peru, and among a class of remains
that bespeak a high grade of culture. The inhabitants of Ancon were
wonderfully skilled in the textile art, and thousands of handsome
examples have been obtained from their ancient tombs. Among
these relics are many neat little workbaskets woven from rushes.
One of these, now in the National Museum, is encircled by a decorated
belt in which are represented seven human figures woven in black
filaments upon a brown ground.

The base and rim of the basket are woven in the intertwined com-
bination, but in the decorated belt the style is changed to the plain

HOLMES. | GEOMETRIC CHARACTER OF ADOPTED MOTIVES. 235

right angled interlacing, for the reason, no doubt, that this combi-
nation was better suited to the development of the intended design.
Besides the fundamental series of fillets the weaver resorted to un-
usual devices in order to secure certain desired results. In the
first place the black horizontal series of filaments does not alternate
in the simplest way with the brown series, but, where a wide space
of the dark color is called for, several of the brown strands are passed
over at one step, as in the head and body, and in the wider inter-
spaces the dark strands pass under two or more of the opposing
strands. In this way broad areas of color are obtained. It will be
observed, however, that the construction is weakened by this modi-
fication, and that to remedy the defect two additional extra construct-
ive series of fillets are added. These are of much lighter weight

Op! os =e 2 — Bz y, p = WA
A ESE A g, 1 le Z d 14
CAL AY = ae g Z A
: ZA AA: Z j
oA
3% 1 = = = Ka .
1 Ly ZALNA = 2 24 2
la ‘Y =O alee Fant
AG g 0
QA ip gS
s} 4 = = = 5 Z A
eZ Z GZ ;
Le Be = =
— Z E =
G20 = GY Ae age Z
JZ Z ==—ree Z ; SZ
A = 2 E Zp
Da Z, y = = Z
ig A AAS y FAA LAA
= 25 > 5 a
Zoe
3 EE ELE

Fic. 341. Conventional human figures from an ancient Peruvian basket.

than the main series, that they may not obscure the pattern. Over
the dark series they run vertically and over the light obliquely.

It will be seen that the result, notwithstanding all this modification
of procedure, is still remarkably like that of the preceding examples,
the figures corresponding closely in kind and degree of geometricity.

The fact is that in this coarse work refinement of drawing is abso-
lutely unattainable. It appears that the sharply pronounced steps ex-
hibited in the outlines are due to the great width of the fillets used.
With the finer threads employed by most nations of moderate cult-
ure the stepped effect need not obtrude itself, for smooth outlines and
graceful curves are easily attainable; yet, as a rule, even the finer
fabrics continue to exhibit in their decorations the pronounced geo-
metric character seen in ruder forms. I present a striking example
of this in Fig. 342. a-superb piece of Incarian gobelins, in which
a gaily costumed personage is worked upon a dark red ground dot-

936 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT,

th | A eels Qatew 208, We sl lh Ra ep ne er

HBS

2205

ReBbEbRRRiG

Fig. 342. Humay figure in Peruvian gobelins, showing characteristic textile convention, From chro-
molithographs published by Reiss and Stiibel in The Necropolis of Ahcon,

HOLMES. | GEOMETRIC AND REALISTIC FORMS CONTRASTED. 237

ted with symbols and strange devices. The work is executed in
brilliant colors and in great detail. But with all the facility afforded
for the expression of minutely modulated form the straight lines and
sharp angles are still present. The traditions of the art were favor-
able to great geometricity, and the tendencies of the warp and woof
and the shape of the spaces to be filled were decidedly in that di-
rection.

Fie. 343. Human figures from a Peruvian vase, done in free hand, graphic style

In order that the full force of my remarks may be appreciable to
to the eye of the reader, I give an additional illustration (Fig. 343).
The two figures here shown, although I am not able to say positively
that the work is pre-Columbian, were executed by a native artist of
about the same stage of culture as was the work of the textile design.
These figures are executed in color upon the smooth surface of an
earthen yase and illustrate perfectly the peculiar characters of free
hand, graphic delineation. Place this and the last figure side by side
and we see how vastly different is the work of two artists of equal
capacity when executed in the two methods. This figure should also
be compared with the embroidered figures shown in Fig. 348.

The tendencies to uniformity in textile ornament here illustrated
may be observed the world over. Every element entering the art
must undergo a similar metamorphosis; hence the remarkable power

238 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT,

of this almost universally practiced art upon the whole body of deco-
rative design.

That the range of results produced by varying styles of weaving
and of woven objects may be appreciated, I present some additional
examples. Coiled wares, for instance, present decorative phenomena
strikingly at variance with those in which there is a rectangular
disposition of parts. Instead of the two or more interlacing series,
of parallel fillets exhibited in the latter style, we have one radiate
and one concentric series. The effect of this arrangement upon the

Fic. 344. Human figure modified by execution in concentric interlaced style of weaving — }.

introduced human figure is very striking, as will be seen by reference
to Fig. 544, which represents a large tray obtained from the Moki
Indians. The figure probably represents one of the mythologic per-
sonages of the Moki pantheon or some otherwise important priestly
functionary, wearing the characteristic headdress of the ceremony
in which the plaque was to be used. The work is executed in wicker,
stained in such bright tints as were considered appropriate to the
various features of the costume. Referring in detail to the shape
and arrangement of the parts of the figure, it is apparent that many

HOLMES. | GEOMETRIC AND GRAPHIC FORMS CONTRASTED. 239

of the remarkable features are due to constructive peculiarities. The
round face, for example, does not refer to the sun or the moon, but
results from the concentric weaving. The oblique eyes have no re-
ference to a Mongolian origin, as they only follow the direction of
the ray upon which they are woven, and the headdress does not refer
to the rainbow or the aurora because it is arched, but is arched be-
‘ause the construction forced it into this shape. The proportion of
the figure is not so very bad because the Moki artist did not know
better, but because the surface of the tray did not afford room to pro-
ject the body and limbs

Fic. 345. Figure of a bird painted upon a Zuni shield, free hand delineation

Now, it may be further observed that had the figure been placed
at one side of the center, extending only from the border to the mid-
dle of the tray, an entirely different result would have been reached;
but this is better illustrated in a series of bird delineations presented
in the following figures. With many tribes the bird is an object of
superstitious interest and is introduced freely into all art products
suitable for its delineation. It is drawn upon walls, skins, pottery,
and various utensils and weapons, especially those directly connected
with ceremonies in which the mythical bird is an important factor.
The bird form was probably in familiar use long before it was em-
ployed in the decoration of basketry. In Fig. 345 I present an ordi-

94() TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

nary graphic representation. It is copied from a Zuni shield and is
the device of an order or the totem of a clan. The style is quite con-
ventional, as a result of the various constraints surrounding its pro-
duction. But what a strange metamorphosis takes place when it is
presented in the basketmaker’s language. Observe the conventional
pattern shown upon the surface of a Moki tray (Fig. 346). We have
difficulty in recognizing the bird at all, although the conception is
identical with the preceding. The positions of the head and legs and

I)
Hf

Fic. 346. Figure of a bird executed in a coiled Moki tray, textile delineation.

the expanded wings and tail correspond as closely as possible, but
delineation is hampered by technique. The peculiar construction
barely permits the presentation of a recognizable life form, and per-
mits it in a particular way, which will be understood by a compari-
son with the treatment of the human figure in Fig. 344. In that case
the interlaced combination gives relievo results, characterized by wide,
radiating ribs and narrow, inconspicuous, concentric lines, which
cross the ribs in long steps. The power of expression lies almost
wholly with the concentric series, and detail must in a great measure
follow the concentric lines. In the present case (Fig. 346) this is re-
versed and lines employed in expressing forms are radiate.

The precise effect of this difference of construction upon a particu-

HOLMES. | VARIOUS CAUSES OF MODIFICATION. 241

lar feature may be shown by the introduction of another illustration.
In Fig. 347 we have a bird woven in a basket of the interlaced style.
We see with what ease the long sharp bill and the slender tongue
(shown bya red filament between the two dark mandibles) are ex-
pressed. In the other case the construction is such that the bill, if
extended in the normal direction, is broad and square at the end, and
the tongue, instead of lying between the mandibles, must run across
the bill, totally at variance with the truth; in this case the tongue
is so represented, the light vertical band seen in the cut being a yellow
stripe. It will be seen that the two representations are very unlike
each other, not because of differences in the conception and not wholly
on account of the style of weaving, but rather because the artist
chose to extend one across the whole surface of the utensil and to
confine the other to one side of the center.

Vie. 347. Figure of a bird woven in interlaced wicker at one side of the center

It is clear, therefore, from the preceding observations that the con-
vention of woven life forms varies with the kind of weaving, with
the shape of the object, with the position upon the object, and with
the shape of the space occupied, as wellas with the inherited style of
treatment and with the capacity of the artist concerned. These varied
forces and influences unite in the metamorphosis of all the incoming
elements of textile embellishment.

It will be of interest to examine somewhat closely the modifications

6 ETH——16

942 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

produced in pictorial motives introduced through superstructural and
adventitious agencies.

We are accustomed, at this age of the world, to see needlework em-
ployed successfully in the delineation of graphic forms and observe
that even the Indian, under the tutelage of the European, reproduces
in a more or less realistic way the forms of vegetal and animal life.
As a result we find it difficult to realize the simplicity and conserva-
tism of primitive art. The intention of the primitive artist was gen-
erally not to depict nature, but to express an idea or decorate a space,
and there was no strong reason why the figures should not submit to
the conventionalizing tendencies of the art.

I have already shown that embroidered designs, although not from
necessity confined to geometric outlines, tend to take a purely geo-
metric character from the fabric upon which they are executed, as
well as from the mechanical processes of stitching. This is well
shown in Fig. 348, a fine specimen given by Wiener in his work
Pérou et Bolive.

Fic. 348. Embroidery upon a cotton net in which the textile combinations are followed step by step.
Ancient Peruvian work.

A life form worked upon a net does not differ essentially from the
same subject woven in with the web and woof. The reason is found
in the fact that in embroidery the workman was accustomed from
the first to follow the geometric combination of the foundation fabric
step by step, and later in life delination he pursued the same method.

It would seem natural, however, that when the foundation fabric
does not exhibit well marked geometric characters, as in compactly
woven canvas, the needlework would assume free hand characters

HOLMES. } EMBROIDERED AND PAINTED ORNAMENT. 243

and follow the curves and irregularities of the natural object depicted;
but such is not the case in purely aboriginal work. An example of
embroidery obtained from an ancient grave at Ancon, Peru, is shown
in Fig. 349. A piece of brown cotton canvas is embellished with a

Fic. 349. Embroidery in which the foundation fabric is not followed accurately, but which exhibits
the full textile geometricity. Ancient Peruvian work.

border of bird figures in bright colored wool thread. The lines of the
figures do not obey the web and woof strictly, as the lines are diffi-

Fig. 350. Design painted in color upon a woven surface, exhibiting the full degree of geometric con
vention. Ancient Peruvian work. Copied from The Necropolis of Ancon.

cult to follow, but the geometric character is as perfectly preserved
as if the design were woven in the goods.

244 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

So habit and association carry the geometric system into adyven-
titious decoration. When the ancient Peruvian executed a design in
color upon a woven surface (Fig. 350), using a pencil or brush, the
result was hardly less subject to textile restraint.

As a matter of course, since there are two distinct styles of decora-
tive design—the textile and the free hand—there exist intermediate
forms partaking of the character of both; but it is nevertheless clear
that the textile system transforms or greatly modifies all nature
motives associated with it, whether introduced into the fabric or ap-
plied to its surface.

In countries where the textile art is unimportant and the textile
system of decoration does not obtrude itself, free hand methods may
prevail to such an extent that the geometric influence is but little
felt. The Haidah Indians, for example, paint designs with great
freedom and skill, and those applied to woven surfaces are identical
with those executed upon skins, wood, and stone, but this art is doubt-
less much modified by the means and methods of Europeans. Our
studies should be confined wholly to pure indigenous art.

EXTENSION OF TEXTILE ORNAMENT TO OTHER FORMS OF ART.

I have now dwelt at sufficient length upon the character of the
textile system of ornament and have laid especial stress upon the
manner in which it is interwoven with the technical constitution of
the art. Ihave illustrated the remarkable power of the art by which
decorative elements from without, coming once within the magic
influence, are seized upon and remodeled in accordance with the laws
of textile combination. Pursuing the investigation still further it is
found that the dominion of the textile system is not limited to the
art, but extends to other arts. Like a strong race of men it is not to
be confined to its own original habitat, but spreads to other realms,
stamping its own habits and character upon whatever happens to
come within its reach. Its influence is felt throughout the whole
range of those arts with which the esthetic sense of man seeks to
associate ideas of beauty. It is necessary, before closing this paper,
to examine briefly the character and extent of this influence and to
describe in some detail the agencies through which the results are
accomplished. First and most important are the results of direct
transmission.

House building, or architecture as it is called in the higher stages,
is in primitive times toa great extent textile; as culture develops.
other materials and other systems of construction are employed, and
the resultant forms vary accordingly; but textile characters are espe-
cially strong and persistent in the matter of ornament, and survive
all changes, howsoever complete. Jn a similar way other branches of
art differentiated in material and function from the parent art in-

fLOLMEs. } TRANSFER OF TEXTILE CHARACTERS TO OTHER ARTS. 245

herit many characters of form and ornament conceived in the textile
stage. It may be difficult to say with reference to any particular
example of design that it had a textile origin, for there may be mul-
tiple origins to the same or to closely corresponding forms; but we
may assert in a general way of the great body of geometric ornament
that it owes something —if not its inspiration, its modes of expres-
sion—to the teachings of the textile system. This appears rea-
sonable when we consider that the weaver’s art, as a medium of
esthetic ideas, had precedence in time over nearly all competitors.
Being first in the field it stood ready on the birth of new forms of
art, whether directly related or not, to impose its characters upon
them. What claim can architecture, sculpture, or ceramics have
upon the decorative conceptions of the Digger Indians, or even
upon those of the Zuni or Moki? The former have no architect-
ure, sculpture, or ceramics; but their system of decoration, as we
have seen, is highly developed. The Pueblo tribes at their best have
barely reached the stage at which esthetic ideas are associated with
building; yet classic art has not produced a set of geometric motives
more chaste or varied. These examples of the development of high
forms of decoration during the very early stages of the arts are not
isolated. Others are observed in other countries, and it is probable
that if we could lift the veil and peer into the far prehistoric stages
of the world’s greatest cultures the same condition and order would
be revealed. It is no doubt true that all of the shaping arts in the
fullness of their development have given rise to decorative features
peculiar to themselves; for construction, whether in stone, clay,
wood, or metal, in their rigid conditions, exhibits characters unknown
before, many of which tend to give rise to ornament. But this orna-
ment is generally only applicable to the art in which it develops,
and is not transferable by natural processes—as of a parent to its
offspring —as are the esthetic features of the weaver’s art.

Besides the direct transmission of characters and forms as suggested
in a preceding paragraph, there are many less direct but still effica-
cious methods of transfer by means of which various arts acquire
textile decorative features, as will be seen by the following illustra-
tions.

Japanese art is celebrated for its exquisite decorative design. Upon
superb works of porcelain we have skillful representations of sub-
jects taken from nature and from mythology, which are set with per-
fect taste upon fields or within borders of elaborate geometric design.
If we should ask how such motives came to be employed in ceramic
decoration, the answer would be given that they were selected and
employed because they were regarded as fitting and beautiful by a
race of decorators whose taste is well nigh infallible. But this explan-
ation, however satisfactory as applied to individual examples of
modern art is not at all applicable to primitive art, for the mind of

24G TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

man was not primarily conscious of the beauty or fitness of decora-
tive elements, nor did he think of using them independently of the
art to which they were indigenous. Now the ceramic art gives rise
to comparatively few elements of decoration, and must therefore ac-
quire the great body of its decorative motives from other arts by
some process not primarily dependent upon the exercise of judgment
or taste, and yet not by direct inheritance, as the techniques of the
two arts are wholly distinct.

Textile and fictile arts are, in their earlier stages, to a large ex-
tent, vessel making arts, the one being functionally the offshoot of
the other. The textile art is the parent, and, as I have already
shown, develops within itself a geometric system of ornament. The
fictile art is the offshoot and has within itself no predilection for
decoration. It is dependent and plastic. Its forms are to a great
extent modeled and molded within the textile shapes and acquire
automatically some of the decorative surface characters of the mold.
This is the beginning of the transfer, and as time goes on other
methods are suggested by which elements indigenous to the one art
are transferred to the other. Thus we explain the occurrence, the
constant recurrence of certain primary decorative motives in prim-
itive ceramics. The herring bone, the checker, the guilloche, and the
like are greatly the heritage of the textile art. Two forms derived
from textile surfaces are illustrated in Figs. 351 and 352. In the

SOMA RORY
La SOS
KK<< Yur.

Fic. 351, Herring bone and checker patterns produced in textile combinations.

A'DMW\\ SEES SS \\

VV UMEHJ!™ JZ: WIKYKES

Fig. 352. Herring bone and checker figures in fictile forms transferred from the textile.

first example shown, herring bone patterns appear as the result of
textile combination, and in the second a triangular checker is pro-
duced in the same way. In Fig. 352 we see the result of copying
these patterns in incised lines upon soft clay.

Again, the ancient potter, who was in the habit of modeling his

HOLMES. TEXTILE CHARACTERS IN FICTILE ORNAMENT. JAG

wares within baskets, seems to have conceived the idea of building
his vessels by coiling just as he built his baskets. The surface ex-
hibits coiled ridges like basketry, as shown in Fig. 353, and the

Fig. 353. Earthen vase built by coiling, exhibiting decorative characters derived from basketry.

textile character was further imposed upon the clay by marking these
coils with the thumb and with implements to give the effect of the
transverse series of filaments, and the geometric color patterns of
the basketry were reproduced in incised lines. When these peoples
came to paint their wares it was natural that the colored patterns
native to the basketry should also be reproduced, and many more
or less literal transfers by copying are to be found. A fine example
of these painted textile designs is shown in Fig. 354. It is executed
ina masterly style upon a handsome vase of the white ware of ancient
Tusayan. Not only are the details reproduced with all their geo-
metric exactness, but the arrangement of the designs upon the ves-
sel is the same as in the textile original. Nine-tenths of the more
archaic, Pueblo, ceramic, ornamental designs are traceable to the
textile art, and all show the influence of textile convention.

948 TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

Another peculiar class of transfers of a somewhat more indirect
nature may be noticed. All the more advanced American nations

were very fond of modeling the human form in clay, a large per-

Fic. 354. Ceramic ornament copied literally from a textile original
I )

centage of vessels having some trace of the human form or physiog-
nomy. Now, in many cases the costume of the personage represented
in the clay is also imitated, and generally in color, the details of the
fabrics receiving their full share of attention.

Such an example,
from a sepulcher at Ancon, is shown in Fig. 355.

Here the poncho

Pig. 355. Textile patterns transferred to pottery through the copying of costume. From The Ne
cropolis of Ancon, by Reiss and Stiibel, Pl. 94

or mantle thrown across the shoulders falls down upon the body in
front and behind and the stripes and conventional fishes are accu-
rately reproduced. In this way both style and matter of the textile
decoration are introduced into the ceramic art.

It will be seen by these illustrations that there are many natural

HOLMES. ] TEXTILE CHARACTERS IN VARIOUS ARTS. 249

methods, automatic or semiautomatic in character, by which the one
art receives aid from the other; that in the beginning of the transfer
of textile ornament to fictile forms the process is purely mechanical,
and that it is continued automatically without any very decided exer-
cise of judgment or taste. Asaresult, these borrowed decorations are
generally quite as consistent and appropriate as if developed within
the art itself. Later in the course of progress the potter escapes in
a measure from this narrow groove and elaborates his designs with
more freedom, being governed still to a certain extent by the laws
of instinctive and automatic procedure. When, finally, intellect as-
sumes to carry on the work independently of these laws, decoration
tends to become debased.

Turning to other branches of art, what traces do we find of the
transfer to them of textile features? Take, for example, sculpture.
In the wood carving of the Polynesians we observe a most elaborate
system of decoration, more or less geometric in character. We do not
need to look a second time to discover a striking likeness to the text-
ile system, and we ask, Isit also derived from a textile source? In the
first place let’us seek within the art a reason for the peculiar forms.
In carving wood and in tracing figures upon it with pointed tools
the tendency would certainly be towards straight lines and formal
combinations; but in this work there would be a lack of uniform-
ity in execution and of persistency in narrow lines of combination,
such as result from the constant necessity of counting and spacing
in the textile art. Inthe presentation of natural forms curved lines
are called for, and there is nothing inherent in the carver’s art to for-
bid the turning of such lines with the graver or knife. Graphic art
would be realistic to an extent regulated by the skill and habits of
the artist. But, in reality, the geometric character of this work is
very pronounced, and we turn naturally toward the textile art to ask
whether in some way that art has not exercised an influence. The
textile arts of these peoples are highly developed and were doubtless
so in a degree from very early times, and must have had a close rela-
tion with the various arts, and especially so in the matter of ornament.
Specific examples may be cited showing the intimacy of wood cary-
ing to textilia. Bows, spears, arrows, &c. are bound with textile
materials to increase their strength. Knives and other weapons are
covered with textile sheaths and handles of certain utensils are
lashed on with twisted cords. In ceremonial objects these textile
features are elaborated for ornament and the characteristic features
of this ornament are transferred to associated surfaces of wood and
stone by the graver. A most instructive illustration is seen in the
ceremonial adzes so numerous in museums (Fig. 356). The cords
used primarily in attaching the haft are, after loss of function, elab-
orately plaited and interwoven until they become an important fea-
ture and assume the character of decoration. The heavy wooden

950) TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

handles are elaborately carved, and the suggestions of flgures given
by the interlaced cords are carried out in such detail that at a little
distance it is impossible to say where the real textile surface ceases
and the sculptured portion begins.

All things considered, I regard it as highly probable that much of
the geometric character exhibited in Polynesian decoration is due to
textile dominance. That these peoples are in the habit of employing

Fie. 356. Ceremonial adz, with carved ornament imitating textile wrapping. Polynesian work

textile designs in non-textile arts is shown in articles of costume, such
as the tapa cloths, made from the bark of the mulberry tree, which
are painted or stamped in elaborate geometric patterns. This trans-
fer is also a perfectly natural one, as the ornament is applied to arti-
cles having functions identical with the woven stuffs in which the
patterns originate, and, besides, the transfer is accomplished by means
of stamps themselves textile. Fig. 357 illustrates the construction of
these stamps and indicates just how the textile character is acquired.

Textile materials are very generally associated with the human
figure in art, and thus sculpture, which deals chiefly with the human
form, becomes familiar with geometric motives and acquires them.
Through sculpture these motives enter architecture. But textile

HotMEsS.| TEXTILE CHARACTERS IN ARCHITECTURAL ORNAMENT. 25]

decoration pervades architecture before the sculptor’s chisel begins
to carve ornament in stone and before architecture has developed of
itself the rudiments of a system of surface embellishment. Textile

Fig. 357. Portion of atapa stamp, showing its subtextile character. A palm leaf is cut to the desired
shape and the patterns are sewed in or stitched on.

art in mats, covers, shelters, and draperies is intimately associated
with floors and walls of houses, and the textile devices are in time
transferred to the stone and plaster. The wall of an ancient Pueblo
estufa, or ceremonial chamber, built in the pre-esthetic period of
architecture, antedating, in stage of culture, the first known step in
Egyptian art, is encircled by a band of painted figures, borrowed,
like those of the pottery, from a textile source. The doorway or
vather entrance to the rude hovel of a Navajo Indian is closed by a
blanket of native make, unsurpassed in execution and exhibiting
conventional designs of a high order.

Fie. 358. Design in stucco, exhibiting textile characters.

The ancient ‘“‘hall of the arabesques” at Chimu, Peru, is decorated
in elaborate designs that could only have arisen in the textile art

952. TEXTILE ART IN RELATION TO FORM AND ORNAMENT.

(Fig. 358), and other equally striking examples are to be found in
other American countries. The classic surface decorations known
and used in Oriental countries from time immemorial prevailed in
indigenous American architecture at a stage of culture lower than
any known stage of classic art.

It may appear that I have advocated too strongly the claims of
the textile art to the parentage of geometric ornament and that the
conclusions reached are not entirely satisfactory, but I have endeay-
ored so to present the varied phenomena of the art that the student
may readily reach deductions of his own. <A correspondingly care-
ful study of other branches of art will probably enable us finally to
form a just estimate of the relative importance of the forces and
tendencies concerned in the evolution of decoration.

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION——BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.
AIDS.TO THE STUDY
Pah Wea CODICES.
LY

IPIROUE, (OYAeWWis) IMS(OM UNS).

CON TEN Ts

Thain gosh nolalas a asiladad tao an CObGe neon DOD aaa bn enn oO Oona Ra STn Cnc arE
CHAP. I. The numerals in the eesien Cod exanites cure eocioneee ftir eer
ie Conclusions!-s-eo-eeeee ee

Ill. The writing...

Discussion as to phonetic features of the characters..........

255

Fia. 359.

360.

SRA TONS:

Line of day and numeral symbols from Plates 36¢ and 37¢, Dresden
(WOM ee ryereretayere wie atevsts iol elersy Sishsieteves ofa cz rete sie efele ova chavercisheyetertes arelerzis ia ares
Line of day and numeral characters from Plates 33-389, Dresden
(OWE Sahob adeeb oEaRosOO REDO SOOO nan CeN Sun Sods hoes Cron poset

. Unusual symbol for Akbal from Plate 8 of the Dresden Codex ....
= Copy,oimblatero0 wMresdemi Cod exer pyaar -yaierars elas isis ate sYeie = Sates oye

COD yIOLMelAberOl, OLesd any COMER estes ens tty susale ie eyelet aisee ences iste
mi Copy. of selatejo2.Wresdeny Cod Gx: om sna ci einie = ersten © eerie isis ie1e isis) rere
jCopy of Plate, b3, Dresden Codex eee cise e\siorse 2 sis a niche niece clerayersteveleie
COpy, Obeblates04; Dresden COM exer ary. ei p-tyosteine els ieseseie citieiee cies «1s
mi Copyi Ol Elateon, WM resden\ Codex. jeer ete clereysi aie ictesisini= siecle tore rei
mCopy,of PlateoGsDresd enl\Codexiryciaviete ter ieteyelrostareieterci= elaine lol
mM Copy ol Plate bisDresdenti Codex 5 comics sevens tacky sie calle ales
mCopyOuselatcios sWresd en Cod exces re aiethetslYrera etelstoie lete'aicictslerls seis
. Specimens of ornamental loops from page 72, Dresden Codex...
. Numeral character from the lower division of Plate XV, Manuscript

AM OLN aKOY) wis Can RRG RTA OG COTS Con CIO Oe ORIG EOD MIS BIRO Rone enID Oe een IC nS

8. Turtle from the Cortesian Codex, Plate 17 ............. .... .- hs

» dfshe simoyony javey Cloranssienn(Cioiolee<, leEnK=: Plano ancancnoodecnas onbeadoo
. Worm and plant from Manuscript Troano, Plate XXIX...........
. Figure of a woman from the Dresden Codex ......:...........5+-
. Copy of middle and lower divisions of Plate XTX,Manuscript Troano
. Copy of lower division of Plate 65, Dresden Codex..............--
. The moo or ara from Plate 16, Dresden Codex ....................
. The god Ekchuah, after the Troano and Cortesian Codices ........
. The long nosed god (Kukulcan) or god with the snake-like tongue. .
2. Copy of head from the Borgian Codex (Quetzalcoatl?).............
. The supposed god of death from the Dresden Codex ..............
4, The supposed god of death from the Troano Codex ...............
5. The god with the banded face from the Troano Codex ............
5 MNaxe) fexeyel Gralelal tdaVey Ollel ook ECDs. cooovoesccachog, eacovodosbacuce

he rod wiathitacelcrossed |ibyslimess avai aciee leis ere) ciel areisaielsieleverecieyaseie oles
. Wooden idol in vessel with basket cover...... EAN october MoO AIOO See

6 ETH——17

Page.

306
307
308
309
310
311
312
313
337

ot oO

AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

By Cyrus THOMAS.

INTRODUCTION.

The object of this paper is to present to students of American
paleography a brief explanation of some discoveries, made in regard
to certain Maya codices, which are not mentioned in my previous
papers relating to these aboriginal manuscripts.

It is apparent to every one who has carefully studied these manu-
scripts that any attempt to decipher them on the supposition that they
contain true alphabetic characters must end in failure. Although
enough has been ascertained to render it more than probable that
some of the characters are phonetic symbols, yet repeated trials have
shown beyond any reasonable doubt that Landa’s alphabet furnishes
little or no aid in deciphering them, as it is evidently based on a mis-
conception of the Maya graphic system. If the manuscripts are ever
deciphered it must be by long and laborious comparisons and happy
guesses, thus gaining point by point and proceeding slowly and cau-
tiously step by step. Accepting this as true, it will be admitted that
every real discovery in regard tothe general signification or tenor of
any of these codices, or of any of their symbols, characters, or figures,
or even in reference to their proper order or relation to one another,
will be one step gained toward the final interpretation. It is with
this idea in view that the following pages have been written and are
now presented to the students of American paleography.

It is impracticable to present fac simile copies of all the plates and
figures referred to, but it is taken for granted that those sufficiently
interested in this study to examine this paper have access to the pub-
lished fac similes of these aboriginal documents.

CHAPTER I.
“THE NUMERALS IN THE DRESDEN CODEX.

Before entering upon the discussion of the topic indicated it may
be well to give a brief notice of the history and character of this
aboriginal manuscript, quoting from Dr. Férstemann’s introduction
to the photolithographic copy of the codex, he having had an op-
portunity to study the original for a number of years in the Royal
Public Library of Dresden, of which he is chief librarian:

“Unfortunately, the history of the manuscript begins no further
back than 1739. The man to whom we owe the discovery and per-
haps the preservation of the codex was Johann Christian G6tze, son
of an evangelical pastor, born at Hohburg, near Wurzen, in the
electorate of Saxony. He became a Catholic, and received his edu-
cation first at Vienna, then in Rome; became first chaplain of the
King of Poland and elector of Saxony; later on, papal prothonotary;
presided over the Royal Library at Dresden from 1754, and died
holding this position, greatly esteemed for learning and integrity,
July 5, 1749. This sketch is taken from his obituary notice in Neue
Zeitungen von gelehrten Sachen, Nr. 62, Leipzig, 1749. In his ca-
pacity as librarian he went to Italy four times, and brought thence
rich collections of books and manuscripts for the Dresden library.
One of these journeys took place in 1739, and concerning its literary
results we have accurate information from a manuscript, in GOtze’s
handwriting, which is found in the archives of the Royal Public
Library, under A, Vol. II, No. 10, and bears the title: ‘ Books con-
signed to me for the Royal Library in January, 1740.’ Under No.
300 we read: ‘An invaluable Mexican book with hieroglyphic
figures.” This is the same codex which we here reproduce.

**Gotze also was the first to bring the existence of the manuscript to
public notice. In 1744 he published at Dresden The Curiosities of
the Royal Library at Dresden, First Collection. As showing what
value Gotze attributed to this manuscript, the very first page of the
first volume of this work, which is of great merit and still highly
useful, begins as follows: ‘1. A Mexican book with unknown char-
acters and hieroglyphic figures, written on both sides and painted
in all sorts of colors, in long octavo, laid orderly in folds of 59
leaves, which, when spread out lengthwise, make more than 6 yards.’

'The work here referred to is entitled Die Mayahandschrift der Koniglichen
Offentlichen Bibliothek zu Dresden, herausgegeben von Prof. Dr. E. Forstemann,
Hofrat und Oberbibliothekar. It contains, besides the chromolithographs of the

74 plates, an introduction published at Leipzig, 1880, 4°.
261

962 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

““Gétze continues speaking of this book from page 1 to 5, adding,
however, little of moment, but expatiating on Mexican painting and
hieroglyphic writing in general. On page 4 he says:

*¢*QOur royal library has this superiority over all others, that it pos-
sesses this rare treasure. It was obtained a few years ago at Vienna
from a ‘private person, for nothing, as being an unknown thing.
It is doubtless from the personal effects of a Spaniard, who had either
been in Mexico himself or whose ancestors had been there.’

“On page 5 Gotze says: .

«In the Vatican library there are some leaves of similar Mexican
writing, as stated by Mr. Joseph Simonius Asseman, who Saw our
copy four years ago at Rome.’

** Gotze therefore received the manuscript as a present on his jour-
ney to Italy at Vienna and took it with him to Rome. Unfortunately
we know nothing concerning its former possessor. A more accurate
report of the journey does not seem to exist; at least the principal
state archives at Dresden contain nothing concerning it, nor does the
General Directory of the Royal Collections. As appears from the
above note, Gétze did not know that the Vatican Codex was of an en-
tirely different nature from the Dresden Codex.

“Tn spite of the high value which Gétze set upon the manuscript,
it remained unnoticed and unmentioned far into our century. Even
Johann Christoph Adelung, who as head librarian had it in his cus-
tody and who died in 1806, does not mention it in his Mithridates, of
which that part which treats of American languages (IIT, 3) was pub-
lished only in 1816, after Adelung’s death, by J.S. Vater. This would
have been a fitting occasion to mention the Dresden Codex, because
in this volume (pp. 13 et seq.) the Maya language is largely treated of,
and further on the other languages of Anahuac. Of course it was not
possible at that time to know that our manuscript belongs to the former.

“After Gotze, the first to mention our codex is C. A. Béttiger, in his
Ideas on Archzeology (Dresden, 1811, pp. 20, 21), without, however,
saying anything that we did not already know from Gétze. Still
Boéttiger rendered great and twofold service: first, as we shall see
presently, because through him Alexander von Humboldt obtained
some notice of the manuscript, and, second, because Béttiger’s note, as
he himself explains in the Dresden Anzeiger, No. 133, p. 5, 1832, in-
duced Lord Kingsborough to have the manuscript copied in Dresden,

‘“We now come to A. von Humboldt. His Views of the Cordilleras
and the Monuments of the Indigenous Peoples of America bears on
the title page the year 1810, which certainly means only the year in
which the printing was begun, the preface being dated 1813. To this
work, which gave a mighty impulse to the study of Central American
languages and literatures, belongs the Atlas pittoresque, and in this
are found, on page 45, the reproductions of five pages of our manu-
script. They are Nos. 47, 48, 50, 51, and 52 of Lord Kingsborough.
In the volume of text belonging to this atlas Humboldt discusses our

THOMAS. } HISTORY OF THE DRESDEN CODEX. 263

manuscript on pp. 266, 267. When he began his work he knew noth-
ing as yet of the existence of the manuscript. It was brought to his
knowledge by Bottiger, whose above named work he cites. Here we
learn for the first time that the material of the manuscript consists
of the plant metl (Agave Mexicana,) like other manuscripts that
Humboldt had brought from New Spain. Furthermore, he correctly
states the length of leaf as 0.295 and the breadth 0.085 meter. On
the other hand, he commits two mistakes in saying that there are 40
leaves and that the whole folded table forming the codex has a length
of almost 6 meters, for there are only 39 leaves and the length in
question is only 3.5 meters, as calculation will approximately show,
because the leaves are written on both sides. Humboldt’s other re-
marks do not immediately concern our problem.

“In 1822 Fr. Ad. Ebert, then secretary and later head librarian,
published his History and Description of the Royal Public Library
at Dresden. Here we find, as well in the history (p. 66) as in the de-
scription (p. 161), some data concerning this ‘treasure of highest
value,’ which indeed contain nothing new, but which certainly con-
tributed to spread the knowledge of the subject among wider circles.
We may remark right here that H. L. Fleischer, in his Catalogue of
Oriental Manuscript Codices in the Royal Library of Dresden, p. 7,
Leipzig, 1831, 4°, makes but brief mention of our codex, as ‘a Mex-
ican book of wood, illustrated with pictures, which awaits its C4di-
pus;’ whereupon he cites the writing of Béttiger. The signature of
the manuscript here noted, E 451, is the one still in use.

“Between the above mentioned notices by Ebert and Fleischer falls
the first and so far the only complete reproduction of the manuscript.
Probably in 1826, there appeared at Dresden the Italian Augustino
Aglio, a master of the art of making fac similes by means of tracing
through transparent substances. He visited the European libraries,
very probably evenat that time under orders from Lord Kingsborough,
to copy scattered manuscripts and pictures front Mexico or seemingly
from Mexico.

“Now there arises the question, all important for interpretation,
In which shape did the manuscript lie before Aglio? Was ita strip
only 3.5 meters in length or did it consist of several pieces ?

“To render clear the answer which we proceed to give, it is first
necessary to remark that of the 39 leaves of the codex 35 are written
on both sides and 4 on one side only, so that we can speak only of
74 pages of manuscript, not of 78. These 74 pages we shall in the
following always designate by the numbers which they bear in Lord
Kingsborough, and it is advisable to abide by these numbers, for the
sake of avoiding all error, until the manuscript can be read with per-
fect certainty; the 4 empty pages I shall designate with 0 when there
isneed of mentioning them expressly.

** Furthermore it is necessary to state which of these pages so num-

264 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

bered belong together in such way that they are the front and back
of the same leaf. This condition is as follows: One leaf is formed of
pages 1 45, 2 44,3 43, 4 42, 5 41, 6 405 7 395 8) 38,)9or. LO) So; aos
12 34, 13 33, 14 32, 15 31, 16 30, 17 29, 18 0,19 0, 20:0; 21 28, 22 27,
23 26, 24 25,46 74,47 73,48 72,49 71, 50 70,51 69,52 68,53 67, 54 66,
55 65, 56 64, 57 63, 58 62,59 61, 60 0. [That is to say, each pair of
this series forms one leaf, one page on one side and the other on the
reverse side of the leaf. |

“But now we are justified in the assumption, which at least is very
probable, that neither did Aglio change arbitrarily the order of the
original, nor Lord Kingsborough the order of Aglio. Consequently
Aglio must already have had the manuscript before him in two pieces,
be it that the thin pellicles by which the single leaves are connected
were loosened in one place or that the whole was separated only then
in order not to be obliged to manipulate the whole unwieldy strip in
the operation of copying. A third possibility, to which we shall pres-
sently return, is that of assuming two separate pieces from the begin-
ning; in this case Gétze and the others must be supposed to have seen
it in this condition, but to have omitted the mention of the circum-
stance, believing that the original unity had been destroyed by tearing.

““Of the two pieces one must have comprised 24, the other 15 leaves.
3ut Aglio copied each of the two pieces in such way as to trace first
the whole of one side and then the other of the entire piece, always
progressing from left to right, in European style. Therefore Aglio’s
model was as follows:

“ First piece:

“Front (from left to right): 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6,'7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 18, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18,
19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24.

“Back (from right to left): 45, 44, 43, 42, 41, 40, 39, 38, 37, 36, 35, 34, 33, 32, 31, 30,
0, 0, 0, 28, 27, 26, 25.

* Second piece:

“Front (from left to right): 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60.

“Back (from right to left): 74, 78, 72, 71, 70, 69, 68, 67, 66, 65, 64, 63, 62, 61, 0.

‘Tn considering this, our attention is attracted by the position of
the four blank pages, three of which are together, the fourth alone.
It might be expected that the separate blank page began or concluded
the second piece and was purposely left blank, because in the folding
of the whole it would have lain outside and thus been exposed to in-
jury; the other three would be expected at the end of the first piece.
The former, as is easily seen, was quite possible, but the latter was
not, unless we assume that even at the time Aglio took his copy the
original order had been entirely disturbed by cutting and stitching
together again. The four blank pages show no trace of ever having
contained writing; the red brown spots which appear on them are to
be found also on the sides that contain writing. Perhaps, therefore,
those three continuous pages indicate a section in the representation;
perhaps it was intended to fill them later on; in a similar way also

NL a

THOMAS.) PAGING OF THE DRESDEN CODEX. 265

page three has been left unfinished, because the lower half was only
begun by the writer.

“T do not wish to conceal my view that the two pieces which Aglio
found were separated from the beginning; that they belong even to
two different manuscripts, though written in the same form; but,
since it is human to err, I will here and there follow custom in the
succeeding pages in speaking of one codex.

** My conviction rests especially on the fact that the writer of man-
uscript A (pp. 1-45) endeavors to divide each page by two horizontal
lines into three parts, which the writer of manuscript B (pp. 46-74)
rarely does. The more precise statement is as follows: In A, pp.
1-23 and 29-43 always show two such lines in red color; pp. 25-28
have no red lines, but clearly show a division into three parts; p. 24
is the only one of this manuscript that has only writing and no pict-
ures and where the greater continuity of the written speech forbids
tripartition (here ends one side of the manuscript); finally, p. 45
seems to be marked as the real end of the whole by the fact that it
contains three very light lines, dividing it into four parts; moreover,
everything on this page is more crowded, and the figures are smaller
than on the preceding pages, just as in some modern books the last
page is printed more closely or in smaller type for want of space. In
the same manner I suspect that p. 1 is the real beginning of the
manuscript. This is indicated by the bad condition of leaf 2 44,
which has lost one corner and whose page 44 has lost its writing alto-
gether. For, if in folding the codex leaf 1 45 was turned from within
outward, somewhat against the rule, leaf 2 44 was the outer one,
and p. 44 lay above or below, and was thus most exposed to injury.
I will not omit mentioning that my attention has been called by Dr.
Carl Schultz-Sellack, of Berlin, to the possibility of leaves 1 45 and 2
44 having been fastened to the rest in a reversed position, so that 43, 1
and 2 and on the other side 44, 45, 3 were adjoining; then the gods
would here be grouped together, which follow each other also on
pages 29 and 30. It cannot be denied that this supposition explains
the bad condition of leaf 2 44 still better, because then it must have
been the outermost of the manuscript; 44 would be the real title page,
so to say, and on p. 45 the writer began, not ended, his representa-
tion, with the closer writing of which I have spoken, and only after-
ward passed on to a more splendid style; and this assumption tallies
very well with some other facts. But all this can only be cleared up
after further progress has been made in deciphering the manuscript.

‘“*In two places, moreover, this first manuscript shows an extension
of the drawings from one page over to the neighboring one, namely,
from 4 to 5 and from 30 to 31. This is not found on the second
manuscript. From continuity of contents, if we are allowed to
assume it from similarity of pictures and partition, we may suppose
this manuscript to be divided into chapters in the following manner:

266 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

pp. 1-2 (then follows the unfinished and disconnected page 3), 4-17,
18-23 (here follows p. 24, without pictures), 25-28, 29-33, 34-35, 36-41.

“Compared with this, manuscript B rarely shows a tripartition, but
on pp. 65-68 and 51-57 a bipartition by one line. A further differ-
ence is this, that A out of 45 pages has only one (p. 24) without pict-
ures, while B out of 29 pages has 9 without pictures (51, 52, 59, 63, 64,
70, 71, 72, 73), nothing but writing being found on them. Page 74,
differing from all others, forms the closing tableau of the whole; and,
similarly, p. 60, the last of the front, shows a peculiar character. A
closer connection of contents may be suspected between pp. 46-50,
53-58, 61-62, 65-68.

“The two manuscripts also differ greatly in the employment of the
sign, or rather signs, differing little from each other, which resem-
ble a representation of the human eye and consist of two curves, one
opening aboye and the other below and joined at their right and left
ends. These signs occur only ond out of the 45 pages of Codex A (1,
2, 24, 31, 43), while they occur on 16 pages out of the 29 of Codex B
(48, 51, 52, 53, 55, 57, 58, 59, 61, 62, 63, 64, 70, 71, 72, 73).

““T believe that the differences above mentioned, to which others
will probably be added, are sufficient to justify my hypothesis of the
original independence of the two codices. Whoever looks over the
whole series of leaves without preconception cannot escape the feel-
ing, on passing from leaf 45 to leaf 46, that something different be-
gins here.

“Thus the copy of Aglio has made it possible to venture a hypothe-
sis bordering on certainty concerning the original form of this mon-
ument. Five years after Aglio had finished the copying there ap-
peared, in 1831, the first volumes of Lord Kingsborough’s Mexican
Antiquities. The work in the trade cost 175/.; the expense of publi-
cation had been over 30,000/. The eighth and ninth volumes followed
only in 1848. The ponderous work has undoubtedly great value
from its many illustrations of old monuments of Central American
art and literature, which in great part had never been published. As
regards the Spanish and English text, it is of much less value. We
may pass in silence over the notes added by Lord Kingsborough him-
self, in which he tries to give support to his favorite hypothesis that
the Jews were the first settlers of America. Whoever wishes to ob-
tain exact information concerning the character and contents of the
whole work and dreads the labor of lifting and opening the volumes,
may find a comprehensive review of it inthe Foreign Quarterly Re-
view, No. 17, pp. 90-124, 8vo, London, January, 1832, where he will
also finda lucid exposition of the history of the literature of Mexican
antiquarian studies.

“In the middle of the third volume of the Mexican Antiquities (side
numbers are here absent) there is found the title ‘Fac simile of an
original Mexican painting preserved in the Royal Library at Dresden,

|
|
|
|

THOMAS. | PAGING OF THE DRESDEN CODEX, 267

lod

74 pages.” These 74 pages are here arranged on 27 leaves in the fol-
lowing manner:

Codex A. Codex B.

9 25 3, 46, 47, 48,
4, 5, 6, 49, 50, 51,
Teksheat 52, 53, 54,
10, 11, 55, 56, 57,
12, 13, 14, 58, 59, 60,
15, 16, 17, 61, 62, 63,
ifs}, aks), 64, 65, 66,
20, 67, 68, 69,
21, 22, 23, WOW te;
24, 25, 73, 74.

26, 27, 28,
29, 30, 31,
32, 33, 34,
35, 36, 37,
38, 39, 40,
41, 42, 43,
44, 45,

““On the whole, therefore, each leaf in Kingsborough comprises
three pages of our manuscript. Why the publisher joined only two
pages in the case of 10 and 11, 18 and 19, 24 and 25, and left page 20
entirely separate, I cannot say; but when he failed to add 46 to 44
and 45 it was due to the fact that here there is indication of a differ-
ent manuscript.

“On January 27, 1832, Lord Kingsborough wrote a letter from
Mitchellstown, near Cork, in Ireland, to Fr. Ad. Ebert, then head
librarian at Dresden, thanking him again for the permission to have
the manuscript copied and telling him that he had ordered his pub-
lisher in London to send to the Royal Public Library at Dresden one
of the ten copies of the work in folio. The original of the letter is
in Ebert’s manuscript correspondence in the Dresden library.

On April 27, 1832, when the copy had not yet arrived at Dresden,
an anonymous writer, in No. 101 of the Leipziger Zeitung, gave a
notice of this donation, being unfortunate enough to confound Hum-
boldt’s copy with that of Lord Kingsborough, not having seen the
work himself. Ebert, in the Dresden Anzeiger, May 5, made an angry
rejoinder to this ‘‘hasty and obtrusive notice.” Bédttiger, whom we
mentioned above and who till then was a close friend of Kbert, on
May 12, in the last named journal, defended the anonymous writer
(who perhaps was himself) in an extremely violent tone. Ebert’s re-
plies in the same journal became more and more ferocious, till Botti-
ger, inan article of May 25 (No. 150 of the same journal), broke off the
dispute at this point. Thus the great bibliographer and the great ar-
cheologist were made enemies for a long time by means of our codex.

“From Kingsborough’s work various specimens of the manuscript
passed into other books; thus we find some in Silvestre, Paléographie
universelle, Paris, 1839-41, fol.; in Rosny, Les écritures figuratives

268 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

et hiéroglyphiques des peuples anciens et modernes, Paris, 1860, 4to;
and also in Madier de Montjou, Archives de la société américaine de
France, 2°° série, tome I, table V.

“Tn 1834 Ebert died, and was followed as head librarian by K. C.
Falkenstein. He, unlike his predecessor, strove especially to make
the library as much as possible accessible to the public. Visits and
examinations of the library became much more frequent, and our
manuscript, being very liable to injury, on account of its material,
had to be withdrawn from the hands of visitors, if it was desired to
make it accessible to their sight. It was therefore laid between glass
plates and thus hung up freely, so that both sides were visible. In
this position it still hangs in the hall of the library, protected from
rude hands, it is true, but at the same time exposed to another enemy,
daylight, against which it has been protected only in recent time by
green screens. Still it does not seem to have suffered much from
light during these four decades; at least two former officers of the
library, who were appointed one in 1828 and the other in 1834, affirm
that at that time the colors were not notably fresher than now. This
remark is important, because the coloring in Humboldt, as well as in
Lord Kingsborough, by its freshness gives a wrong impression of the
coloring of the original, which in fact is but feeble; it may have re-
sembled these copies some 300 years ago.

“Tn 1836, when the manuscript was being preserved in the manner
indicated, the two unequal parts, which were considered as a whole
and which no one seems to have thought susceptible of being de-
ciphered, were divided into two approximately equal parts from con-
siderations of space and for esthetic reasons.

“The first five leaves of Codex A, thatis, pp. 1-5, with the backs con-
taining pp. 41-45, were cut off and prefixed to Codex B in such way
as to have p. 46 and p. 5 adjoining; when I examined the codex more
closely I found that between 5 and 46, and therefore also between 41 and
74, there was no such pellicle as generally connects the other leaves.
By this change one part was made to contain 20 leaves, the other 19.

““At the same time another change was made. Thethree blank pages
between pp. 28 and 29 had a marring effect, and they were put at the
end by cutting through between leaves 18 0 and 17 29 and turning
the severed leaves around, so that p. 24 joined on to p. 29 and 17 to
25. The pellicle loosened on this occasion was fastened again.

““T must expressly state that I have no written or oral account of
these two manipulations, but conclude they have taken place merely
from a comparison of the present arrangement with that which Aglio
must have had before him.

“Thus the arrangement in which I found the manuscript, which it
may be best to preserve until my views are recognized, is the following:

(1) The diminished Codex A (19 leaves):

Front: 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 25, 26, 27, 28, 0, 0, 0.

Back: 18,19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40.

le ee

THOMAS. | NUMERAL CHARACTER OF THE CODEX. 269

“Or, if we enumerate the numbers on the back from right to left, so
that the back of each leaf stands beneath its front:

CaevipeO IO LOU ee owm es TOG L205 26,215, 20, 00, (0, 0:
40, 39, 38, 37, 36, 35, 34, 33, 32, 31, 30, 29] 24, 23, 22, 21, 20, 19, 18.

(2) The enlarged Codex B (20 leaves):

Front: 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60.

Back: 0, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 78, 74, 41, 42, 48, 44, 45.

* Or, reversing, as in the preceding case, the numbers on the back:
1, 2, 38, 4, 5/46, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60.
45, 44, 43, 42, 41| 74, 73, 72, 71, 70, 69, 68, 67, 66, 65, 64, 63, 62, 61, 0.”

One of the most difficult things to account for in regard to this
codex is the immense number of numeral characters it contains, many
of which appear to have no reference to day or other time symbols.

Although it is not claimed that the key which will fully unlock
this mystery has been found, it is believed that the discoveries made
will throw considerable light on this difficult subject and limit the
field of investigation relating to the signification of the Maya codices.

Before proceeding with the discussion of the subject proposed, it
will not be amiss to state, for the benefit of those readers not familiar
with these ancient American manuscripts, that the Maya method of
designating numbers was by means of dots and lines, thus: . (one dot)
signifying one; .. (two dots) two, and so on up to four; five was
indicated by a single short straight line, thus, — ; ten, by two similar
lines, =; and fifteen, by three such lines: =.

According to this system, a straight line and a dot, thus, +, would

denote 6; two straight lines and two dots,, 12; and three straight
lines and four dots, =,19. But these symbols do not appear to

have been used for any ny greater number than nineteen. They are
found of two colors in all the Maya codices, one class black, the other
red, though the latter (except ina few instances, where the reason
for the variation from the rule is not apparent) are never used to
denote a greater number than thirteen, and refer chiefly to the num-
bers of the days of the Maya week and the numbers of the years of
the “‘Indication” or ‘‘week of years.” On the other hand, the
black numerals appear to be used in all other cases where numbers
not exceeding nineteen are introduced. As will appear in the course
of this discussion, there are satisfactory reasons for believing that
other symbols, quite different from these dots and lines, are used for
certain other numbers, at least for 20 and for 0.

In order that the reader may understand what follows, it isnecessary
to explain the methods of counting the days, months, and years in the
order in which they succeed oneanother. Much relating to this will
be found in a previous work,’ but a particular point needs further
explanation.

1A Study of the Manuscript Troano, by Cyrus Thomas, pp. 7-15.

270 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

According to the older and also the more recent authorities, the
Maya years—there being 20 names for days and 365 days in a year —
commenced alternately on the first, sixth, eleventh, and sixteenth of
the series, that is to say, on the days Kan, Muluc, Ix, and Cauac, fol-
lowing one another in the order here given; hence they are spoken of
as Kan years, Muluc years, Ix years, and Cauac years.

Writing out in the form of an ordinary counting house calendar
the 365 days of the year, commencing with 1 Kan and numbering
them according to the Maya custom (that is, up to thirteen to form
their week and then commencing again with one) they would be as
shown in Table I.

TasBLeE I.—Names and numbers of the months and days of the Maya system.

| a
|@
Sales a d 3 q g = a 2
Fo) : 4 a +
| 2
Yo) 2) Be) 4 By Ga) 1) 8a), SON esa aS ton LOR eli S E
sed za
Names of the
days.
ERS 35 Ja00 ooh 5 1 ES ee Sn ee ob ey GN TEE |) SEN GP Pal ORT Bel al
@hicchan yj... PI AEN By aK eS aT Si Se Gry aR l= ah teh ee) ty) eh lst chy) pe
Cimiga ep. ee BEG Ch She yoRT CMSB ved ok hi Ba AN SE aK et ably Tal By
Manis ncctare ae 4) 11) 5 | 12)) 6) 18)) 7 rel 8 | 2) 9) 3/10) 4/41] 5) 12) 6) 4
Teammate. ae aces Bi) |) 16) | AS We A Bs Ma ON Site Ol) eae tet a es let a a oi el S| eal VO
Mulucrneer rica Rye GR ER PP Bates re abby ay) SEA) Ga aby td |) ali Bal
Oct eees 7| 1| 8] 2| 9| sj10| 4}11] 5|s2] 6/13] 7| 1] 8] 2] 9] 7
@huenteseessc s8| 2] 9] 3]/10| 4/11] 5112) 6/18] 7] 1] 8] 2] 9] 8/10] 8
JH eeaestonesanosds On) S| LON 4a | ba So 6a 1s! CG ety Pee CIE ei aKa ct abl £4)
Beene ase eee LOR ers et GS resh 34 GABE icf) cal 8} 2) 9] 3] 10) 4 11 | 5) 12) 10
1b men aousecpaasod DM 5A SAB ee) Ba seh SO Be ON catia) inl ees Gn etsa ila
WWI are ae abeand 12") 6) 139) 7) |) Bh 9e Sa AON 4a ae ON ae SHS ie eet
(COL nedhgoneaoos TEM Alte SUN EH CME CMe ey Nata erie jp ss hay ]) GBH) eh sel) Gil) | 36)
Cabankna-eaeee cL Sa) eee etn] pres) LON) £49) Li) SiS 6 BN Sn OT alee
Ezanab a ADI 8) |) LON RA Te on ST eGo en Shas ee 8] 2] 9} 8) 10) 4) 15
(CENTEX poppdan bode Bi} 10) 45) Ad) SRN i) ASN) Sa es On Sr tON 4s ts | oes
JUG Acagppoous a Etsy (SRI a eae EES Pet By aK COG bL |) By SEIN GFT) ales
RVIMALK aa eatsreterel deters | S12) G5) 1B) 2) A Bi) Sa Os SN AON ea A ES) ST SaaS al ae ETS
Ihsan BoaeenS | 6|18| 7| 1] 8] 2] 9] 8] 10| 4/41) 5] 12) 6/18) 7] 1] 8) 49
Al balys. eset 1 SE Bey BP) 2 Bel) AON] aA a eLeT etie7|ed Rle ONreOO
Interealated days.
iC RCRD OSC AERe Ere acenerocdane acer osTocbodoncabSondcHadse scthdonscccbowtoocdannbou 10
CHC CHAN oy. ois sis sien erelereie » ninie'e nieia eas sinhh sd as aiaie'als a elise ee eee Reine St eee ee Gite Cee mene BT
(0:1 10) Te ooo nese inn ann arene eEenrenerodcuchpacussodie <coucsacandtaasaoccccsdnsocboansedsedoa6 12
1) Seen ApS eEcn coc cuearredeonnarrnonnnucnOnarancorersacr antes ocotco scp sanasohoen 13
1-1 ea OooAO RDC IOC OT OP AAriMacnUpEnCenenntossn aur aocao sg saae-cuoSs a mcocemiows -nosusnascu 1

Hach of these eighteen columns forms one month, and the whole
taken together, with the 5 days added at the end of the eighteenth
month, form one continuous series, the second column following the

THOMAS. | METHOD OF COUNTING DAYS. BAF |

first as though placed at the end of it, the third following the second,
and so on to the end of the eighteenth. Whether or not it was the
ancient custom to include the 5 added days in the year, as asserted
by the old Spanish writers, is somewhat doubtful, at least in study-
ing the Dresden Codex, we shall find but few occasions, if any, to use
them, for there are few if any positive indications in this codex that
they were added.

As stated, each column of the table forms a month, though the
numbering is carried to thirteen only; but at present the chief object
in view in presenting it is to use it in explaining the method of count-
ing the days and the intervals of time. The table is in truth a con-
tinuous series, and it is to be understood as though the 365 days were
written in one column, thus:

1. Kan.

2. Chicchan.

3. Cimi.

4. Manik.

5. Lamat.

6. Muluc.

7. Oc.

8. Chuen.

9. Eb.

10. Been.

ial, UBS

12. Men.

13. Cib.

1. Caban.

2. Ezanab, &c.,
the 20 days being repeated over and over in the order in which they
stand in the table. This order is never changed; we may com-
mence at whatever point in the series occasion may require, but
the order here given must always be maintained, just as in our cal-
endar the order of our days is always Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, &c.
In other words, Chicchan must always follow Kan, Cimi must al-
ways follow Chicchan, &c.

The method of counting intervals in the Maya calendar is very
simple, if these explanations are borne in mind, and may be illus-
trated thus: Counting 14 days from 1 Kan—the first day of the year
given in Table I— brings us to 2 Ezanab (the day we count from being
excluded); 12 days more bring us to 1 Oc, in the second column of our
table; 17 days more to 5 Manik, in the third column; and 17 days
more to 9 Kan, in the fourth column.

The number of the day required is readily ascertained by adding
together the number of the day counted from and the number of
days to be counted, casting out the thirteens when the sum exceeds
this number (excepting where the remainder is thirteen); thus: 1+
14—13=2, the number of the day Ezanab given above. So 1+
14+12—13—13=1, the number of the day Oc, second column, Table
I; and1+14+12417417-13-13—13—13=9, the number of the day

272 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

Kan, fourth column. The reason for this is so apparent that it is
unnecessary to state it.

Suppose the day counted from is 11 Mulue of the eleventh month,
and the number of days to be counted (or the interval) is 19; by
adding together the numbers and casting out the thirteens the fol-
lowing result is obtained: 11+19—13-13=4. Counting forward on
the table 19 days from 11 Muluce (the sixth number in the eleventh
figure column), we reach 4 Lamat (the fourth day of the twelfth
month). When the sum of the numbers is-a multiple of 13 the
number obtained is 13, as there can be no blanks, that is to say, no
day without a number.

As the plates of the codices are usually divided into two or three
compartments by transverse lines, itis necessary to adopt some method
of referring to these in order to avoid the constant repetition of
“upper,” “middle,” and ‘‘lower” division. On the plan proposed
by Dr. Férstemann, in his late work on the Dresden Codex (Erliuter-
ungen zur Mayahandschrift der Koniglichen 6ffentlchen Biblio-
thek zu Dresden), these divisions are designated by the letters a, b,
and ¢; this plan will be adopted in this paper. The letter @ joined to
the number of a plate, therefore, will signify that the division referred
to is the upper one, as Plate 12a; the letter b signifies the middle one
where there are three divisions or the lower one where there are but
two; and the letter ¢ signifies the lowest or bottom division where
there are three.

Where reference is made to the fac simile of the Dresden Codex,
Kingsborough’s colored edition is always to be understood, except
where another is specially mentioned.

Running through Plates 36¢ and 37c is a continuous line of day
symbols and red and black numeral characters as follows, the num-
bers and names below the characters being explanatory and of course
not on the original:

a QSo Qg00
——— SSS —a nd
Pl.36. Sy ——— (6 ee
10 XiMen' 15) Xin OC’ 9 ik Couae

1 1
1 1
e >)! !
= & a, ‘=n CD
1
! i

P1.37. SS
TT Vi0c | 20 1Oc: 10 XtAhau
Fig. 359. Lines of day and numeral symbols.
As colors are not used in these figures the red numerals are indi
cated by hollow or outline dots and lines and the black numerals by
solid lines and dots.!

'This method will be adopted throughout this paper where figures containing
pumerals are introduced.

THOMAS. | METHOD OF COUNTING DAYS. 273

In order further to assist those unacquainted with the symbols the
same line is here given in another form, in which the names of the
days are substituted for the symbols, Roman numerals for the red
numbers, and Arabic for the black: 10, XI Men; 15, XIII Oc; 9, IX
Cauae; 11, Vil Oc; S; 1 Oc;10, XT Ahau.

The § is introduced to represent a numeral symbol different from
the lines and dots and will be explained when reached in the course
of the illustration.

Starting from 11 Men, found in the twelfth figure column of Table I,
and counting forward fifteen days, we come to 13 Oc of the thirteenth
figure column, the second day of the above quoted line. Counting
nine days from 13 Oc’ brings us to 9 Cauac, the third day of the line;
eleven days more, to? Oc, the fourth day of the line. Following this
day in the line, instead of a black numeral of the usual form, is this

symbol: represented by Sin the second form, where the
names and numbers are substituted for the symbols.
Taking for granted, from the position it occupies in the

line, that it is a numeral character, it must represent 20, as the day
which follows is 1 Oc, and counting twenty days from 7 Oc brings us
to 1 Oe. Counting ten days more we reach 11 Ahau, the last day of
the line given above.

In this example the black numerals appear to have been used sim-
ply as counters, or as numbers indicating intervals; for example, 15
is the interval between 11 Men and 13 Oc.*

This furnishes a clew which, if followed up, may lead to important
results. That it explains the signification of one symbol undeter-
mined until this relation of the numerals to one another was discoy-
ered, isnow admitted. In the workof Dr. Férstemann before alluded
to the discovery of the symbol for 20 is announced. Although I
was not aware of the signification of this symbol until after my sec-
ond paper, ‘‘ Notes on certain Maya and Mexican manuscripts,” was
written, I had made this discovery as early as 1884.°

As there will be occasion to refer to the days of the four different
series of years (the Cauac, Kan, Muluc, and Ix years), a combined
calendar, similar to an ordinary counting house calendar, is intro-
duced here. For the Cauac years the left or Cauac column is to be
used; for the Kan years, the Kan column, and so on.

‘In the representations of lines and columns of the codex Roman numbers are
necessarily used to distinguish the class of numerals, yet in the text, as in this case,
the Arabic numbers will be used as most convenient.

* Strictly speaking, the interval between 11 Men and 13 Oc is fourteen days, but
throughout this paper, by ‘‘ interval between” two days, is to be understood the
number of days to be counted from one to and including the other. The one counted
from is always excluded and the one reached or with which the interval terminates
is always included.

® Science, p. 459, April 11, 1884.

6 ETH 18

ITA AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES,

TABLE I],—Names and numbers of the four series of years of the Maya system.

‘g c | » | 2 Numbers

enon onan Er ix Simm 15 ie v 6 OF GB y Beli atte a eon Ne

ml | Days of

il month.
Cauac... .| Kan...... AMTaluC heed | ixaee sae 1) 8 2 9) 3) 10) 4) 11] 5) 12) 6 18] 7) 4
Ahau ......| Chicchan .| Oc........ Wen sem 2} 9) 3 10) 4) 11) 5) 12) 6) 13) 7 1) 8 2
Ymix...... Cimi...... Chuen ....| Cib...... | 3] 10] 4! 11) 5] 22) 6) 13) 7 4] 8| Ql 9} 6 8
Tks acne Manik ....) Eb........ Caban....| 4| 11] 5) 12] 6| 13) 7] 1] 8| 2] 9| 3] 10 4
Akbal ......| Lamat....) Been ..... Ezanab... 5) 121 6 13) 7 1) 8 2 9 3} 10) 4) 11 33
TERA masters Muluc ....| Ix ........ 13| 7] a] 8} 2| of 3} 10 4a] slit 6
Chicchan ..| Oc......-- Men . 1} 8 2] 9| 3) 10) 4) 11) 5 12) 6) 13 fi
Cini Chuen....| Cib....... 2) 9] 3] io] 4| 11| 5] 121 6/43] | 1] 8
Manik ..... WMbisaaeeces Caban .... 3} 10] 4! 11] 5] 12] 6] 13! 7 1] 8] 2 9
Lamat..... Been ..... Ezanab... 4) 11) 5) 12] 6 13) 7 4} 8) 2) 9) 3) 40
Mulue ..... Desens Cauac .... 5] 12] 6] 13] 7] 1] 8} 2} 9} 3] 10] 4) 41
OCe eer | Men ......| Ahaw..... Chiechan .12) 6, 13 | 1] 8 2 9 3) 10 4 11) 5 12
Chuen..... (G18) 4555500 Gord har Cimi=--- 13) 7 1 8 2 9} 3 10 4 11} 5) 12) 6) 13
bien sase | @aban....| Ik ..2..... Manik ....| 1] 8| 2) 9) 310] 4/11] 5/22| 6] 18) 7] 14
BIDAR cane | Ezanab... Akbal .... Lamat....| 2} 9] 3} 10} 4) 11) 5) 12) 6] 13} 7 1] 8 15
ice ee | Cauac....| Kan ....... Mulue ....| 8) 10| 4| 11) 5] 12| 6| 13) 7| 4) 8] 2| 9| 16
Men .......| Ahau..... Chicchan. Oc........ || 11} 5 121 6| 13) 7 4) 8] 2] 9f al 10} 27
G@iby Sass <1 Somes Ciniteernts Chuen ....| 5} 12) 6) 13) 7 1) 8) = 9} 3 10) 4 11 18
Cabany s)/elkiee sear Manik eee) besser 6 13) 7] 1) 8) 2 9 3] 10] 4! 11) 5/12) 19
Ezanab....| Akbal ....| Lamat....| Been...... dja 5 2 9) 3) 10) 4} 11) 5] 12) 6 13) 20

| | 1 | |

As this table has been explained in my previous papers it is only
necessary to add here that the thirteen figure columns form a single
series; therefore, when we reach the bottom of the thirteenth column
we go back to the top of the first. The day reached will be the one
directly opposite (that is, in the same horizontal line) in the day
column for the given year.

For example, taking the fifth column of numbers (the one having
3 for the top figure) and counting down nine days from the top num-
ber we reach the number 12. This will be 12 Lamat if a Cauac year,
12 Been if a Kan year, 12 Ezanab if a Muluc year, and 12 Akbal if
an Ix year. Therefore it is necessary in counting to refer always to
the year (year column) with which the count begins. So long as the
particular year referred to is unknown (as is usually the case, the
day series being apparently of general rather than of special appli-
cation) it is immaterial which day column is selected, as the result
will be the same with any. This will be apparent if we bear in
mind that, when 260 days with their numbers attached have been
written down in proper order as a series, we have therein all the pos-
sible combinations of days and numbers. This, it is true, does not
give us all the months and years (to include these it is necessary to
write out fifty-two entire years), but the same series of numerals will
be applicable to each of the four year series (Kan, Mulue, Ix, and
Cauac years). As any one of the thirteen figure columns of the table
may be taken as the commencement of a year and any of the four

THOMAS. | EXPLANATION OF SERIES ON PLATES 33 TO 39. 975

day columns may be used, it is apparent that we have all the possible
combinations (4x 13=52).

I say above that “it is necessary in counting to refer always to
the year (year column) with which the count begins.” This I admit
does not agree with the generally received idea of the Maya calen-
dar, upon which Table II is constructed, as, according to this the-
ory (which I have accepted in my previous papers), after passing
through a year of one series (corresponding with one of the day col-
umns of the table), we sh uld enter upon a year of the next series;
for example, when the year 1 Kan is completed we should enter upon
the year 2 Mulue.

Although this calendar system seems to have been in vogue at the
time of the conquest and is indicated in one or two of the codices,
and possibly in the one now under consideration, the chronological
series of the latter, as will hereafter appear, do not seem to be based
upon it or to agree with it.

These explanations, with the further statement that the lines in
the codex are to be read from left to right and the columns from the
top downward, except where variations from this rule are noted, will
enable the reader to follow the discussion. Another reason for using
a table with only thirteen columns (though it would be difficult to
devise a combined calendar of any other form) is that the 260 days
they contain form one complete cycle, which, as will appear in the
course of this discussion, was one of the chief periods in Maya time
computations.

Examining Plates 33 to 39 of the codex the reader will observe
that the line already alluded to extends continuously through divis-
ion ¢, commencing with the two characters over the figure (picture)
in the lower right hand corner of Plate 33.

The first of these characters as given in Kingsborough’s work is
the symbol of the day Ezanab, with the red numeral 13 to the left of
it and the black numeral 9 over it; but referring to Férstemann’s
photolithographic copy of the codex it is found to be the symbol of
Ahau.

The entire line, with this correction (that is to say, as given by
Foérstemann), is represented in Fig. 360. In order to assist the reader,
the names of the days and numbers of the symbols have been added
immediately below the characters.

As the year to which the line relates is unknown, we select the
Mulue series, designated ** Mulue column” in Table IT, and commence
with 13 Ahau, the twelfth number of the third figure column. Count-
ing 9 days from this brings us to 9 Muluc, the top number of the
fourth figure column and also the second day of the line above given
(the symbol is a face in Kingsborough’s copy, but is plainly the
Mulue sign in Férstemann’s photograph). Eleven days more bring
us to 7 Ahau, the third day of the above line; 20 more to 1 Ahau,
the fourth day of the line (the 20 here is the symbol represented

276 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES,

eee 8 §=9005

p33. kK

XIN Ahaw 1XMuluc

O - ©00
9g @ ==
aS a vil Ahau} 20 JAhaul 10 x1 Oc! 15 Ss
Xi] Chicchan
eee A se = ° z
bse 9 FOP TY I Zo = Ichicchan
—— i geo Qaee
= ———) ———
Pi.36. ae. ei == a —
10 XiMen' 15 XN Oc' 9 1X Cauac
Q 0 | O | =
——_ ==! 729)
PL37. ec] o 7
ll vidc} 20 10c 10 ~—- XtAhau
— Bete ‘(| 51)
— 5 eens. cman () =
ise hh Ng |="S
is xm Men! 9 KKan! " vimen

I | °

1 off —— all Ic

WEE oS Men?) 10 XiChicchon 15 xi Ahou
Fie, 360, Line of day and numeral characters.

by S); 10 more to 11 Oc, the fifth day of the line; 15 more to 13
Chicchan, the sixth day of the line; 9 more to 9 Ix, the seventh
day of the line; 11 more to 7 Chicchan, the eighth day of the line;
line; 20 (S) more to 1 Chiechan, the ninth day of the line; 10 more
to 11 Men, the tenth day of the line, and so on to the end.

THOMAS. | EXPLANATION OF SERIES ON PLATES 43 AND 1. DTT

That the order of the series may be clearly seen the numbers are
given here as they stand in the line, omitting the days: XIII; 9, IX;
idl. Wills 20), Ie iO), Its Ts SSO Le GF, IDsCs iil, WADI 2X0), 10 a1) O18 Tay, oC WHITE
@), ID<e iil, Wale 20), 10S a0), IES al}, SNES 6) 1DCa lal, WAITS eto IES TO ZCI
15}, UNE

By adding together a black numeral and the preceding red one
and casting out thirteen (or thirteens, as the case may be), when the
sum exceeds this number, we obtain the following red one, thus:
XI11+ 9—13=1X; [X4+11—13=VII; VII+20—13—13=I; I+-10=XI,
and so on through the entire series. Attention is also called to the
fact that the sum of the black (Arabic) numbers 9, 11, 20, 10, 15, 9,
11 205 10S 15295 1 205105 15,95 11, 20; 10; 1551s 260; a multiple
of 13. :

If this relation of days and numerals holds good as a general thing
throughout the codex, it is apparent that where the break is not too
extensive it will enable the student to restore the missing and de-
fective numerals and day symbols, to detect the errors of both copy-
ists and original artists, and to determine the proper relation of the
plates to one another. By it he learns, as before stated, that the sym-
bol (see page 273) denotes 20, andif phonetic probably stands for the
Maya word Kal.

Comparing Plates 42 and 43 with Plates 1 and 2, the resemblance
is found to be so strong as to lead to the belief that they belong to-
gether. Itis apparent from the figures, numerals, and characters’
in the middle division (b) of Plates 1 and 2 that they belong together,
as they now stand in Kingsborough’s work and Férstemann’s copy:
that Plates 42 and 43 are properly placed in regard to each other is
also apparent from the figures and numerals in divisions @ and b.

Taking for granted that the lines are to be read from left to right
and the plates to follow each other in the same order, our next step
is to ascertain on which side of the pair (Plates 42 and 43) Plates 1
and 2 should be placed.

The series of days and of numbers in Plate 43b and Plate 1b, which
evidently belong together, can only be brought into proper relation by
placing the latter to the right of the former. Yet, strange as it may
appear, the daysand numeralsin this division are to be read from right
to left, while all the other numeral series of these four plates are to
be read as usual, from left to right. This change in the order of the
pages also brings together the similar figures in the upper division of
these plates. That Plate 42 properly follows Plate 41 is apparent from

' Throughout this paper when the words “figure” and ‘‘ character” are used in
reference to what appears in the codex, they are to be understood as follows: “* fig-
ure” refers to the picture, as of a person, animal, or other object in the spaces;
‘character ” refers to the hieroglyphics or written symbols.

g2TS AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

the line of alternate red and black numerals in division b. As shown
in a previous work’ and as will appear hereafter, these horizontal lines
of alternate red and black numerals without day symbols interspersed
are usually, if not always, connected at the left with a column of
days over which there is a red numeral, as in the Codex Troano,
Running back along the line of numerals in the middle division of
Plates 42 and 41, the day column with which it is connected is found
at the left margin of Plate 38. Unfortunately the red numeral over
this column is obliterated, but can easily be restored. Starting with
the first black numeral to the right of this, the entire line, which
ends in the second column of the middle division of Plate 45 (repre-
senting the black numerals by Arabic numbers and the red by Roman
numbers), is as follows: 16, IX; 8, 1V; 11, Il; 10, XII; 1, XIII;
1d, D:CNIS. (35 WAI(@)S WI IAS ill, IWS IL, SCINNIe Wile TP Wey, Sale
Weg fStSih, DNNIS (3, Wl

The number over the day column, Plate 38, must have been VI, as
VI+16—13=9, a conclusion which is sustained by Férstemann’s
copy, which shows here very plainly the red character for VI.

By adding the black (Arabic) numeral to the preceding red (Ro-
man) one and casting out the thirteens, as heretofore explained, we
obtain the following red (Roman) numerals, thus: VI+16—13=I1X;
IX+8-—13=1V; IV +11—13=I]; 11+-10=XII; XI1+1=XI11; XII
+12—18=XI1; XI1+6-13=V.

Here the result differs from what is found at this point in the line,
as we obtain V instead of VI. In this case the mistake, if one has
been made, cannot be attributed to Lord Kingsborough’s copyist;
the Maya artist must have made a mistake or there must be an er-
ror in the theory here advanced. But let us continue according to
our own figures: V+12—13=I1V; [V+11—13=I]; I1+11=XIII;
XIII+6—13=V1I; VI+12—13=V; V+7=12; XII+6—13=V; V+
20+1—13=XI1II; XI1I4 6 -13=VI1.

There is no doubt, therefore, that the line forms one continuous
series, and if so it links together pages 38 and 43 as they are now num-
bered. It follows, then, that if Plates 1 and 2 and Plates 42 and 43
belong together, the former pair must be placed to the right of 43.
This is conceded by Dr. Férstemann,* as he says that, Dr. Karl
Schultz-Sellack having pointed out the error in his paging, he changed
pages 1 and 2 to 44 and 45 and pages 44 and 45 to 1 and 2; that is to
say, the two leaves containing these pages were loosened from the
strip and reversed, so that page 1 would be 44 and page 2 would be 45.

Having brought together these plates so that 1 and 2 stand to the

* Erlauterungen zur Mayahandschrift, p. 2.

THOMAS. ] EXPLANATION OF SERIES ON PLATES 43 AND 1. 279

through division ¢. Substituting names and numbers as heretofore,
they are as follows:
Plate 42: IV Ahau; XII Lamat; VII Cib; If Kan; X Eb; V Ahau; XIII Lamat.
17 8 8 8 8 8 8
Plate 43: TV Chiechan; XII Been; VII Ymix; Il Muluc; X Caban; V Chicchan; XIII Been,
17 8 8 8 8 8 8
Plate 1: ITV Oe; XII Ezanab; VII Cimi; I [x; X Ik; V Oc; (?) Ezanab.
alr 8 8 8 8 8 8
Plate 2: IV Men; XIII Akbal; VII Chuen; Il Cauac; X Manik; V Men; XIII Akbal.
17 8 8 8 8 8 8

The chief objects in view at present in selecting this series are, as
before indicated, to prove the relation of the plates to one another and
to determine the use of the black numerals which stand under the day
symbols. These numerals consist of but two different numbers, the
first on each page being 17, the rest 8’s.

As the particular year or years to which the series refers is unknown
we turn to our calendar —Table II —and select the Kan column, as we
find that 4 Ahau, the first day of the series, is the seventeenth day of
the year 1 Kan. This corresponds with the first black numeral.
Counting 8 days from this we reach 12 Lamat, the second day of our
series; 8 more bring us to 7 Cib, the third day of the series; 8 more
to 2 Kan; 8 more to 10 Eb; 8 more to 5 Ahau; 8 more to 13 Lamat,
and 17 more to 4 Chicchan. The red numeral at this point in some
of the colored copies of Kingsborough’s work is IIT, but a close in-
spection shows the missing dot which has not been colored. IV Chic-
chan is therefore correct.

Continuing our count, 8 days more bring us to 12 Been: 8 more to
7 Ymix; 8 more to 2 Muluc; 8 more to 10 Caban; 8 more to 4 Chic-
chan; 8 more to 13 Been; 17 more to 4 Oc: 8 more to 12 Ezanab: 8
more to 7 Cimi; 8 more to 2 Ix; 8 more to 10 Ik; 8 more to 5 Oc, and
S$ more to 13 Ezanab. Here the red numeral is wanting, but a com-
parison of the numbers on the different plates and the order of the
series make it evident that it should be XIII.

Continuing our count, 17 more bring us to 4 Men (here a dot is
missing in Kingsborough’s copy, but is present in the photograph);
Smore to 12 Akbal. Here there is one dot too many, which we may
attribute to a mistake of the original artist. Assuming XII to be
correct, 8 more bring us to 7 Chuen; 8 more to 2 Cauac; 8 more to 10
Manik; 8 more to 5 Men; 8 more to 13 Akbal, and to the end of our
table; thus, if we include the first seventeen days, completing the
series of thirteen months or 260 days.

These illustrations will probably satisfy any one that the black
numerals in these lines denote the intervals between the days indi-
cated by the symbols and that the series so far examined are to be
read from left to right.

Although the succession of days and numbers in the lines of the
last example would seem to furnish conclusive evidence that the

280 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

whole is one continuous series, yet the peculiar combinations of
numbers used by the Maya priests render these series very deceptive.
There can be no doubt that the black numbers—8’s—are used to
indicate the intervals between the days specified; but there is an-
other possible way of explaining the 17 with which the lines on the
different plates begin.

Here are four plates, evidently closely related to one another; the
lines of days and numbers in the lowest division of each are precisely
alike, except as to the days indicated; in the left hand column of
characters of each is one of the cardinal point symbols. It is pos-
sible, therefore, that these four plates relate to the four different
years or series of years; that is to say, one to the Kan years, one to
the Muluc years, and so on. This view is somewhat strengthened
by the fact that 4 Ahau, first of the line on Plate 42, is the seven-
teenth day of the first month of the year 1 Kan; 4 Chicchan, first
of the line on plate 43, the seventeenth day of the first month of the
year 1 Mulue; 4 Oc, the seventeenth day of 1 Ix, and 4 Men the
seventeenth day of 1 Cauac. The four figures in the middle division
of Plates 1 and 2 seem also to favor this idea, not so much by the
peculiar animals represented (of which we have no explanation to
give) as by the double symbols from which they are suspended,
which I am quite confident denote the union of years or the time at
which two years meet—the close of one and the commencement
of another—although fully aware that Dr. Férstemann has inter-
preted them as symbols of the heavenly bodies. *

In the text above these figures are seen two characters or symbols
of this type, which in all probability, as will hereafter appear, de-
note or symbolize the ‘‘ tying of the years.” We may also add that
the five days of each plate or group are the five assigned, as I have
explained in ‘** Notes on certain Maya and Mexican manuscripts,” to
the cardinal points. For example, those on Plate 42 are Ahau, Eb,
Kan, Cib, Lamat.* Still it must be admitted, on the other hand, that
as the four lines form precisely one complete cycle of 13 months or
260 days there is a very strong inference that they together form one
continuous series and that the arrangement into four parts or divis-
ions has reference to the four seasons or four cardinal points. The
final decision on this point therefore still remains in doubt.

As it has been shown that Plates 33 to 39 and Plates 38 to 43 are
properly placed as they stand in Kingsborough’s copy and also in
Férstemann’s and that Plates 1 and 2 follow Plate 43, we have proof
that the following plates succeed one another to the right, as here
given: 33, 34, 35, 36, 3'7, 38; 39, 40, 41, 42) 435 12:

A slight inspection is sufficient to show that Plates 29 to 33 follow
one another in the same order, a conclusion which is easily verified by

'Krlauterungen zur Mayahandschrift, p. 16.
* Bureau of Eth., Third Ann. Rep., pp. 16 et seq.

THOMAS ] EXPLANATION OF SERIES ON PLATES 35 TO 37. 281

testing the lines of numerals in the manner explained. It is appar-
ent, therefore, that the following plates form one unbroken series,
running from left to right: 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40,
41, 42, 43, 1, 2; a conclusion which Dr. Férstemann, who has had the
opportunity of studying the original, has now reached.

Having ascertained the object and use of at least one class of black
numerals and the relation they bear to the days and day numbers, it
may be well to test further the discovery by other examples, in order
to see how far it holds good and what new facts it may bring out.
In doing this it will be necessary to repeat in part what has already
been shown by Dr. Férstemann in his late work; but as these dis-
coveries were made independently and before this work came to hand,
and as our conclusions differ in some respects from those reached by
him, the plan and scope of this paper would be incomplete without
these illustrations.

Commencing with the day column in the middle of Plate 35b and
extending through Plates 36b and 376 to the right margin of the lat-
ter, is a line of alternate red and black numerals, which may be taken
as an example of the most common series found in the Dresden and
other codices. It is selected because it is short, complete, and has
no doubtful symbols or numerals in it.

Using names and numbers in place of the symbols, it is as follows:

Te
Cabany 11S exalt 165 Vis Os Usa Viens, excels 95 ViLELs (651.

Mulue.
Ymix.

Been.
Chicchan.

In this case the red numeral over the day column is I. It is to be
observed that the last number of the series is also I, a fact which it
will be well to keep in mind, as it has an important bearing on what
is now to be presented. But it is proper to show first that this series

is continuous and is connected with the day column.
' Adding the I over the column to the 11, the first black numeral,
gives XII, the red numeral following the 11. That this holds good in
all cases of this kind will become apparent from the examples which
will be given in the course of this discussion. Adding together the
remaining pairs, as follows: XII+6—13=V; V+9—13=1; 1+4=V;
V+7=XI1; XII+9-—13=VII1; VIII+6—13=], we obtain proof that
the line is one unbroken series. It is apparent that if the black
numerals are simply counters used to indicate intervals, as has been
suggested, then, by adding them and the red numerals over the col-
umn together and casting out the thirteens, we should obtain the last
red number of the series. In this case the sum of the numbers I, 11, 6,
9, 4, 7, 9, 6, is 53; casting out the thirteens the remainder is I, the
last of the series. If we take the sum of the black numbers, which

282 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

in this case is 52, and count the number of days on our calendar.
(Table I) from 1 Caban, the fourteenth day of the first month of
the year 1 Kan, we shall find that it brings us to 1 Muluc, the sixth
day of the fourth month; 52 days more to 1 Ymix; 52 more to 1
Been, and 52 more to 1 Chicchan, thus completing the day column
in the example given. This proves, in this case at least, that the red
numeral over the day column applies to all the days of the column
and that the whole numeral series —that is to say, the sum of the
counters — represents the interval between the successive days of the
column. The total number of days from 1 Caban, first of the col-
umn, to 1 Chicchan, the last, is 208. Adding 52 more gives 260 and
brings us back to 1 Caban, our starting point.

It will be observed that the sum of the black numbers — which de-
notes the interval between the days of the column — is 52, which is a
multiple of 13, the number of days ina Maya week. It follows, there-
fore, that so far as this rule holds good the last red numeral of the
series must be the same as that over the day column. In a former
work’ I explained the method of ascertaining the relations of the days
of acolumn to one another by means of the intervals without reference
to the numbers attached to them, a subject to which Charency had
previously called attention;* by the explanation now given we ascer-
tain the true intervals between the days as nwmbered. The two
modes therefore form checks to each other and will aid very mate-
rially in restoring obliterated and doubtful days.

There is another point in regard to these series which may as well
be illustrated by means of the example given as any other. What is
the signification of the red numerals of the series? They are unneces-
sary if the only object in view was to indicate the intervals between
the days of the column. Nor will the supposition that the Mayas had
not discovered a means of representing higher numbers than 20 suffice,
as the introduction of 13 would have lessened the labor and shortened
the calculation. But one answer to this inquiry appears possible, viz,
that these numbers are intended to denote certain intermediate days
to which importance was for some reason attached. These interme-
diate days can readily be determined from the data given, and in the
present example are as follows:

(1) Between 1 Caban and 1 Mulue they are 12 Lamat, 5 Ix, 1 Akbal, 5 Manik, 12
Ix, and 8 Akbal.

(2) Between 1 Mulue and 1 Ymix they are 12 Ahau, 5 Cimi, 1 Men, 5 Cauac, 12
Cimi, and 8 Men.

(8) Between 1 Ymix and 1 Been they are 12 Eb, 5 Ezanab, 1 Manik, 5 Chuen, 12
Ezanab, and 8 Manik.

(4) Between 1 Been and 1 Chicchan they are 12 Kan, 5 Oc, 1 Cauac, 5 Akbal, 12
Oc, and 8 Cauac.

' Study of the Manuscript Troano, by Cyrus Thomas, pp. 15, 16.
2 Déchiffrement des écritures calculiformes ou Mayas, par M. le Cte H. de Cha-
vency, Alencon, 1849; also, Mélanges, pp. 185-195.

THOMAS. | EXPLANATION OF SERIES ON PLATE 5. 283

These, as will be readily perceived, are found by counting on the
calendar from 1 Caban, 1 Muluc, &c., as heretofore explained.’

Our interpretation of the series of this particular class is now com-
plete, except as to their application or the object in view in forming
them and the determination of the particular years to which they
apply. Possibly they may be of general application, so far as con-
sistent with the calendar system. The conclusion on this point de-
pends largely upon the couclusion as regards the system, as it is evi-
dent their location in time —if the year of 365 days and the four series
of years formed the basis of the system — would not correspond with
their position in a system based upon the year of 360 days, in which
the four year series does not play any necessary part.

Dr. Férstemann calls attention to the fact that the pairs of numerals
representing the intermediate days are usually placed in separate com-
partments, each containing a figure or a picture generally symbolic or
of a priest dressed to indicate some particular god. It istherefore very
probable that these intermediate days are to be devoted to ceremonies
relating to the divinities or subjects indicated by these figures.

In order to confirm the theory we are now discussing and at the same
time show some of the different varieties of the series of the type now
under consideration, the following additional examples are given.

In the middle division of Plate 5 is a day column and a numeral

series, as follows :
i,
Manik |
Cauac } 16, IV; 9, XIII; S-+ 5, XII; 2, I.
Chuen )
Akbal
Men
This series terminates with I, as it should according to the theory.
The sum of the black numerals — 16, 9, 20, 5. 2—is 52, a multiple of
thirteen, and the interval between the successive days, reading down-
wards, is 52, agreeing in these particulars with the theory. It will
also be observed that the symbol represented by S answers to the
number 20,
In the lowest division of the same plate is another similar series,
as follows:
XII
Ezanab }
Akbal }- 204-9, IL; 11, XIII; 18, V; 7, XII.
Lamat
Been
Ezanab
This terminates with XII, the number over the column; the sum of
the black numbers is 65, a multiple of thirteen and precisely the
interval between the successive days of the column, taking the week

numbers into consideration, which is always to be understood in

see ** Notes on certain Maya and Mexican manuscripts,” by Cyrus Thomas, published
in the Third Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.

284

AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

In the middle division of Plate 8 is a short series connected with a
day column containing the following days, reading downwards, as

usual: Manik, Cauac, Chuen, Akbal, Men.

The symbol for Akbal

(Fig. 361), is a very unusual one, reminding us strongly of a

&2)

Fie, 361,

between the days, 42.

skull, which may possibly have given origin to the symbol.
The numerals of the series are as follows: 20+6, VIII; 20+
6, VIII; the number over the column, VIII; and the interval

In Plate 15, division ¢, is the following series, which differs from
those given in having two day columns instead of one:

Til Til
Lamat Ix
Ahau Cimi f
Eb Ezanab t 12, TL; 14, TI.
Kan Oc
Cib Ik

The final number is the same as that over the columns; the sum of
the black numbers is 26, which is a multiple of 13; but in this case in
counting the intervals the days are to be taken alternately from the
two columns.

Commencing with 3 Lamat on our calendar and counting 26 days
brings us to 3 Ix; 26 more to 3 Ahau; 26 more to 3 Cimi, and so on
to the end.

In the lower division of Plate 9 is a series arranged as follows:

It Til VI VIII
Cauac Been 3 2
Chuen Chiechan ; at ur
Akbal Caban. ue vat
Men Mulue I Til
Manik Ymix 7 2

Thesum of the black numerals is 26 and the final red number is ITI,
the same as that over the columns. The interval between the days,
taken alternately from the two columns, as in the preceding example,
is 26. The numbers are also to be taken alternately from the two
number columns. ;

It is apparent that these examples sustain the theory advanced.
This will also be found true in regard to all the series of this type
in this and the other codices where the copy is correct. Brasseur’s
copy of the Manuscript Troano is so full of mistakes that no satis-
factory examination of this codex can be made until a photographic
copy is obtained; nevertheless a few examples are given as proof of
the above statement.

In the third division of Plate XI* is the following series:

IV
Ahau i
Eb 17, VEL 13S Wann AO Vicml 2 hve
Kan \
Cib

Lamat

tTHOMAS.| EXPLANATION OF SERIES IN THE MANUSCRIPT TROANO. 285

As will be readily seen, after the explanations given, this agrees
with the theory advanced.

The last red number is the same as that over the day column, the
sum of the black numbers is 52, and the interval between the days 52.

Commencing in the right margin of the lowest division of Plate
XXIII* and running through Plates XXII* and XX1%*, is the series
here represented:

VIL VII
Cib Cimi i
Ik Eb Tig Wie ff NAIC ye Toles}, WOU
Lamat Ezanab }
ix: Kan
Ahau Oc

An examination of this shows it to be of the type of the double
column series of the other codex, except that here the days of one
column are to be taken in the order in which they stand before pro-
ceeding to the other column. The sum of the black numbers is 26
and the interval between 7 Cib and 7 Ik 26 days. The interval be-
tween 7 Ik and 7 Lamat, 7 Lamat and 7 Ix, and between 7 Ix and 7
Ahau is, in each case, 26 days. The interval between 7 Ahau, last
day of the left hand column, and 7 Cimi, the first day of the right
hand column, is also 26 days.

The order in which the days of these double column series of this
manuscript follow one another is not uniform, as in some cases (see
Plate XXV*, division a) they are to be taken alternately from the
two columns, as in the examples heretofore given from the Dresden
Codex.

In the middle division (Plate XX XIII*, same codex) is a series of
the following form, but with the days so nearly obliterated that res-
toration is necessary:

(VI {

5 8

I Vi I
Ymiix (?) | 5 8
Cimi (?) VI I
Chuen 5 8
Cib (?) VI I
(?) 5 8
VI I

5 8

The symbol of the first day has only the upper circle of dots to
indicate that it is Ymix, that of the second day is almost obliterated,
the third is clearly Chuen, the lower half of the fourth is obliterated,
and the interior of the fifth is a blank.

Fortunately there are sufficient data by which to make the restora-
tion. Chuen, we observe, is the middle of the column; that is, two
days are above it and two days below it; the sum of the black nu-
merals is 65; hence the interval between the days, considering the
week numbers as attached, is 65, and the simple interval in the
month series, without regard to the week numbers, is 5. Counting

286 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

back on our calendar (Table II) 65 days from 1 Chuen we reach 1
Cimi, and 65 more bring us to 1 Ymix. In like manner we find the
fourth day to be 1 Cib and the fifth 1 Ymix. The numbers in the
figure columns are to be taken alternately, thus: 5, VI; 8, I; 5, VI;
8, I, &e.

These examples are sufficient to show that the series of the Manu-
script Troano are arranged upon the same plan and based upon the
same system as those of the Dresden Codex. The following exam-
ples from the Codex Cortesianus prove the same thing to be true in
reference to the series found in it.

The first is taken from the lower division of Plates 10 and 11,
Rosny’s reproduction:

XIII

Ahau L141, XI; 5, III; 5, VII; 5, XIII; 9, IX; 3, XI; 6, V;1, VI;S, XIIL
Chicchan § :
Oc A

Men

The Sin the line of numerals represents the usual symbol for 20.
The sum of the black numbers is 65, the interval between the days
65, and the last red numeral the same as that over the day column,
thus agreeing in plan with those in the other.codices.

The following double column series is found in the middle division
of Plate 30:

XI XI

Ahau Ymix

Eb Been -20+6, XI; 20+6, XI.
Kan Caban J

Cib Chicchan

Lamat Manik

The number 20 is denoted by the usual symbol. The sum of the
black numbers is 52 and the interval between the days in each
column 52, but in this case there does not appear to be any connec-
tion between the columns, there being, in fact, two distinct series.

In the upper division of the same plate is this series:

XI
Ezanab me me
Oc at =e
Tk vw =
Ix | ie a
Cimi

The order in which these numerals are to be read is as follows: 8,
VI; 5, XI; 8, VI; 5, XI, &c., which gives, as the final red number
of the series, XI, the same as that over the column. The sum of the
black numbers is 52 and the interval between the days 52.

Taking for granted that the correctness of the theory advanced is
conceded, some attempts at its further application, especially its use
in making restorations and corrections in defective series and in
settling doubtful questions relating thereto, will now be presented.

THoMAS.| SERIES ON PLATES 32 TO 39 OF THE DRESDEN CODEX. Oey)

In the upper division of Plate 52, Dresden Codex, are the four day
columns and lines of numerals over them here represented:

4 13 9 4
15 13 2 11
XIit XIIl XIII XIII
Manik Cib Chicchan Ix
Chuen Ahau Mulue Ezanab
Men Kan Been Ik
Cauac Lamat Caban Cimi
Akbal Eb Ymix Oc

Connected with these numbers is a line of alternate black and red
numbers running along over the figures of Plates 32 to 39, division @.
There are several breaks and some partially obliterated characters
in it which must be restored in order to use it. It has been selected
partly on this account, that the method of fillmg such breaks and
making such restorations may be seen.

Representing the numerals and symbols as heretofore and substi-
tuting a cipher where the numbers are wanting or are too much
obliterated to be determined by inspection, the series will be as fol-
lows: 11, XI; 8+20, 0; 12 (or 13), XITI; 6420, XIIT; 12, VII (?); 16 (?),
W255, 8 Tl, SXIle 20, Ws IP, IW, Os DSO) Wats 68 7 IVS LS IDI ay WAM
iS} 1B le all, O)

Commencing with the XIII over the day columns and counting as
heretofore, we obtain the following result: XIJI4+11—13=XI1; XI+
8+20—13—13=XIII. The first blank should therefore be filled with
XIII. Continuing, XIJI+13—13=XIII; the black numeral in this
case should be 13, although apparently 12 in the codex; XIII+6+20
—13—13=XIII; XIJI4+12—13=XII. Here the result obtained dif-
fers from the red numeral in the codex, which is apparently one line
and two dots, or VII; but, by carefully examining it or inspecting an
uncolored copy, the two lines which have been covered in the colored
copy by a single broad red line are readily detected. The next black
numeral is partially obliterated, the remaining portion indicating
16, but it is apparent from the following red numeral that it should
be 19. Making this correction we proceed with our count: XII+19
—13—13=V; V+5=X; X+/J=XIT; XI1+20—13—13=V; V+12—13=
IV;1V+6=X. The next black numeral is obliterated, but is readily
restored, as X+8—13=V; V+S5=X; X+7—13=IV. The next step
presents a difficulty which we are unable to explain satisfactorily.
The black numeral to be counted here, which stands over the animal
figure in the upper division of Plate 39, is 12, both in Kingsborough’s
copy and in Férstemann’s photograph, and is clear and distinct in
each, and the following red numeral is as distinctly II, whereas IV
+12—13=I1]. Moreover it is evident from the remaining numbers
in the line that this red numeral should be I]. We may assume that
the Maya artist has made a mistake and written 12 instead of 11, which

ISS AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

isevidently the number to be used in the count; but this arbitrary
correction should not be resorted to so long as any other explanation
is possible. From the fact that immediately under these numbers
there are certain symbols which appear to have some reference to the
termination of one year or cycle and the commencement of another,
it is possible that a supplemental, unnumbered, but not uncounted
day has been added, The fact that this interval of twelve days
includes the day Ymix lends some probability to this supposition.
Using 11 instead of 12, we continue our count as follows: IV+11—13
=I]; 11+5=VI; VIl+8—13=11; 114+11=XI1I. Thirteen is, there-
fore, the last number of the series, which is wanting in the codex.
The 8 and II next to the last pair of the series are not in line with
the other numbers, but thrust into and near the bottom of the column
of characters in the upper division of Plate 39. Adding together the
black numbers as thus amended and restored. viz, 11, 8, 20, 13, 6, 20,
12, 19, 5, 1, 20, 12, 6, 8, 5, 7, 11, 5, 8, 11, the sum is found to be 208,
which is a multiple of 13, and the final number of the series is 13.
On the other hand, the sum of the series does not indicate the inter-
val between the days of a column counting downwards, nor between
two consecutive days or the corresponding days of two adjoining
columns in any direction. The number of days from 13 Manik to 13
Chuen is 104, but counting 208 days from 13 Manik brings us to 13
Men, the third day of the first (left hand) column; 208 more to 13
Akbal, the fifth; 208 more to 13 Chuen, the second; and 208 more to
13 Cauac, the fourth, thus completing the column.

As these columns do not appear to form a continuous series it is
possible they pertain to four different series of years, though the fact
that each includes more than one year would seem to forbid this idea.
It is more probable that they pertain to four different series, to each
of which the line of numerals is to be considered as belonging.

The black numerals above the columns present a problem which I
am unable to explain. The numbers stand in the original as follows:

1
4 13 9 4
15 13 2 11

If we suppose that the lowest line denotes days, the one next above,
months, and the uppermost, in which there is but a single number,
years, the series will appear to be ascending toward the left, with the
difference 4 months and 11 days, as shown by addition, thus:

ve M. D.
4 11 Numbers over the fourth column.
4 11
9 2 Numbers over the third column.
4 11

13 13 Numbers over the second column.

THOMAS. | SERIES ON PLATE 9 OF THE DRESDEN CODEX. IBY

“

Doubling the difference and adding we obtain the numbers over
the first column:

i M. D.
13 13

9 2

1 4 15

What adds to the difficulty is the fact that if the columns are taken
in reverse order the interval between the corresponding days is 4
months and 11 days; that is to say, counting from 13 Ix, first day
of the fourth column, to 13 Chicchan, first day of the third column,
we find the interval to be exactly 4 months and 11 days; and the
same rule holds good throughout, so that reading across the upper
line of days, from right to left, and following with the second line
in the same way, ending with Akbal, the interval will be 4 months
and 11 days between the consecutive days. Another significant fact
is that by counting 4 months and 11 days from the first day of the year
1 Kan we reach 13 Ix; counting 9 months and 2 days from the same
date brings us to 13 Chicchan; 13 months and 13 days, to 13 Cib; and
1 year and 4 days, to 13 Manik, which corresponds with the regular
interval; it is therefore probable that there is an error in the numerals
over the first or left hand column.

It is apparent from the illustrations given that in numeral series of
the preceding type restorations can be made where not more than
two numbers in succession are wanting. Even three can generally be
restored if the numbers preceding and those following the break are
distinct, but such restorations should be cautiously made.

In the middle division of Plate 9 is a short series where the number
over the day column is wanting; moreover, there is uncertainty as
to the number of days in the column and as to the signification of
the red numerals, which are in pairs in Kingsborough’s work instead
of single as usual. Is it possible to explain these uncertainties and
to reduce them to the usual simple form? Let us make the trial.

The days in the column are apparently the following: Ahau,
Muluc, Ix, Cauac, Kan. The symbols, except that for Cauac, are
too plain to admit of doubt, and there is no difficulty in reference to
Cauac, the question of doubt being with regard to the Ahau, which
is partially surrounded by other characters and may, apparently, be
as correctly considered a part of the hieroglyphic inscription as of
the day column.

Counting on the list of days in the calendar (Table II), as, for ex-
ample, the Muluc column, we find the interval from Mulue to Ix is
5 days, from Ix to Cauac is 5 days, and from Cauac to Kan 5 days;
but the interval from Ahau to Muluc is 9 days. From this fact we
may reasonably infer that Ahau does not belong to the column.
Moreover, the other 4 days are the four year bearers, and when they
oceur together the column usually consists of but 4 days, as, for ex-
ample, in the lowest division of Plate 29 of this codex and Plate

6 ETH 19

290 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

XXXII* of the Manuscript Troano. The numerals are 20; XIII, X;
20, XII, IIT; the number over the day column, as before stated, is want-
ing. The interval from 1 Mulue (or 2 or 3 Muluc) to Ix of the same
number is65days.. It isevident, therefore, that one of each pair of red
numerals of the series given must be a counter and has been*colored
red by mistake. As the numbers in the last pair are III and XII, the
number over the column must be 3 or 12. Suppose it is 12 and that
XIII of the first pair is a counter, then XII+ 20+ 13—13—13—13=VI.
As the number in the series is X this will not do. Supposing the X
of the first pair of red numerals to be the counter, colored by mistake,
the result is as follows: XIJ+20+10—13—13—13=III. This is also
wrong, as the remainder should be XIII. Supposing the number
over the column to be III and the XIII of the first pair and XII of
the second to be the counters, the result agrees with the theory in
every particular. Thus, I114+20+13-13-13=X; X+420+12—13—
13—13=II1: and 20+13+20+12=65, the interval between 3 Muluc
and 3 Ix. In Férstemann’s copy the XIII and XII are black, thus
verifying the conclusion here reached.

The series running through Plates 10¢ and Ile presents some diffi-
culties which I have, so far, been unable to solve. The day columns
and numerals are as follows:

I XII
Ymix Cimi )
Been Ezanab + 1, 055; Vals 105 bs) 135 iis 152 i291?) sexetih,
Chicchan Oc

Caban Ik
Mulue Ix!

The numerals in this case are very distinct, especially in the photo-
graphic copy, and there can be no doubt as to the days. Here the
last black number, 9, is wrong; it should be 8, a fact noticed by
Foérstemann.? Making this correction, the series is regular and con-
sistent, so far as it relates to the right hand column, which has the
red thirteen over it. But there is no series for the left hand column.
Can it be that those who used the manuscript were expected to find
the proper numbers by the line given? Possibly this is the reason
the other series is not written out, as by adding one to each red num-
ber we obtain the proper result, which, if written out, would be as
moles J, UR WATS ai), IW sh, Ne Te, Wile iy, I

In Plate 30¢ are the four day columns here given, with the numeral
eleven over each:

XI XI XI Bxali
Ahau Chiechan Oc Men
Caban Ik Manik Eb
itex. Cauac Kan Mulue
Chuen Cib Ymix Cimi
Lamat Been Ezanab Akbal.

''The symbol for this day in Kingsborough resembles Lamat, but the photographic
copy makes it Ix, as it should be.
2 Forstemann, Erlauterungen zur Mayahandschrift, p. 42.

THOMAS. ] SERIES ON PLATES 29 AND 30. 29)

Extending from the right of this group is a numeral series consist-
ing of nine pairs of numbers, each pair the same, 13, XI. The sum
of the black numbers (nine 13’s) is 117 and the interval between
the successive days of each column is 117; thus, from 11 Ahau to 11
Caban is 117 days, and so on down to Lamat, the last of the left hand
column, From 11 Lamatto 11 Chicchan (first day of second column)
is also 117, and so on to the end of the fourth column. These four
columns, therefore, form one continuous series of 2,223 days, com-
mencing with 11 Ahau and ending with 11 Alkbal; but, by adding 117
days more, so as to bring us back to 11 Ahau— which appears to be
in accordance with the plan of these series— the sum is 2,340 days, or
nine cycles of 260 days each.’

The interval between the days, without reference to the numbers
attached to them, is 17. It may be well to notice here the relation of
the intervals between the days when counted in the two ways: (1) the
apparent interval, or that which indicates their position in the month;
(2) the true interval between the days, indicated by the symbols and
numbers. When the first is 6 the latter, as we have found, is 26; when
the first is 12 the latter is 52; when the first is 5 the latter is 65, and
when it is 17 the latter is 117.

Particular attention is also called here to the fact that so far no indi-
cations of the use of the year period of 365 days have been observed;
on the contrary the cycle of 260 days appears to be the period to which
reference is chiefly made. :

Attached to the day column in Plate 29¢ and running into 30¢ is a
series which presents a difficulty I ana unable to explain. The days
and numerals in this case are as follows:

Til
Ix

oe t 16, VI; 16, IX; 16, XII; 16, (?)
Mulue
The red numeral over the day column is very distinctly III in

Kingsborough’s work, but is IT, though somewhat blurred, in Férste-
mann’s photograph. As IJI+16—18=VI, and the remaining nu-
merals agree with this result, III must be correct. Adding together
the pairs and casting out the thirteens, thus, IT] + 16-13=VI; VI+
63 —DNO- ONG ol 11} — NOL XO G5 — 5 —Ie we mind the
last red number, which is wanting in both copies of the codex, to
be II, whereas, according to the theory advanced, it should be III.
The sum of the black numerals (four 16’s) is 64, while the interval be-
tween the days is 65. The only way of correcting the mistake, if one
has been made, is by arbitrarily changing the last 16 to 17; but uni-
formity in the black numerals apparently forbids this change and
and indicates that the variation from the usual rule must be accounted
for in some other way.

992 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

In reference to this series, Dr. Férstemann* remarks:

The column of the days has the difference 5; the fifth sign (in this case really
superfluous), that of the thirteenth day, appears ina remarkable form, apparently
as an inscription on a vessel. The black figures ought to give the sum 65, but we
get only 4x 16, or 64. But this appears to be merely an oversight by the copyist,
for although in the Codex Troano, also, we find 64 several times instead of 65, still
this has always appeared to me merely as a sign of the great negligence of the
copyist of that manuscript.

Turning to the Manuscript Troano, Plate XXVIII*b, we find a
column consisting of the four terminal days of the year, Been,
Ezanab, Akbal, and Lamat, which of course have the same relation
to one another as the first days. Itis evident from the space that only
four were intended to be given. The numerals in Brasseur’s fac
sinamilles ene) D-IL S PAO, TPL We) OCIUML 2 10), C9 Bh, DI

The red numeral over the column is XI, as is also the last of the
series, but the sum of the black numbers is only 64, which would give
X as the final number, as is evident from the following operation -
X1I432—13—13—13=SI1V ;s IV+9=XII1; XM1I+10—-13=X ; X+13—
13=X. The interval between the days is 65. We have, therefore,
precisely the same difficulty in this instance as in the case from the
Dresden Codex under consideration. Moreover, the only method of
correcting the mistake, if there is one, is by adding one to the last
black number. It would be hazardous to assume that two mistakes,
precisely the same in every respect, should have been made in regard to
these exactly similar series. The probability that a mistake has been
made is lessened by the fact that on Plate XXIX*b of the manu-
script is another four day column, the last days of the years, as the
preceding. The numeral over the column is XIII and the series is
as follows: 13, XIII; 20,18, XII; 13, XIII. Adding these and cast-
ing out the thirteens, we have this result: XIII+13—-13=XIII ;
XIIMT+-20+-18—13—13—13=XII; X11+13—13=XII. This gives XI
as the last number when it should be XIII. If a mistake has been
made the only method of correcting it is by increasing the last black
number by one, as in the other two cases alluded to.

It is proper to state that on the other hand there is another four
day column on Plate XXXII*a of the last mentioned codex, the
days of which are precisely the same as those on Plate 29¢ of the
Dresden Codex, to wit, Ix, Cauac, Kan, Muluc. The numeral over it
is XII and the series is as follows: 13, XII; 13, XII; 13, XII; 13, X11;
13, XII. This presents no difficulty, as it conforms in every respect
to the rules given, but only serves to deepen the mystery in the other
cases,

Going back to the series on Plate 29¢ of the Dresden Codex, we
observe not only that the days of the column are the four year bear-
ers, but also that one of the four cardinal symbols is found—in the
superscription—in each of the four compartments through which

'Erlauterungen zur Mayahandschrift, p. 60.

THOMAS. | SERIES ON PLATES 30 AND 31. 293

the series extends. It is possible, therefore, that the series is in-
tended to be applied separately to each of the four years. Supposing
this to be the case, counting 64 days from 3 Ix would bring us to
2 Ezanab; 64 days from 3 Cauac to 2 Akbal; 64 days from 3 Kan to
2 Lamat; and 64 days from 3 Muluc to 2 Been. It is significant that
in each case the day reached is that on which the given year termi-
nates; for example, the Ix years (counting the five added days) ter-
minate on Ezanab; the Cauac years on Akbal &c. If the intention
was to have the series terminate with the end of the respective years,
then these years must necessarily have been 2 Ix, 2 Cauac, 2 Kan,
and 2 Muluc. I must confess that this explanation is not satisfactory;
it is thrown out simply as a suggestion.

Running through the middle division of Plates 30 and 31 is this
series:

3, AYIOEL Bh ULL. 3, Want. 3, VIII
5, (Oyen 5; Men’ 5, Ahau* 5, Chicchan.

Commencing with 8 Oc (omitting for the present the 3 and 5 to
the left) and counting thence 3 months and 5 days we reach 8
Men; 3 months and 5 days more and we reach 8 Ahau; 3 months and
5 days more bring us to 8 Chicchan, and 3 months and 5 days more
bring us again to 8 Oc, thus completing a cycle of 260 days (13
months) and also accounting for the first pair of numerals — 3 and 5—
in the series. It appears to be a pretty general rule to commence a
series of this type with the difference between the numbers of the
series. Onereason for this is apparent: that is, to complete the cycle
of 260 days, to which most, if not al], of these groups appear to refer.

Dr. Férstemann says in regard to this line:'

This is the place where I first discovered how numbers of several figures are to be
read; here for the first time I understood that the figure 3 with 5 below it is nothing
but 3 x 20-45, or 65, and that they mean nothing else than the interval between
the days, such as we have frequently met with so far; 4 x 65 is again the well
known period of 260 days,

Plate 3 appears to be isolated and unfinished; at least it presents
nothing on its face by which it can be directly connected with any
other plate of the codex, notwithstanding the change made by Dr.
Foérstemann, by which 45 was brought next to it. The day column
in this case is in the middle compartment of the upper division and
consists of the following days: Ahau, Eb, Kan, Cib, Lamat; the red
numeral over itisI. The numerals and days are arranged as follows:

(yy (2) 4, Vi?) 15, XIII
I
Ahau
8, XIII Eb
Kan
Cib 14(?)
Lamat

1 Erlauterungen zur Mayahandschrift, p. 56.

294 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

As numerals belonging to two different series are never found in
the same compartment it is fair to assume that those of the middle
and right compartments pertain to one series. But what shall we
say in reference to those in the left compartment, the upper pair of
which is almost entirely obliterated? So far we have found no series
extending to the left of the day column. Is this an exceptional case?
I am inclined to believe it is, for the following reasons:

Taking the 4, V over the bird as the first pair of the series, we have
I+4=V, which is so far correct; after this follows the pair in the
lower left hand corner, 8, XIII, as V+8=XIII. It is probable that
the obliterated pair in the upper left hand corner followed next, then
the pair in the upper right hand corner, and last the partly obliterated
one in the lower right hand corner. In this case the obliterated pair
in the upper left hand corner should be 11, XI, as XIII+4+11—13=XI,
and XI+15—13=XIII, and XIJJ+14—13—13=I, which makes the
terminal red number of the series the same as that over the day
column. This restoration requires no change of any of the numbers
which can be distinctly read. By adding together the black num-
bers 4, 8, 11, 15, 14, the sum is found to be 52. precisely the interval
between the days of the column. These facts are sufficient to render
it more than probable that the restoration and the order as here given
are correct. The series as thus given, including the number over the
Glen (colltvnrmmnls Wie 1S AE Wert) OSCINUTS aL, OceI0e alls}, SCUOTS 25 IE

This is repeated, because on turning to Dr. Férstemann’s comment
on this series I find that he has restored and amended it so as to read
thus: [; 10, Xai; 4, V3; 15, XG 9) KIT, We T- and! he remarks that
all would be plain sailing if, for the V before and the XIII after 15,
we could read I] and IV. This is true, but these numbers are too
distinct to justify such change; moreover his ‘*9” is not to be found
on the page; it is true that the three dots over the line are not exactly
spaced, but there are no indications of a fourth; the number is 8 and
should, I think, be so read. His 10 is the obliterated black numeral;
of course the value attributed to it depends upon the order given to
the series. The fragments remaining of the red number of this pair
I think warrant his making it XI.

Plates 46, 47, 48, 49, and 50 are peculiar and seemingly have no
direct relation to any other part of the codex. In the upper left
hand corner of each are four day columns, all more or less injured,
but each column evidently contained, originally, thirteen days, or,
more correctly speaking, the symbol for one day repeated thirteen
times. In every case the day in the first (left hand) column and that
in the third column are the same. Asthenumbers attached to them
are absolutely unreadable in Kingsborough and much obliterated in
the photograph, I give here restorations for the benefit of those study-
ing this codex. This restoration is easily made by finding the order

THQMAS. |

of the series,which can be obtained from Plates 49 and 50 of the pho-

tographic copy.

Plate 46:
III Cib.
XI Cib.
VI Cib.

I Cib.

IX Cib.

_ IV Cib.
XII Cib.
VII Cib.
II Cib.

X Cib.

V Cib.
XIII Cib.
VIII Cib.

Plate 47:
II Ahau.
X Ahau.
V Ahau.
XIII Ahau.
VIII Ahan.
TIT Ahau.
XT Ahau.
VI Ahan.
T Ahau.
TX Ahau.
TV Ahau.
XII Ahau.
VII Ahau.

SERIES ON PLATES 46 TO 50.

II Cimi.

X Cimi.

V Cimi.
XIII Cimi.
VIII Cimi.
II Cimi.
XI Cimi.
VI Cimi.

I Cimi.

IX Cimi.
IV Cimi.
XII Cimi.
VII Cimi.

MOG:

IX Oc.
IV Oc.
XIT Oc.
VII Oc.
II Oc.

X Oc.
WilOc:
XIII Oc.
VIII Oc.
III Oc.
XI Oc.
VI Oc.

V Cib.
XIII Cib.
VIII Cib.

Ii Cib.
XI Cib.
VI Cib.
I Cib.
IX Cib.
IV Cib.
XII Cib.
VII Cib.
II Cib.
X. Cib.

TV Ahau.
XII Ahau.
VII Ahau.

IT Ahau.
X Ahau.
V Ahau.
XII Ahau.

VIII Ahau.
It Ahau.

XT Ahau.
VI Ahau.

T Ahau.
TX Ahau.

XIII Kan.
VIII Kan.
Til Kan.
XI Kan.
“VI Kan.

I Kan.

IX Kan.
IV Kan.
XII Kan.
VII Kan.
II Kan.

X Kan.

V Kan.

XII Lamat.
VII Lamat.
It Lamat.

X Lamat.

V Lamat.
XIII Lamat.
VITI Lamat.
III Lamat.
XI Lamat.
VI Lamat.

IT Lamat.

TX Lamat.
IV Lamat.

As the arrangement and the order of the series are readily seen
from the two examples given, only the top and bottom lines of the
remaining series will be presented.

Plate 48:
I Kan. pxeTey Texe IIT Kan. XI Eb.
VI Kan. We ibs VIII Kan. IIT Eb.
Plate 49: -
XIII Lamat. XII Ezanab. IT Lamat. X Cib.
* * %* * * * * %
V Lamat. IV Ezanab. VII Lamat. IL Cib.
Plate 50:
XII Eb. XI Ik. I Eb. IX Ahau.
* % *% * * * *
IV Eb. TIT Ik. VI Eb. T Ahau.

A careful examination of these groups will bring to light the fol-
lowing relations of the numbers, days, columns, and series to one
another:

The numerals of any one column, counting downwards, differ from

296 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

one another by 8; that is to say, by adding 8 to any one and casting
out 13 when the sum exceeds that number, the next lower number
will be obtained; or, reversing the operation and counting upward,
the difference is found to be 5. The true interval between the days
of the columns (counting downwards) is 3 months (60 days), a rule
which holds good as to all the series and each column. Thus, from
3 Cib to 11 Cib is 3 months, or 60 days; from 11 Cib to 6 Cib, 3
mouths: from 2 Cimi to 10 Cimi, 3 months, and from 13 Kan to 8 Kan,
3 months. :

Counting on the list of the days of the month, without reference
to the week numbers attached to them, it will be found that from
Cib to Cimi is an interval of 10 days, and from Cib to Kan is an in-
terval of 8 days. This rule holds good as to all the series, showing
that allare arranged upon precisely the same plan. The true interval
between any day of the first column of either series (the week num-
ber attached being considered) and the opposite or corresponding day
in the second column, is 4 months and 10 days, that between the cor-
responding days of the second and third columns is 12 months and
10 days, that between the days of the third and fourth columns is 8
days, and that between the corresponding days of the fourth or last
column of one series or plate and the first column of the following
series or plate (taking the plates in the order they are paged) is 11
months and 16 days.

In order to illustrate this we will run through the lowest line of
each series, taking them in the order of the pages.’

These are as follows:

Plate 46: VIII Cib. VII Cimi. X Cib. V Kan.
Plate 47: VIL Ahau. VI Oc. TX Ahau. IV Lamat.
Plate 48: VI Kan. Wh Ibe VIII Kan. Il Eb.
Plate 49: V Lamat. IV Ezanab. VII Lamat. II Cib.
Plate 50: IV Eb. Til Ik. VI Eb. IT Ahau.

By counting on the calendar (our Table IT), as heretofore explained,
the reader will observe that the interval from 8 Cib to 7 Cimi is 4
months and 10 days; from 7 Cimi to 10 Cib is 12 months and 10 days;
from 10 Cib to 5 Kan is 8 days; from 5 Kan to 7 Ahau is 11 months
and 16 days; from 7 Ahau to 6 Oc, 4 months and 10 days; from 6 Oc
to 9 Ahau, 12 months and 10 days; from 9 Ahau to 4 Lamat, 8 days;
from 4 Lamat to 6 Kan, 11 months and 16 days, and so on to the end
of the series on Plate 50. Referring to the .codex the reader will
observe at the bottom of each plate and directly under—that is to
say, in the same vertical lines as the day columns—two lines of red
numerals. It is impossible to determine these in Kingsborough’s
copy (except on Plate 50), but they can readily be made out on the

'The bottom lines are selected because they are less injured in the codex than the
top lines, which are in most cases entirely obliterated,

—— Ee

SERIES ON PLATES 46 TO 50.

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Fic 362. Copy of Plate 50, Dresden Codex,

298 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

photographed plates. (See the copy of Plate 50, given in Fig. 362.)
Those on a single plate are as follows:

(ROL e RB O-Gih. 60)
UV, Xs | Kemal

The 0 here represents a red, diamond shaped symbol.

If the upper line represents months and the lower line days, these
numbers will indicate the intervals between the columns and are
properly placcd. For example, the XI and XVI signify 11 months
and 16 days, the interval between the last column of the preceding
plate and the first column of the plate on which they stand; the [V
and X, the interval of 4 months and 10 days between the first and
second columns; XII and X, the interval of 12 months and 10 days
between the second and third columns; and 0, VIII, the interval of
8 days between the third and fourth columns. It is apparent from
this that the red, diamond shaped symbol represented by 0 over the
VIII denotes a cipher or nought, a conclusion reached independently
by Foérstemann.

If this supposition as to the arrangement of the series and the signifi-
cation of these numbers be correct, it is apparent that the plates are
to be taken in the order in which they are paged, that is, from left
to right, as the others so far noticed, an inference borne out by an-
other fact now to be mentioned.

Immediately below each of these four column day series are four
lines of characters (hieroglyphics), and immediately under the latter
three horizontal lines of black numerals, with here and there a red,
diamond shaped symbol inserted. As these numerals stand directly
in the vertical lines of the day columns, it is possible the two have
some connection with each other, a supposition somewhat strength-
ened by what has been observed in regard to the red numerals at the
bottom of the plates. To test this and also for the reason that we
propose to discuss their relations and their use, we give here the bot-
tom line of days of each of the five series (or plates), together with
their week numbers attached; also, the numbers of the three lines of
black numerals mentioned, taking them in the order of the paging as
here shown:

Plate 46:
VIII Cib. * VII Cimi. X Cib. V Kan.
1 1
11 16 10 11
16 6 16 4
Plate 47:
VII Ahau. VI Oc. TX-Ahau. IV Lamat.
2 2 3 3
5 9 4 4
0 10 0 8

THOMAS. ] SERIES ON PLATES 46 TO 50. 299

Plate 48:
VI Kan. Wales: VIII Kan. III Eb.
3 4 4
16 2 15° 15
3 (2) 14 4 12
Plate 49:
V Lamat. IV Ezanab. VIT Lamat. II Cib,
5 5 6 6
9 13 8 8
8 18 8 16
Plate 50:
IV Eb. II Ik. VI Eb. 1 Ahau.
7 7 8 8
2 7 1 2
12 2 12 0

In considering these horizontal lines it is to be understood that the
series runs through the five pages, 46-50.

Let us proceed upon the supposition that the figures of the lowest
of the three lines denote days of the month, the numbers of the middle
line months, and those of the upper line years. As already shown,
the interval between 8 Cib and 7 Cimi is 4 months and 10 days; add-
ing 4months and 10 days to 11 months and 16 days (bearing in mind
that 20 days make a month and 18 months a year), the sum is found
to be 16 months and 6 days, precisely the figures under 7 Cimi. As
already ascertained, the interval between 7 Cimi and 10 Cib is 12
months and 10 days; this added to 16 months and 6 days gives 1 year,
10 months, 16 days, precisely the figures under 10 Cib. The interval
between 10 Cib and 5 Kan is 8 days; this added to the 1 year, 10 months,
and 16 days gives 1 year, 11 months, and 4 days, the figures under 5
Kan. The interval between 5 Kan and 7 Ahau is 11 months, 16 days,
which, added to the preceding, gives 2 years, 5 months, 0 day, agree-
ing with the figures under 7 Ahau, if the symbol represented by 0
signifies nought. That this rule holds good throughout the entire
series, by making one correction, is shown by the following additions:

Years. Months. Days.
11 16 Under VIII Cib, Plate 46,

4 10
16 6 Under VII Cimi, Plate 46.
12 10
i 10 16 Under X Cib, Plate 46.
8
1 11 4 Under V Kan, Plate 46.
11 16

0 Under VIT Ahau, Plate 47

Under VI Oc, Plate 47.

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(=)

300 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

Years. Months, Days.
3 4 0 Under IX Ahau, Plate 47.

8 Under IV Lamat, Plate 47,

Under VI Kan, Plate 48.

PS clis elisssil
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10
a 14 Under V Ix, Plate 48.
10
@ is & UWnderiVilli Kan) Platese
8
vi 15 12 Under III Eb, Plate 48.
1 16
is 9 8 Under V Lamat, Plate 49.
4 10
13 18 Under IV Ezanab, Plate 49.
12 10
6 6 16) Under! Val Unnat ePlateo.
8
"8 16 Under I Cib, Plate 49:
114 16
BS. i 9 Under WWD ehreso:
Be 5G)
7 7? 2 Under Il Ik, Plate 50.
2 10
“1 «12 Under VI Bb, Plate 50.
8
8 2 0 Under I Ahau, Plate 50.

The proof of the correctness of the theory advanced may, therefore,
be considered conclusive, as it amounts, in fact, to a mathematical
demonstration.

Dr. Férstemann, who considers these lines of black numbers, stand-
ing one above another, as representing different grades of units —
thus, the lowest, single units; the second, units twenty-fold the lower;
the third, eighteen-fold the second; the fourth, twenty-fold the third,
&c.— has found the correct intervals of the series, which he states are
236, 90, 250, and 8 days, agreeing with our 11 months, 16 days; 4
months, 10 days; 12 months, 10 days, and 8 days.

As all the discoveries mentioned herein were made previous to the
receipt of Dr. Férstemann’s work, I give them according to my own
method, acknowledging any modification due to his work. Although
I shall compare special results from time to time, an explanation of

'3 days in ms., should be 4.

THOMAS. ] SERIES ON PLATES 46 TO 50. 301

Dr. Férstemann’s method is reserved for a future paper, as his work
was not received until I was revising my notes for publication.

The foregoing explanation of the series shows it to be very simple
and makes it clear that it relates to the day columns at the top of
the pages. Still, there is one point somewhat difficult to understand.
Are the numbers of the third or lowest line intended to denote the
positions in the month of the days in the columns above? If so,
the month must have commenced with Ymix, as can readily be
shown in the following manner:

TABLE III.

ile Woaatb-<

2. Ik.

3. Akbal.

4. Kan.

5. Chicchan.

6. Cimi.

7. Manik.
8. Lamat.
9. Muluc.
10. Oc.
11. Chuen.
12. Eb.
13. Been.
14. Ix.
15. Men.
16. Cib.
7. Caban.
18. Ezanab.
19. Cauac.
20. Ahau.

If we write in a column in proper order the 20 days of the Maya
month, commencing with Ymix, and number them consecutively,
as in Table III, we shall find by comparison that the numbers in
the lower line indicate the position, in this column, of the days di-
rectly over them. Take, for example, the lower line of black num-
erals on Plate 46, writing over them the respective days of the col-
umus, thus:

Cib. Cimi. Cib. Kan.
16 6 16 4

Referring to Table III we see that Cib is the sixteenth day, Cimi
the sixth, and Kan the fourth.

The days and numbers of Plate 47 are:

Ahau. Oc. Ahau. Lamat.
0 10 0 8

Ahau is the twentieth day —here is the diamond shaped symbol —
Oc is the tenth, and Lamat the eighth, and so on to the end of the
series on Plate 50.

302 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

It may be justly argued that such relation to some given day of
the month would necessarily follow in any series of this kind made
up by adding together intervals of days and months. Still it is not
at all likely that these series were made up without reference to fitted
and determinable dates. If so, the months given must be months of
certain determinable years, and the days denoted must be days of
particular months. In other words, if we had the proper starting
point we should be able to determine the position in the calendar of
any day or month mentioned in the series.

First. It is easily seen by reference to the calendar (Table IT) that
Cib is not the sixteenth day of the month of any of the four years,
nor is Cimi the sixth nor Kan the fourth. The idea that the figures
of this lower line represent the days of the month must, therefore, be
given up unless we assume that the year commenced with Ymix. It
may be worthy of notice at this point that the list of days on the so-
called ‘‘title page” of the Manuscript Troano begins with Ymix. It
is also true that the remarkable quadruple series in the Codex Cor-
tesianus on Plates 13-18 commences with Ymix; as this is evidently
some kind of a calendar table, its bearing on the question now before
us is important.

Second. It can easily be shown that the months referred to in the
series, if the numbers given denote specific months, are not those of °
the Kan years. The first, 8 Cib, if in the eleventh month, must be in
the year 4 Kan; counting forward from this 4 months and 10 days to
7 Cimi brings us into the sixteenth month of the year 4 Kan; this
agrees with our figures on Plate 46. Counting forward 12 months
and 10 days to 10 Cib, we reach the tenth month of the next year;
8 days more carry us to the eleventh month, which still agrees with
the figures in the codex. Counting 11 months and 16 days more to
7 Ahau, we reach but do not pass the fourth month of the next year ;
hence the result does not correspond with the series, which has at
this point a 5 in the middle line. The same will be found true in
regard to the other yeargas given in our calen‘ar (Table II). This
result, as a matter of course, must follow if the figures in the lower
line of the series do not denote the month days of some one of the
year series as usually given.

Another fact also becomes apparent here, viz, that the 5 sup-
plemental days of the year are not brought into the count, the year
consisting throughout of 360 days. There is, in fact, nothing here
indicating the four year series as given in the authorities and as rep-
resented in our calendar table; yet this ought to appear wherever a
series extends over more than one year.

Dr. Férstemann says that this entire seriesof black numerals covers
2.920 days, or 8 years of 365 days. ‘This is true, but the concluding
figures show that it is given by the writer of the codex as 8 years
and 2 months, which would also be 2,920 days, counting the years at

THOMAS. ] SERIES ON PLATES 46 TO 50. 303

360 days each and the months 20 days each ; moreover, the members
of the series are based throughout upon the year of 360 days. His
theory that the intervals of the series relate to the movements of
the planet Venus is, as yet, a mere hypothesis, which needs further
proof before it can demand acceptance; but his discovery of the
methods of identifying the month symbols on the five plates now
under consideration is important. Although I had noticed that most
of the characters which he mentions are month symbols, I did not
succeed in identifying all of them.

According to his conclusion, which appears to be justified not only
by the evidence he gives but by an additional fact that I shall pres-
ently mention, there are four of these symbols in the upper row of
the middle group of written characters on each plate and four in
the upper and lower lines of the lower group on each plate (see, for
example, Fig. 362). Hach of these symbols (except three or four)
has a black number attached to it which denotes the day of the month
represented by the symbol.

These months and days as given by Dr. Férstemann are as follows,
the positions of the lines as here given corresponding with those of
the plates:

TABLE IV.—Tabie showing months and days.

Month. Day. | Month. Day.| Month. Day. | Month. Day.

TEIN aC sos ocadnaoscntadea-diaconepadnde Vi 4 iW 14 5 19 6 7
11 8 15 18 10 4 10 12

1 14 5 4 18 14 1 2

THC YE eo oukasabondosncedo05esuOeead 18 3 4 8 16 18 Ww 6
4 3 8 13 2 18 3 (not 2)6

10 10 15 3 9 8 9 16

THIN 2 Ciecooe aaoces wactosoros heat 10 7 15 v 9 12 10 20
15 2 1 rai 13 17 i4 5

3 vi 7 17 2 2 2 10

lab WOUU) 26 oo AénomnaS pda sagea ees 7 3 11 8 1 2 6 2 14
i) 16 12 6 6 11 6 19

14 6 18 16 13 1 13 9

In CCK Grsbace. Saaamooeocodoguuen aa : 14 10 18 20 13 5 18 13
18 15 5 20 17 10 17 18

6 20 11 10 5 15 6 3

An examination of the plates will show that Dr. Férstemann has
filled out the following obliterated or wanting day numbers, to wit,
the first of the upper line of Plate 46, the fourth of the upper line of
Plate 47, and the second of the middle line and first of the lower line
of Plate 50. He has also ventured to change the first day number of
the lower line of Plate 46 from 16 to 14. Where the number 20 is
found in his list there is no corresponding number in the codex, the
month symbol only being given. It is evident he has proceeded in
these cases upon the theory that the absence of a number indicated

304 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

that the month was completed. Although probably correct in this
conclusion, the question will arise, Does the symbol in such cases
denote the month completed or the month reached?

The intervals between these dates are as follows, the left hand
column being those between the first and second columns of Férste-
mann’s list (our Table IV), the second column those between the
second and third columns of his list, the third column those between
the third and fourth columns of his list, and the fourth column those
between the last date of one plate and the first of the next:

TaBLE V.—Table showing intervals between dates.

Month. Day. | Month. Day. | Month. Day. | Month. Day.
PlateOe eerie sonee ste ect |) a 10 12 5 0 8 ibe 3k3
4 10 12 6b 0 8 11 11
4 10 12 10 0 ay ee) 8d
Plated (ie cess ppt ReaerG Ate ee 4 5 12 10 0 Gai 11
4 10 | 2 5 0 8e 11 16e
4 13a 12 5 0 8 il abl
Plate 48! Voces eased avcsercrteeee atone 4 10 g 5 8 11 11
ieee 5 12 10 0 8 11 11
4 i | 1 5 0 8 11 16
Plate AQ sapere ces ste ance poe 4 10 | 12 A 8 11 16
4 10 12 5 0 8 a6! 16
4 10 12 5 0 8 11 11
Plate b0 Reece an tee eee eee 4 10 12 5 0 8 11 11
4 5 12 10 0 8 11 10
4 10 12 5 0 8 12 lig

Although it is apparent that the variations from the intervals of
the black numeral and day series above them are too numerous and
too uniform to be considered mistakes, yet there is little reason to
doubt that these month numbers are connected with and depend upon
the day series given in the columns above.

That there are some errors is quite clear; for instance, the varia-
tion at a arises from the fact that Dr. Férstemann gives the date
here as 10 months, 10 days, whereas the codex has it 10 months, 13
days. Making this correction the interval will be 4 months, 10 days.
The correction will make the interval at d 9,11, instead of 9,8. Still
there is a variation of two months from the usual interval, which,
if corrected on the supposition that Dr. Férstemann has mistaken
the month, would necessitate a change of the remainder of the series
given in this line. The interval at c, according to the figure given
by Dr. Férstemann, would be retrograde, that is, minus 12. This
arises from the fact that he gives the last date in the middle line
on Plate 47 as 2 months, 6 days, whereas the symbol is very dis-
tinctly that of the third month, and the eight day series is unbroken
if this correction is made.

When these evident errors are corrected the series of intervals show

THOMAS. ] SERIES ON PLATES 51 TO 58. 305

very clearly a system and periodicity depending on the day column
series in the upper part of the pages. In the first column (Table V).
the interval is usually 4 months, 10 days, precisely the same as be-
tween the first and second day columns, but occasionally it is 4
months, 5 days, which will still bring it to one of the four day series,
including the day indicated by the date—4 months, 10 days. This
will be understood by examining our calendar (Table Il). The cor-
responding days in the four year columns were, by the Maya system,
necessarily brought together in the calendar; for example, they
are arranged in the series pictured on Plates 13-18 of the Cortesian
Codex precisely as given in our Table II. This skip of five days is
also apparent in the second and fourth columns of differences (Table
V). Whether Dr. Férstemann is correct in all his identifications of
months among the symbols on the five plates now under considera-
tion is a question I feel unqualified to answer without a much more
careful comparison and study of these characters than I have given
them.

Running through the upper division of Plates 53 to 58 and con-
tinued through the lower division of Plates 51 to 58—that is to say,
commencing in the upper division of 53 and running into 58, then
back to the lower division of 51 and ending in 58—is a remarkable
compound series. It consists, first, of a three line series of black
numerals standing above; second, a middle series of short, three day
columns, or columns each of three day symbols, with red numerals
attached ; and, third, below, a two line series of numerals, those of
the upper line red and of the lower black numbers.

As this series is a very important one in the study of the relations
of the numerals to one another and to the days indicated, an exact
copy of it is given in Figs. 363-370, each figure representing a page
and the whole standing in the same order as in the original. The
red numerals and red symbols are, as usual, given in outline as an
indication of their color.

6 ETH 20

306

AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

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THOMAS. | SERIES ON PLATES 51 TO 58.

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AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

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SERIES ON PLATES 51 TO 58. 309

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314 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

In order to assist those not familiar with the numeral and day
symbols, the entire series is given in the following tables in names
and Arabic and Roman numerals, as usual. The obliterated symbols
and numbers are restored.

TABLE VI.—Table of numeral and day symbols. (Plate 51b.)

14 15 | 15 16 16 7

16 | fe 16 a 16 5

1t 11 8 5 2 10
IV Ik. | XI Cauac. | VII Cib. Il Been. X Oc. I Ezanab.

!'The symbol in this case is that of Been, but this is a manifest error, as Ahau
follows Cauac.

TABLE VII.—Table of numeral and day symbols. (Plate 52b.)

ily 18 18 19

14 5 14 4

8 5 2 19
[Picture.| XI Cib. VI Been. 1 0c. IX Manik.
XII Caban. VU Ix. If Chuen. X Lamat.
XII Ezanab. VIIIMen. TI Eb. XI Mulue.

VIL Vill Vil VII
17? (18)! ‘Va 7 17

' The variation from the rule found here is explained a little further on.

TaBLe VILIL.—Table of numeral and day symbols.

(Plate 53a.)

| 1 1 2 2
tf 17 7 15 6 15
17 13 | 2 14 9 (1S)! 16 13
VI Kan. I Ymix. | VI Mulue. {Picture. ] 1 Cimi. IX Akbal. 1V Ahau.
Vil Chicchan., IT Ik. | VII Oc. IL Manik. X Kan. V Ymix.
VIII Cimi. | Ii Akbal. | VIII Chuen. II Lamat. XI Chicchan.! VI Ik.
Va vr) var Vin =| Vill Vill
17 7 | 8 17 17 7

! The 14 here is manifestly an error, one of the lines in the number symbol having
been omitted; it should be 19.

TABLE [X.—Table of numeral and day symbols. (Plate 530.)

1 1 1 1
19 0 0 1 1
13 3 12 2 11
16 4 1 18 15
IV Kan. IX Eb. (Picture. ] TV Mulue. XI Cimi. VIL Akbal.
V Chicchan, X Been. V Oc. XIU Manik. | VII Kan.
VI Cimi. XI Ix. VI Chuen. IT Lamat. IX Chiechan.
VII VIL VU Vit VUL
17 8 7 17 WwW

THOMAS. | SERIES ON PLATES 51 TO 58. 315

TABLE X.— Table of numeral and day symbols. (Plate 54a.)

3 3 4 4 5 5 6
6 15 6 15 5 10 4
11 § 5 8 19 16 4
XI Ezanab. | VIL Men. Il Eb. XI Mulue. VI Cib. I Akbal, VI Chuen.
I Canae, IX Cib. IV Been. XII Oc. VII Caban. I Kan. VII Eb.
If Ahau. X Caban. VeELx. | XII Chuen. | VIII Ezanab. | Ill Chicchan. | VIII Been,
Vill Vill Vu Vu Vill Vill Vil
17 7 17 17 17 17 8

TABLE XI.—Table of numeral and day symbols. (Plate 54b.)

1 1 1 1 i

2 2 3 3 4

2 1 2 9 01

12 «) 6 14 11
TI Ahau. X Caban. Vix. X Ik. [Picture. ] V Cauac.
Ii Ymix. XI Ezanab. |- VI Men. XI Akbal. VI Ahau.
IV Ik. XI Cauac. VII Cib. XI Kan. VII Ymix.

Vill | vill vul Vil vill?
17 17 17 8 | 17

1The 0 inserted at various points in these tables denotes as usual the red, diamond
shaped symbol, which apparently signifies ‘‘ nought.”

* The numeral symbol in this case, both in Kingsborough’s copy and in the pho-
tograph, is VII, one dot having been omitted by a mistake of the original artist.

TABLE XII.—Table of numeral and day symbols. (Plate 55a.)

‘In Kingsborough’s work the symbol in this case is that of Been, but should be
Mulue, as it is in the photograph.

TABLE XIII.—Table of numeral and day symbols. (Plate 55b.)

1 1 if Ee 1 | n 1 1
4 5 5 6 6 6 7 7
9 0 9 0 8 17 8 15
8 6 3 0 7 14 11 19
XIII Cib. IX Ix. IV Chuen,} XII Lamat.| VII Chicchan, | I Ik, X Cauae.| I Manik.
I Caban. X Men.| V Eb. XI Mulue. | VUI Cimi. Til Akbal.| XI Ahan. | IT Lamat.
Il Ezanab. | XI Cib. | VI Been. 1 Oe. IX Manik, IV Kan. | X11 Ymix. |TV Mulue.
VOL Vill Vill Vu Vu Vu Vu vil
17 17 ? (18) 17 17 7 17 17 8

316

AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

TABLE XIV.—Table of numeral and day symbols. (Plate 56a.)
9 9 10 10
1 10 1 10
18) 15 12 9
XIII Chiechan. . VIII Ik. Ti Cauac. XI Cib.
I Cimi. Westies IX Akbal.] IV Ahau. | XII Caban.
II Manik. X Kan. V Ymix. | XII Ezanab.
VIL VU vu. Vu
8 Ww iN? il
TABLE XV.—Table of numeral and day symbols. (Plate 56b.)
1 1 1 1
8 8 9 9
6 15 6 15
16 14 it 8
[Picture.] X Kan, VI Ik. I Cauae. | IX Cib.
XI Chiechan.| VII Akbal.| I Ahau. X Caban.
XI Cimi. VIII Kan, Il Ymix. | XI Ezanab.
Vil Vit Vit Vil
iv 17 ?( 8) wt Wv
TaBLE XVI.—Table of numeral and day symbols. (Plate 57a.)
11 11 12 12
1 10 1 | 8
6 4 0 8
VI Ix. | WGhuen.| X Lamat. | I Cib. [Picture]
VIII Men. | III Eb. XI Mulue. | Il Caban.
IX Cib. | IV Been. | XII Oc. IV Ezanab,
Vl Vil Vul vor
17 17 17 17?
‘This should be VII. ? This should be 8.
TABLE XVII.—Table of numeral and day symbols. (Plate 57b.)
1 1 1 1 1
10 10 11 1 12
6 15 4 13 4
5 2 10 Ri 4
IV Been. | XII Oc. IV Ezanab. [Picture. ] XII Men. VII Eb.
V Ix. XII Chuen.) V Cauac. XIII Cib. VIII Been.
VI Men. I Eb. VI Ahau. I Caban.| IX Ix.
VuL Vil vu vol vill
17 17 8 17 Ww
TABLE XVIII.—Table of numeral and day symbols. (Plate 58a.)
12 13 13 14
i? 8 17 aa
5 2 0 17
X Been WiOcs I Lamat. IX Chiechan.
XI Ix. VI Chuen. IL Mulue. X Cimi.
XII Men VIL Eb. Il Oc. XI Manik.
Vu Vil Vill vu
17 17 17 17

THOMAS. ] SERIES ON PLATES 51 TO 58. 317

TABLE XIX.—Table of numeral and day symbols. (Plate 58b.)

1 1

12 13

13 3

1 18
TL Mulue. X Cimi. [Picture.]
Ill Oc. XI Manik,
IV Chuen. XII Lamat.

Vu | Vill
ae |

The spaces in the lists indicate the positions of the pictures of per-
sons and curtain-like ornaments inserted here and there, as seen in
Figs. 363-370.

Tn order to explain this series, we commence with that portion of
it found in the lower division of Plate 51 (Fig. 363).

Omitting any reference for the present to the black numbers over
the day columns, we call attention first to the days and to the red
numerals attached to them. Those in the division selected as an
illustration are as follows:

IV Ik. XII Cauac. VII Cib. II Been. X Oc. II Ezanab.
V Akbal. XIII Ahau. VIII Caban. III Ix. XI Chuen. III Cauac.
VI Kan. TYmix. IX Ezanab. IV Men. XII Eb. IV Ahau.!

It will be observed that the week numbers of the days in each
single column follow one another in regular arithmetical order, thus:
in the first column, 4, 5, 6; in the second, 12, 13, 1; in the third, 7,
8, 9; and so on throughout the entire series. The interval, there-
fore, between the successive days of a column is 1; or, in other words,
the days follow one another in regular order, as in the month series,
so that having the first day of a column given we know at once the
other two. It is apparent, therefore, that the intervals between the
three correspondingly opposite days of any two associate columns are
the same; that is to say, the interval between 5 Akbal and 13 Ahau,
in the first two columns given above is the same as that between 4 Ik
and 12 Cauac, and also as that between 6 Kan and 1 Ymix. ‘This is
also true if the attached week numbers are omitted; for instance,
the interval between Ik and Cauac, counting on the list of days form-
ing the month, is 17 days, and it is the same between Kan and Ymix.
Taking the second and third columns we find here the same interval.
This holds good in that part of the series above given until we reach
the last two columns; here the interval between Oc and Ezanab is 8
days and it is the same between the other days of these two columns.

1The third symbol in the last day column of Plate 51b is Been in the codex; but
this is an evident mistake, as shown by the order of the days, since Ahau, which has
been substituted above, always follows Cauac. This may be seen by reference to
the middle column of 57b,

318 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

This being ascertained, the next step is to determine the true
interval between the first days of these columns, taking the numbers
attached to them into consideration. Referring to our calendar
(Table IL) and (for reasons which will be given hereafter) using the
Mulue column and counting from 41k, as heretofore explained, we
find the interval between this and 12 Cauac to be 8 months and 17
days; counting in the same way from 12 Cauac, 8 months and 17
days more bring us to 7 Cib; 8 months and 17 days more to 10 Oc.
So far the intervals have been the same; but at this point we find a
variation from the rule, as the interval between 10 Oc and 2 Ezanab
(first of the next column) is 7 months and 8 days.

These intervals furnish the explanation of the red and black numer-
als below the day columns.

These numerals, as the reader will observe by reference to Fig. 363
or the written interpretation thereof in Table VI, are 8 and 17 under
the first five columns, but 7 and 8 under the sixth column, the red (8
under the first five and 7 under the sixth) indicating the months and
the black (17 under the first five and 8 under the sixth) the days of
the intervals. This holds good throughout all that portion of the
series running through the lower divisions of Plates 51 to 58, with
three exceptions, which will now be pointed out.

In order to do this it will be necessary to repeat here a part of the
series on Plate 51b and part of that on Plate 52b; that is, the two
right hand columns of the former and the two left hand columns of
the latter, between which is the singular picture shown in the lower
left hand corner of our Fig. 364:

Plate 510. Plate 526.
X Oc. Il Ezanab. XI Cib. | VI Been.
XI Chuen. Ii Cauae. XII Caban. VII Ix.
XII Eb. IV Ahau. [Picture. ] XU Ezanab. VIII Men.
Vill Vil Vitt vit
17 8 17 | 17

As before stated, the interval between 10 Oc and 2 EKzanab is 7
months and 8 days, as indicated by the red and black numerals under
the latter. According tothe red and black numbers under the column
commencing with 11 Cib, the interval between 2 Kzanab and 11 Cib
should be 8 months and 17 days, the usual difference, when, in fact,
as we see by counting on the calendar, it is 8 months and 18 days.
That this variation cannot be attributed to a mistake on the part of
the author or of the artist is evident from the fact that the interval
between 11 Cib and 6 Been (first of the next column) is 8 months and
17 days and that the difference throughout the rest of the series fol-
lows the rule given; that is to say, each is 8 months and 17 days, except
at two other points where this variation is found and at the regular

THOMAS. ] SERIES ON PLATES 51 TO 58. 319

intervals where the difference of 7 months and 8 days occurs.’ Pre-
cisely the same variation occurs on Plate 55b in passing from the first
to the second column and on Plate 566 between columns 1 and 2.

Why these singular exceptions? It is difficult, if not impossible,
for us, with our still imperfect knowledge of the calendar system
formerly in vogue among the Mayas, to give a satisfactory answer to
this question. But we reserve further notice of it until other parts of
the series have been explained.

Reference will now be made to the three lines of black numerals
immediately above the day columns. Still confining our examina-
tions to the lower divisions, the reader’s attention is directed to these
lines, as given in Tables VI, VII, 1X, XI, XIII, XV, XVII, and
XIX. As there are three numbers in each short column we take for
granted, judging by what has been shown in regard to the series on
Plates 46-50, that the lowest of the three denotes days, the middle
months, and the upper years, and that the intervals are the same be-
tween these columns as between the day columns under them. The
correctness of this supposition is shown by the following additions:
Starting with the first or left hand column on Plate 51b, we add suc-
cessively the differences indicated by the corresponding red and black
numbers under the day columns. If this gives in each case (save
the two or three exceptions heretofore referred to) the numbers in
the next column to the right throughout the series, the demonstra-
tion will be complete.

Years. Months. Day .

14 16 14 First column on Plate 51b.
Z 8 17

15 vi 1! Second column on Plate 51b.
8 17

15 16 8 Third column on Plate 51d.
8 17

16 a 5 Fourth column on Plate 510.
8 17

16 16 2 Fifth column on Plate 51b.
7 8

17 D 10 Sixth column on P'>te 51b.
8 18!

17 14 8 First column on Plate 52b.
8 17

18 5 5 Second column on Plate 52b.
8 17

'This is one of the exc2ptional cases.

320 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

Years. Months. Days.

18 14 2 Third column on Plate 52b.
8 17

19 4 19 Fourth column on Plate 52b.
8 17

19 13 16 First column on Plate 53d.
7 8

20 3 4 Second column on Plate 53b.

At this point in the original, instead of 20 in the year series, we
find a diamond shaped symbol, represented by 0 in our tables, with
one black dot over it. From this it would seem that when this codex
was written the Maya method of counting years was by periods of 20
each, as in the case of the month days. Whether there is any refer-
ence here to the ahaues is uncertain. Jam inclined to think with
Dr. Férstemann that it was rather in consequence of the use of the
vigesimal system in representing numbers. It would have been very
inconvenient and cumbersome to represent high numbers by means
of dots and lines; hence a more practicable method was devised. It
is evident, from the picture inserted at this point in the series, that
some important chronological event is indicated. Here also in the
written characters over this picture is the symbol for 20. The last
number given in the above addition may therefore, in order to corre-
spond with the method of the codex, be written as follows:

Twenty year periods. Years. Months. Days.

1 0 3 4
Continuing the addition in this way the result is as follows:

Twenty year periods, Years. Months. Days.

1 0 3 4
8 17
1 0 12 1 Third column on Plate 53b.
8 17
i a 2 18 Fourth column on Plate 58b.
8 17
q 1 itil 15 Fifth column on Plate 536.
8 17
4 3 2 12 First column on Plate 546.
8 17
4 2 nl 9 Second column on Plate 54b.
8 17
il 3 2 6 Third column on Plate 54b.
ff 8
1 3

4 Fourth column on Plate 546,
7

los
ee

THOMAS. |

Twenty year periods. Years. Months. Days.

1 4 0 11
8 17

1 9 8
8 18!

4 5 0 6
8 17

1 5 9 3
8 17

1 6 0 0
8 17

1 6 8 17
8 17

1 6 17 14
8 17

1 ut 8 11
7 8

1 7 15 19
8 17

i 8 6 16
8 18?

1 8 15 14
8 17

1 9 6 11
8 17

1 9 15 8
8 17

1 10 6 5)
8 17

1 10 15 2
7 8

1 11 4 10
8 17

1 11 13 7
8 17

1 12 4 4
8 17

1 12 le 1
8 17

i 13 3 1s

' Second exception.
29
Wy

6 ETH

SERIES ON PLATES 51 TO 58.

Fifth column on Plate 546,

First column on Plate 550.

Second column on Plate 55b.

Third column.on Plate 55b.

Fourth column on Plate 55d,

Fifth column on Plate 55).

Sixth column on Plate 55b.

Seventh column on Plate 55b.

Eighth column on Plate 55.
First column on Plate 560.
Second column on Plate 56b.
Third eau an Plate 56b.
Fourth column on Plate 56b.
First column on Plate 57b.
Second column on Plate 576.
Third column on Plate 57b
Fourth column on Plate 57b.
Fifth column on Plate 57b.
First column on Plate 58b.

Second column on Plate 58d.

> Third exception,

321

399 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

The proof, therefore, that the theory advanced in regard to the order
and the plan of the series is correct seems to be conclusive. This
probably would have been conceded without the repeated additions
civen, but these were deemed necessary because of several irregulari-
ties found in that portion running through Plates 53a—-58a, which
constitutes the first half of the series.

Turning back to our Table VIII, representing that part of the series
on Plate 53a, we will consider the three lines of black numerals above
the day columns, discussing the irregularities as we proceed.

The numbers in the first column are {7,, or, according to the expla-
nation given, 7 months and 17 days. There is apparently a mistake
here, the correct numbers being 8 months and 17 days, as it is
the usual custom of the codex to commence numeral series with the
prevailing interval; moreover this correction, which has also been
made by Dr. Férstemann, is necessary in order to connect rightly
with what follows; the counters under this first column require this
correction, as they are 8 months, 17 days. Making this change we
proceed with the addition.

Years. Months. Days.

8 17 First column, Plate 53a (corrected),
8 17
17 14 Second column, Plate 53a.

Here the author of the codex has made another mistake or varied
from the plan of the series. As several similar variations or errors
occur in this part of the series, it will be as well to discuss the point
here as elsewhere. Dr, Férstemann, in discussing the series, takes it
for granted that these variations are errors of the aboriginal scribe;
he remarks that ‘‘It is seen here that the writer has corrected several
of his mistakes by compensation. For instance, the two first differ-
ences should be 177 [8 months, 17 days] and 148 [7 months, 8 days],
not 176 and 149,” &c.

This is a strained hypothesis which I hesitate to adopt so long as
any other solution of the difficulty can be found. It is more likely
that the writer would have corrected his mistakes, if observed, than
that he would compensate them by corresponding errors.

Going back to that part of the series in the lower divisions which
has already been examined and commencing with Plate 51b (see
Table VI), we observe that the numbers in the lowest of the three
lines of black numerals, immediately over the day columns, and the
first day of these columns are as follows (omitting the week days at-

tached):
14 11 8 5 2 10
Tk. Cauac. Cib. Been. Oc. Ezanab.

Turning to the calendar (Table II) and using the Mulue column,
we notice that the figures of this third line of black numerals denote
respectively the month numbers of the days under them; that is to

THOMAS. | SERIES ON PLATES 51 TO 58. 323

say, Ik is the fourteenth day of the month in Muluc years, Cauac the
eleventh, Cib the eighth, Been the fifth, Oc the second, and Ezanab
the tenth. This holds good through Plates 526 to 58b without a single
exception, provided the diamond shaped symbol in the fourth column
of Plate 55b is counted as 20. This test, therefore, presents fewer
exceptions than are found in counting the intervals as before ex-
plained; yet, after all, this would necessarily result from the fact
that the day Mulue was selected as the commencement of the series,
and hence may have no signification in reference to or bearing on
the question of the year series, especially as the years counted are
evidently of 360 days.

Returning now to our Table VIII, representing Plate 53a, we ob-
serve that the number immediately over Kan in the first column is
17, whereas Kan is the sixteenth day of the month. Is it not possible
that the intention was to designate as the ceremonial day Chicchan,
standing immediately below, which is the seventeenth day of the
mouth in Mulue years? Even though there is no reference to Muluc
years, the intervals may be given upon the same idea, that of reach-
ing, for some particular reason, the second or third day of the col-
umn instead of the first. This would account for the compensation
of which Dr. Férstemann speaks, without implying any mistake on
the part of the writer. These irregularities would then be inten-
tional variations from the order of the series, yet so as not to break
the general plan.

The interval between 6 Kan of the first column (with the month
number corrected) and 1 Ymix of the second is 8 months and 17 days,
as it should be; between 6 Muluc and 1 Cimi, 8 months and 17 days;
and between 1 Cimi and 9 Akbal, 8 months and 17 days, thus con-
forming to the rule heretofore given, a fact which holds good as a
general rule throughout that portion of the series in the upper divis-
ion.

Continuing the addition as heretofore we note the variations.

Years. Months. Days. Column, Plate.
17 14 Second. 53a.
7 8
1 a 2 Third. 53a.
8 17
1 15 19! Fourth. 58a.
8 17
2 6 16 Fifth. 53a.
8 17
2 15 13 Sixth. 53a.
8 18°

'One line has been omitted in the numeral symbol,
2 Here we have again the added day.

324 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

Years. Months. Days. Column, Plate.
3 6 il First. dda.
8 ily
3 15 8 Second. dda.
8 17
4 6 5 Third. 54a.
8 17
4 15 2} Fourth. d4a.
8 17
5 5 19 Fifth. 54a.
8 17
5 14 16 Sixth. 54a.
tf 8
6 4 4 Seventh. 54a.
8 18*
6+ 13 2 First. 55a.
8 17
ii 3 19° Second. 55a.
8 17
7 i} 16 Third. dd.
5 17
8 3 13 Fourth. 9a.
8 17
8 12 10 Fifth. 55a.
if 8
9 1 18 First. 56a.
8 17
9 10 15 Second. 56a.
8 17
10 1 1 Third. 56a.
8 17
10 10 9 Fourth. 56a.
8 17
11 1 6 First. 57a.
8 17

'The 8 at this point in the codex is an evident error.

* Here is also an error in the original, this being 10.

“The symbols require an additional day here.

‘The 8 in the year line in the original is a manifest error, as 6 precedes and 7 fol-
lows.

*The 18 in the day line at this point is also an error, as the interval between 2
Mulue and 10 Cimi is 8 months and 17 days. Moreover, the next day number being
16 requires this to be 19.

THOMAS. ] SERIES ON PLATES 51 TO 58. 3895

Years. Months. Days. Column. Plate.

11 10 3 Second. 57a.
8 17

12 1 0 Third. 7a.
7 8!

2 8 8 Fourth. d7a.
8 17

12 17 5) First. 58a.
8 17

13 8 2 Second. 58a.
8 18?

13 17 0 Third. 58a,
8 17

14 is 17 Fourth. 58a.
8 17

14 16 14 First. 51b

We have in what has thus far been given a satisfactory explana-
tion of the meaning and use of the lines of numerals and also of their
relation to the day columns, but we still fall short of a complete in-
terpretation, inasmuch as we are unable to give the series a definite
location in the Maya calendar or in actual time. Itis apparent, how-
ever, that the series cannot by any possible explanation be made to
agree with the calendar system as usually accepted, as there is noth-
ing in it indicating the four series of years or the year of 365 days.
It may be safely assumed, I think, from what has been shown, that
the year referred to in the series is one of 360 days, with probably a
periodic addition of one day, but the reason of the addition is not yet
apparent.

If the numbers in the lowest line of numerals over the day columns
indicate the days of the month, and those of the middle line the re-
spective months of the year, it is evident, as before stated, that
Muluc is the first day of the year throughout, a conclusion irrecon-
cilable with the Maya calendar as hitherto understood. It is prob-
able, however, that the month and day numbers do not refer to par-
ticular months and days, but are used only as intervals of time counted
from a certain day, which must in this case have been Muluc.

The sum of the series as shown by the numbers over the second
column of Plate 58) is 33 years, 3 months, and 18 days. As this in-
cludes only the top day of this column (10 Cimi), we must add two
days to complete the series, which ends with 12 Lamat. This makes

'The counters in the original at this point are certainly wrong, for here should be
months and 8 days, whereas the symbols are those for 8 months and 17 days.

* Here we have again the additional day.

“Added to show connection with the lower series.

326 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

the sum of the entire series 33 years, 4 months, or 11,960 days, pre-
cisely 46 cycles of 13 months, or 260 days each, the whole and also
each cycle commencing with 13 Mulue and ending with 12 Lamat.
It is also worthy of notice that in the right hand column of charac-
ters (hieroglyphics) over the inverted figure in Plate 58b two num-
bers, 13 and 12, are found attached to characters which appear to be
abnormal forms of month symbols.

On Plates 63 and 64 are three series of ten day columns each and
three lines of numerals over each series. These are as follows, so
far as they can be made out, the numbers over the upper series being
mostly obliterated. The 0 denotes the red, diamond shaped symbol
which is here sometimes given in fanciful forms.

327

SERIES ON PLATES 63 AND 64.

THOMAS. |

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‘uRyoorqy mile)
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“uey II “ueW TT
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reqyy TX |
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|
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nen TU) “ueqE,) “qeure'y ‘ened 920 *XTULA ‘a
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“yur, “Tay “Tay “rua | “yoo Bittife) “your “pod
“XI “XI “XI “xI | “XI “XI “XI ‘XI
“uBy uvy “uvy ‘uey | ‘uvy ‘uey “uvy | “uey
‘ueqoorg) TIL ‘ueqoor) TIT ‘uBqooIg) TIT ‘ueyqoorg) TIL “ueyoorqy) TIT ‘usqoorg) TIT ‘uRyqoorg) TT | “‘weqoorg) TT
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‘sypuaunu Jo sau yyun

“NOISIAIC WAdd oO

“69 VBI

‘suunjoo fipp Jo sarsas Buwnoys 29D .— XX ATVI,

328 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

By examining carefully the lines and columns of the middle and
lower divisions of the plates —those represented in Tables X XI and
XXII — we ascertain that the two together form one series; but, con-
trary to the method which has prevailed in those examined, it is to be
read from right to left, commencing with the right hand column of
the lower and ending with the left hand column of the middle divis-
ion.

As proof of this we have only to note the fact that the series of
black numerals over the day columns ascends towards the left. As-
suming the lowest of the three lines to be days, the middle one months,
and the upper one years, the common difference is 4 months and 11
days. Numbering the ten columns of each of our tables from left to
right as usual and adding successively the common difference, com-
mencing with the tenth column of the lowest division, of which Cib
is the first day, the result will be as follows:

‘Years. Months. Days.

4 11 Over tenth column, lower division.
4 11
9 2 Over ninth column, lower division.
4 11
13 13 Over eighth column, lower division.

4 11

1 0 4 Over seventh column, lower division.
4 itil

1 4 15 Over sixth column, lower division.
4 11

1 9 6 Over fifth column, lower division.
4 11

1 13 a Over fourth column, lower division.
4 11

2 0 8 Over third column, lower division.
4 11

2 4 19 Over second column. lower division.
4 11

2 9 10 Over first column, lower division,
4 11

2 14 1 Over tenth column, middle division.
4 11
0 12 Over ninth column, middle division.
4 11

3 5 3 Over eighth column, middle division.
4 11

.
:
:
¢

THOMAS. ] SERIES ON PLATES 63 AND 64. 329

Years. Months. Days.

3 9 14 Over seventh column, middle division,
4 11

3 14 5 Over sixth column, middle division.
4 11

4 0 16 Over fifth column, middle division.
4 11

4 5 i Over fourth column, middle division.
4 11

4 9 18 Over third column. middle division,
4 11

4 14 9 Over second column, middle division.
4 11

5 1 0 Over first column, middle division.

The red numerals over the first column of the middle division, ex-
cept the lowest diamond shaped one, are omitted, as they do not ap-
pear to belong to the series.

It must be borne in mind that the 4 months and 11 days form the
common difference between the corresponding days of the columns
counting from right to left; that is to say, counting 4 months and 11
days from the top day of any column will bring us to the first or
top day of the next column to the left. The interval between the
other corresponding days of the columns is also the same if the same
week numbers are assigned them.

This question arises here, Does the difference include the time em-
braced intheentirecolumn? That istosay, Isthis interval of 4months
and 11 days (referring, for example, to the tenth and ninth columns
of the lower division, our table) the sum of the intervals between
3 Cib and Men; Men and Chicchan; Chiechan and Caban; Caban
and 13 Ix, and 13 Ix of the tenth column and 3 Manik of the ninth
column? If not, the columns do not form a continuous series or must
be taken in some other order.

Although Dr. Férstemann discovered the order in which the series
as a whole was to be read, and also the common difference— given, as
is his custom, in days—he failed to furnish further explanation of
the group.

In answer to the question presented I call attention to the follow-
ing facts:

Commencing again with the uppermost day, 3 Cib, of the tenth
column, lowest division, and counting on the calendar to 13 Ix of
the same year, the interval is found to be 10 months and 18 days,
which is much more than the interval between 3 Cib and 3 Manik
(first of the ninth column), and of course cannot be included in it.

Reversing the order in reading the columns, but counting forward

330 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

on the caleudar as usual, we find the interval between 13 Ix and 3
Cib to be 2 months and 2 days, and, what is another necessary condi-
tion, the intermediate days of the column are included in this period
in the order in which they stand, if read upwards. The interval be-
tween 3 Cib, uppermost day of the tenth column, and 13 Chicchan,
bottom day of the ninth column, is 2 months and 9 days. The sum
of these two intervals is 4 months and 11 days, as it should be on the
supposition that the entire columns follow one another in regular suc-
cession. This proves beyond question that the columns are to be
read from bottom to top and that they follow one another from right
to left. This enables us to fix the week numbers to the intermediate
days and to determine the day to which the entire series is referred
as its starting point. The days and their numbers of the tenth and
ninth columns of the lower division, writing them in reverse order,
that is, from bottom to top, are as follows: 13 Ix; 3 Caban; 11 Chic-
chan; 8 Men; 3 Cib; 13 Chicchan; 3 Lamat; 11 Cib; 8 Cimi; 3 Ma-
nik.

These numbers hold good throughout the series.

Commencing with 13 Ix, the lowest day of the tenth column, lower
division, but first day of the series, and ending with 13 Akbal, the
bottom of the first column, middle series, the time embraced is 5
years, 1 month, 0 day, less 4 months and 11 days—that is, 4 years,
14 months, 9 days (years of 360 days being understood). This is
easily proved by counting on the calendar 4 years, 14 months, and 9
days from 13 Ix, as it brings us to 13 Akbal. If we add to this time
2 months and 2 days—the interval between 13 Akbal and 3 Chicchan
(top day of first column, middle division)—we have, as the entire
period embraced in the series as it stands—from 13 Ix (first of the
series) to 3 Chicchan (the last)—4 years, 16 months, 11 days. Add
to this 4 months and 11 days, in order to reach the day with which
the count begins, and we have as the entire period 4 years, 3 months,
2 days=5 years, 1 month, 0 day +2 months, 2 days. If we count
back 4 months and 11 days from 13 Ix (first of the series), we reach 1
Kan, the day to which the series is referred as its starting point.
Counting forward from this date 5 years, 3 months and 2 days brings
us to 3 Chicchan, the last day of the series.

It is worthy of notice that, although this series appears to be re-
ferred to Kan years, itis at variance with the idea of passing from one
to the other of the four year series, and is, moreover, based upon the
year of 360 days. The order in which it is to be read, which is true
also of some other pages, indicates that these extracts pertain to a
different original codex than those to which we have heretofore
alluded, a conclusion reached by Dr. Férstemann soon after he com-
menced the study of the Dresden manuscript.

I was for a time inclined to believe there was a break between
Plates 64 and 65, as there appeared to be no day columns with which

THOMAS. | SERIES ON PLATES 65 TO 773. 331

the lines of numerals running through Plates 65-69 could be connected,
but the fact that the sum of the black numbers in each is 91, precisely
the interval between the corresponding days of the columns in Plates
63 and 64, will probably warrant the conclusion that they are con-
nected with them. This conclusion is strengthened, so far as those
in the lower division are concerned, by the fact that by taking the
XIII attached to the lowest days of the columns the numbers prop-
erly succeed one another and the series conforms to the rule heretofore
given. As proof of this I give here the lower line of the lower divis-
ion, prefixing the XIII, thus: XIII; 9, 1X; 5, I; 1, 11; 10, XII; 6, V;
2 Wille iil, Wes 9 Xe 8}, JUS i). ip eh IDsés ZL IM pemie), DG MIE

Adding together the numbers and casting out the thirteens, thus,
XIII+9—13=1X; I[X+5—13=I, &c., the connection is seen to be
regular. The final red numeral is XIII, the same as that with which
the series begins, and the sum of the black numbers, 9, 5, 1, 10, 6,
2, 11, 7, 3, 12, 8, 4, 13, is 91, a multiple of 13. The middle line of
numerals also connects with the XIII attached to the bottom sym-
bols of the day columns; and the upper line of numerals connects
with the III attached to the top symbols of the day columns.

Plates 70 to 73 present some peculiarities difficult to account for.
That these pages belong to the same type as 62, 63, and 64 cannot be
doubted, and that as a general rule they are to be read from right to
left is easily proved; but this method does not seem to be adopted
throughout, the order being apparently reversed in a single series.

The aboriginal artist has apparently made up these pages from
two older manuscripts or changed and added to his original. The
last two columns of Plate 70 and first five of 71 appear to have been
thrust in here as an afterthought or as a fragment from some other
source, forming apparently no legitimate connection with the series
to either the right or to the left of them. It is true, as will be shown,
that there is some connection with the lowest series on the right, but
it would seem that advantage was here taken of accidental corre-
spondence rather than that this correspondence was the result of a
preconceived plan.

Commencing in the lower part of the middle division of Plate 73 and
running back (to the left) to the sixth column of 71 and returning to
the lower part of the lower division of 73 and ending with the sixth
column of 71, is the following series. The columns are given in the
order in which they stand on the respective plates, but the plates are
taken in reverse order:

332 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

TABLE XXIII.—Table giving comparison between Plates 71, 72, and 73.

First Second Third Fourth Fifth
column. column. column. column. column.

‘, { 16 13 9 6 Cle Uiscabsnrionad Haesscoticcor
Plate 73, middle 5 0 15 10 5
division. IV Caban.| IV Eb. |IV Manik.| vik. |1IVCaban.|............|..........--
First Second Third Fourth Fifth Sixth Seventh
column, column. column. column, column. column, column.
2 1 1 1 1 HUN Pell terscitepees
Plate 72, middle | 3 17 14 11 8 4 19
division. [ 0 15 10 5 0 15 10
IV Eb. IV Manik. IV Ik. IV Caban.| IV Eb. | IV Manik.| IV Ik.
Sixth Seventh
column, column,
NensooOCGoL| popsduckondss bndacuesance soancvaqacdollade sdnacedas 2 2
IDEAL se WHEY ere ncooncos pacorinos mcs hoocma omaci6|isanhootjoncs||sacsgn bunds 9 6
Cth sts() Hie Sull GC ogcrcomna:|lasob nooodoos bon acoesaosA keiearciascas| Wondocnad bg 10 5
Basen eeAee. Career aad Pacedcsoceaoc posodsenobas| pspoorddss a0 IV Ik. IV Caban.
First Second Third Fourth Fifth
column. column. column. column. column.
3. 3 2 PEF Nscoacicgosati suc oopnaatas
Plate 73, lower | 7 3 1 16 IPy WN ededooon aden |sarioss 33a0 ats
division. | 15 10 5 0 iG Weal sseepagenese| Sovesdben ast
TV Manik.| IV Ik. IV Caban.| IV Eb. (Vein bea) | errata tstersioros | ote Souspenicn
First Second Third Fourth Fifth Sixth Seventh
column, column, column, column. column, column. eolumn.
( 4 4 4 4 3 3 3
Plate 72, lower | 12 9 6 2 17 4 11
division. | 10 5 0 15 ay 5 0
t | IV Ik. IV Caban. IV Eb. | IV Manik. IV Ik. IV Caban. IV Eb.
Sixth Seventh ,
column. column.
sc enonbanora lapecoacartong| |Saacae scarrodllontacaduckpallnootaogn ce: 5 4
Plate 71, treet SnodaoRpDDoD AD oEoRBoOad esoGboncasad|lboan000n a|looooquendens 1 15
division. | Sat tea ek eea| Seeman ne rated | RPA Ma tales 3 x scotlnoceeo ected 0 15
ope sesame booooopaonns bosdccke Pa Goemooasea enossaenccor Mme N oem Abe mits.
|

The interval between the successive days, counting to the left, is
in each case 3 months and 5 days, corresponding with the num-
bers over IV Caban, fifth column, middle division, Plate 73. Com-

THOMAS. ] SERIES ON PLATES 71 TO 73. 329

mencing with this number and adding it successively, we obtain the
numbers over the various columns:
Years. Months. Days.

3 5 Over fifth column, middle division, Plate 73.
3 5
6 10 Over fourth column, middle division, Plate 73.
3 5
9 15 Over third column, middle division, Plate 73.
3 5
13 0 Over second column, middle division, Plate 73.
3 5
16 5 Over first column, middle division, Plate 73.
3 5
1 1! 10 Over seventh column, middle division, Plate 72.
3 5
1 4 15 Over sixth column, middle division, Plate 72.
3 5
1 8 0 Over fifth column, middle division, Plate 72.
3 5
1 11 5 Over fourth column, middle division, Plate 72.
3 5
1 14 10 Over third column, middle division, Plate 72.
3 5
1 17 15 Over second column, middle division, Plate 72.
3 5
2 3 0 Over first column, middle division, Plate 72.
3 5
2 6 5 Over seventh column, middle division, Plate 71.
3 5
2 9 10 Over sixth column, middle division, Plate 71.
3 5
2 12 15 Over fifth column, lower division, Plate 73.
3 5
2 16 0 Over fourth column, lower division, Plate 73."
3 5
3 1 5 Over third column, lower division, Plate 73.
3 5
3 4 10 Over second column, lower division, Plate 73.
3 Ti 15 Over first column, lower division, Plate 73.
3

lon

"Codex has 19, which is equivalent to 1 year and 1 month,

334 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

Years. Months. Days.
3 11 0 Over seventh column, lower division, Plate 72.

3 5

3 14 5 Over sixth column, lower division, Plate 72.
3 5

3 17 10 Over fifth column, lower division, Plate 72
3 5

7 3 15 Over fourth column, lower division, Plate 72.
3 5

4 6 0 Over third column, lower division, Plate 72.
3 5

yi 9 5 Over second column, lower division, Plate 72.
3 5

vi 2 10 Over first column, lower division, Plate 72.
3 5

a 15 15 Over seventh column, lower division, Plate 71.
3 5

& 1 0 Over sixth column, lower division, Plate 71.

It is worthy of notice that the sum of the series as expressed by
the final numbers is precisely that of the series on the middle and
lower divisions of Plates 63 and 64, heretofore given, and embraces
seven complete cycles of 13 months, or 260 days each. Counting back
three months and five days from 4 Caban (the day in the fifth column,
middle division, of Plate 73) we reach 5 Been as the starting point
of the series.

As there can be no doubt that the lines and days of the two divis-
ions form together one unbroken series, it is evident there is no con-
nection between that portion of it in the middle division and what
lies to the left of it in Plate 71; but there does appear to be, as before
indicated, some connection between the conclusion and what follows
tothe left in the lower portion of 71. The series which lies to the left
at this point is as follows:

TABLE XXIV.—Table showing relations of Plates 70 and 71.

¢ Plate 70. Plate 71.

5th colurnn. | 6th column. | 1st ioe. lea ae 3d column, {4th column. 5th column.|6th column.

6 5 2

1 1 ; 0 15 10 5

6 2 12 8 3 2 1

0 0 0 On 0 0 0
IV Eb. | IV Eb. INY ae IV Eb. | IV Eb. IV Eb. | IV Bb. {V Eb.

For the purpose of Gee the reader to see the relation more
clearly, the last column of the preceding series— sixth of the lower
division on Plate 71—is added at the right as it stands in the original.

THOMAS, ] SERIES ON PLATES 70 AND 71. 335

It is apparent that the figures in the fifth column of 71 are exactly
double those in the sixth column. This and the fact that the day
IV Eb is the same as those following are the only indications that
there is any connection between the series. Using the 5 years and 1
month as the common difference and adding, the result is as follows:

Years. Months. Days.

5 1 0 Sixth column, lower division, Plate 71.
5 1 0

10 2 0 Fifth column, lower division, Plate 71.
5 1 0

15 3 0 Fourth column, lower division, Plate 71.

At this point another change occurs: the former difference is added
to the last figures and the sum is doubled.

Twenty year periods. Years. Months. Days.
15 3

Third column lower division, Plate 71.

Second column, lower division, Plate 71.

First column, lower division, Plate 71.

Sixth column, lower division, Plate 70.

lecsolescleolesecolwoleos

es lesen |) eS ll eco Pesce |

0 Fifth column, lower division, Plate 70.

This series does not end at this point, but is continued in the lines
immediately above, which are as follows:

TABLE XXV.—Table showing relations between Plates 70 and 71.

Plate 70. Plate 71.

0 8(?) 15 13 10 | 9 7
XII
12 1 3 2 2 | 2 1
I
3 10 6 16 4 0 10

0 0 0 ?
IV Eb. IV Eb. IV Eb. TV Eb. IV Eb. IV Eb. IV Eb.

336 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

Adding the difference, 1, 0, 4, 0, to the final result of the preceding
addition we obtain the figures of the right hand column (fifth column,
Plate 71) of this series:

To obtain the figures of the fourth column this difference must be
doubled, thus:

7 1 10 0
2 0 8 0
9 2 0 0

To obtain the black numbers of the next (third) column, the lower
cipher symbol of which is wanting, we add the former difference:

9 2 0 0
1 0 4 0
10 2 4 0

This decrease in the difference is unusual and indicates some error.
This idea seems to be confirmed in the following way: In order to
obtain the numbers of the next (second) column it is necessary to
add three times the former difference, thus:

10 2 4 0
3 0 12 0
13 2 16 0 Second column, Plate 71.

If the increased difference, 2, 0, 8, 0, were retained after its appear-
ance the result would be as follows:

"i 1 10 0 Fifth column, Plate 71.
2 0 8 0
9 2 0 0 Fourth column, Plate 71.
2 0 8 0

11 2 8 0 Third column, Plate 71.
2 0 8 0

13 2 16 0 Second column, Plate 71.
2 0 8 0

15 3 6 0 First column, Plate 71.

Adding the difference, 2, 0, 8, 0, to the third column, Plate 71, thus:

we obtain the red numerals inserted in the third column. It is prob-
able that the original or some subsequent scribe, observing an error at

THOMAS. | SERIES ON PLATES 71 TO 73. 337

this point, inserted these figures as a correction. If so, he failed
to remedy the confusion apparent in this portion of the series. The
sum of the entire series is 303 years (360 days each) and six months,
equal to 420 cycles of 260 days.

I am strongly inclined to believe that this section and also pages
24 and 59 are interpolations by some aboriginal artist of a mathe-
matical turn and advanced ability in this direction, who has given
these high series more as curiosities than with reference to any spe-
cific dates or periods of time.

Commencing in the sixth column of Plate 71@ and running through
72a to the second column of 73a, is a numeral series which presents
some peculiarities that baffle all attempts at explanation. Contrary
to the rule which prevails in these pages it ascends from left to right
and has no day symbols connected with it. In addition to this, the
numbers of its lowest line are inclosed in loops of the form here
shown (Fig. 371) and have no apparent connection with the other

Fia. 371. Specimens of ornamental loops from page 72, Dresden Codex.

lines of the series, but, on the contrary, if taken from right to left,
they present in the order usually given the numbers of the ahaues or
katunes.’ It is as follows:

1 1 1 1 1 1 1
2 5 3} il) aR} al) 3 6 Galil ake 17

14 «8

2165910 él aley= ais 6 0 14 7(?) 2 XIV
ah ® @

SEOGD OH CSOD

The last (thirteenth) column of this series is not in a line with the
others, but is found in the lower part of the right hand column of
Plate 73, and in connection with it we find the red numerals IT and

' While reading the final proof I fortunately discovered what may prove to be the
correct explanation of the numbers in the loops.

At the commencement of the series on Plate 71 and at its close on Plate 73 we
observe the symbol of the day, 9 Ix. Starting from this date and counting forward
on the calendar two months and fourteen days, we reach 11 Lamat. This gives the
number in the first loop of the series. Two months and fourteen days more bring
us to 18 Ik, the number in the second loop; two months and fourteen days to 2 Cib,
the number in the third loop, and so on to the end. It is therefore probable that
the numerals in the loops indicate the week numbers of the days, though these are
usually expressed in red symbols.

6 ETH

99
An

338 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

XIV, denoting the difference between the columns, as is apparent
from the additions here given:
Years. Months. Days.

2 14 First or left hand column,
2 14
5 8 Second column.
2 14
8 2 Third column.
2 1?
10 16 Fourth column,
2 14
13 10 Fifth column. =~
2 14
16 cane! Sixth column
2 14
1 0 18 Seventh column.
2 14
4 8 2 Eighth column.
2 14
ci 6 6 Ninth column.
2 14
1 9 0 Tenth column.
2 14
1 11 14 Eleventh column.
2 14 :
1 14 8 Twelfth column.
2 14
i yy 2 Thirteenth column.

1The 7 in the twelfth column is an error; it should be 8, as an inspection shows
the place of the missing dot. The additions make it clear that the numbers of the
second line refer to months, those of the line below them to days, and those of the
jine above to years. The series is, therefore, apparently complete without the num-
bers inclosed in the loops.

CHAPTER II.
CONCLUSIONS.

The conclusions to be drawn from the foregoing discussion may be
briefly stated as follows:

First. That the codex in its present form is composite, being made
up from two or more different original manuscripts, as Dr. Férste-
mann has suggested.

Second. That a number of minor changes and additions have been
made by asubsequent hand, possibly after it had assumed its present
form.

Third. That the year referred to in the larger series is one of 360
days; also, that in instances of this kind the count is continuous,
and hence not consistent with the generally received idea of the
Maya calendar, in which the four year series forms a necessary part
of the system, unless some other method of accounting for the five
supplemental days can be discovered than that which has hitherto
been accepted.

Fourth. On the other hand, indications of the four year series are
certainly found in all of the Maya manuscripts; for example, in Plates
25-28 of the Dresden Codex and Plates XX-X XIII of the Manu-
script Troano,’ which seem to be based on this series; in fact, the
numbers attached to the days in the latter can be accounted for in no
other way. Plates 3-6 of the Cortesian Codex are apparently based
upon the same system. The numbers in the loops on Plates 71, 72,
and 73, Dresden Codex, heretofore alluded to and represented in Fig,

“371, apparently defy explanation on any supposition except that they

refer to the numbers of the ahaues, which are based upon the four
year series.” The frequent occurrence in connection and in proper
order of both the first and the terminal days of the year apparently
refers to the same system. Many of the quadruple series no doubt
relate to the four cardinal points and the four seasons; yet there are
some which cannot be explained on this theory alone.

It is impossible, therefore, to exclude this system from consideration
in studying the chronology of the codices, although there are a num-
ber of the numerical series of the Dresden manuscript which cannot
be made to fit into it on any hypothesis so far suggested. The same
thing is also found to be true in regard to some, in fact most, of the
series found in the Mexican manuscripts. This confusion probably
arises in part from the apparently well established fact that two

'See Study of the Manuscript Troano, by Cyrus Thomas.
*See note on page 337,

340 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

methods of counting time prevailed among both Mexicans and Mayas:
one, the solar year in ordinary use among the people, which may be
termed the vulgar or common calendar; the other, the religious calen-
dar used by the priests alone in arranging their feasts and ceremonies,
in which the cycle of 260 days was taken as the basis. But this sup-
position will not suffice as an explanation of some of the long series of
the Dresden Codex, in which the year of 360 days appears to have been
taken as a unit of measure, unless we assume —as Forstemann seems
to have done —that what have been taken as years are simply high
units and. counting the whole as so many days, refer the sum to the
cycle of 260 days, which will in almost every case measure them evenly
as a whole, or by its leading factor, 13. That the smaller series at-
tached to day columns are all multiples of 13 and referable to the
cycle of 260 days has been shown by Férstemann as well as in the
preceding part of this paper. But it is worthy of note that the diffi-
culty mentioned occurs only in reference to series found in that por-
tion of the Dresden manuscript which Férstemann has designated
Codex B (page 24 being considered as belonging thereto).

The red unit number symbol, with a circle of dots around it, seen
occasionally in the Manuscript Troano, seems to have some connec-
tion with the four year series. Take, for example, the one in the
lowest division of Plate VII.

The series commences in the lower right hand corner of Plate VIIT,
where the day column with which it is connected is found. The
days of this column, reading downward, are as follows: Ahau, Eb,
Kan, Cib, Lamat, and the number over them is I, but without any
dots around it, while the terminal I of the series is inclosed in the cir-
cle of dots. What is the meaning of this marked distinction? It is
evident that it is something which does not apply equally to all the
days of the columns; yet, as it is the terminal number, it must relate
to some one of them. If we examine the series carefully I think the
reason for the distinction will be explained. Written out in full, it is

as follows:
if
Ahau
Eb |}
Kan §
Cib
Lamat

10, XI; 10, VIII; 10, V; 10, II; 12[7], {.

The last black number is 10 in Brasseur’s fac simile, but should be
12. Making this correction, the series is regular and of the usual
form. Thesum of the black numbers is 52, which is the interval be-
tween the days, and the number over the column is the same as the
final red number.

If we turn now to the calendar (Table II) and select Ahau of the
Kan column, and 1, the seventeenth number of the eighth figure
column, and count 52 days, we reach 1 Eb, the second day of our
column as given above; 52 days more bring us to 1 Kan, the first

THOMAS. ] NUMERALS ENCIRCLED BY DOTS. 341

day of the first month in the calendar and third day of our column.
If the theory of the four year series be correct, then 1 Kan of the Kan
series must be the first day of the first year of an Indication or week
of years. This fact was probably considered by the aboriginal artist
of sufficient importance to give this day a mark of distinction. As it
is not possible for any of the other days of the column to be thus dis-
tinguished, it is fair to presume this peculiar marking of the final
number refers to Kan. Moreover, this distinction would not occur
if any other than the Kan series were used.

In the upper division of Plate IX of the same manuscript is the
following series:

XIIt

Men_ | : ek B :
Manik ; 20, VII; 20(1}; 1, I; 4, VI; 7, XIII.
Cauac

Chuen

Akbal

In this, I, the second red number of the series, has the circle of
dots around it. The number over the column is partially oblit-
erated, but is readily restored, and should be XIII.

If we select, on our calendar, the Cauac column, or series, a reason
for this distinction will appear. The sum of the black numbers is
52, which is also the interval between the days. As has heretofore
been shown, the red numbers of the series refer to certain days
selected by the priests, for special reasons unknown to us, which
occur between the days of the column.

In this case the intermediate days are as follows:

Between 13 Manik and 13 Cauac: 7 Manik, 1 Manik, 2 Lamat, and 6 Eb.
Between 13 Cauac and 13 Chuen: 7 Cauac, 1 Cauac, 2 Ahau, and 6 Kan.

Here we find the explanation for which we are seeking, as in the
interval between 13 Cauac and 13 Chuen is 1 Cauac, which, if the
Cauac column of the calendar be selected, is the first day of the
year 1 Cauac, the first year of an Indication. As this occurs only
when a year commencing with Cauac is selected, we infer that the
series is based upon the system with the four year series.

The best illustration of this peculiarity and the strongest evidence
of its signification is probably found in the series contained in the
middle division, Plate XI,same manuscript. This, when written out
and the numbers properly arranged, is as follows:

} 210)
Oc Ahau tee
Cib Cimi b, RA Vireo Visio ek he, Nels Avis 9) (2) Ly.
Ik Eb
Lamat Ezanab
Ix Kan

The last black number of the series is 9, but should be 10 to render
the series complete. Making this correction, the series is of the usual
type; the sum of the black numerals is 26, the interval between the

342 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES,

days of the columns is 26, and the final red numeral is the same as
that over the columns. :

Asthe circle of dots is around the final red number and also around
each of these over the columns, the distinction indicated must refer
to one or more days of each column.

As the last days only of the columns are year bearers, the mark of
distinction probably applies to them. Selecting for the left hand col-
umn the Ix series of years and commencing with 1 Oc, the seven-
teenth day of the eighth month, we count 26 days. This brings us to
1 Cib, the third day of the tenth month, or tenth figure column of our
calendar and second day of the first day column of the series; 26 days
more to 1 Ik; 26 more to 1 Lamat, and 26 more to 1 Ix, the first day
of the year 1 Ix, which, according to the four year series, will be the
first year of an Indication. Selecting the Kan series for the second
column and counting in the same way from 1 Ahau, the seventeenth
day of the eighth month, or eighth figure column of the calendar, the
last day is found to be 1 Kan, the first day of the year 1 Kan, which
must also be the first year of an Indication.

Unit numerals marked in this manner are found in two or three
places in the Cortesian Codex, but there is none in the Dresden Co-
dex. The series with which they are connected in the former, except
that in the middle division of Plate 24, are too much obliterated to
be traced throughout. This, by making two slight and apparently
authorized corrections, is as follows:

D
Cimi ) Be, fa: : As rf
Reanab \ ADS, RT (2) aXe 6s = Bs Nair) Wie Ole

Ik
Ix

The first red numeral of the line is X in the original and the next to
the last black number is 6. By changing the former to XII and the
latter to 7 the sum of the series will be 52, which is the interval between
the days of the column.

Using the Ix column in the calendar and commencing with 1 Cini,
counting as heretofore, the last day of the column of the series is
found to be 1 Ix, the first day of the year 1 Ix and the first year of an
Indication, according to the four year system.

A somewhat remarkable confirmation of the theory here advanced
is presented in a series found in the middle division of Plate IT of the
Manuscript Troano.

The series, when written out with the substitutes heretofore used,
is as follows:

fit (DP)
Manik Ymix )
Men (?) Been =O Xess Hie Te
Chuen Chicchan \
Akbal Caban

Men Mulue

THOMAS ] NUMERALS ENCIRCLED BY DOTS. 343

In Brasseur’s fac simile the second symbol of the left hand column
is clearly that for Men. If this be accepted as correct, then no year
bearer (Kan, Mulue, Ix, Cauac) would be found in either column and
the theory we have advanced regarding the signification of the dots
around the red unit over the column would fall to the ground. Nor
is this the only difficulty we meet with in attempting to apply the
theory to this series. The sum of the black numbers is 26, which
should also be the interval between the days of the columns. Count-
ing 26 days from 1 Manik brings us to 1 Been instead of 1 Men; 26
more to 1 Cauac, a day not found in either column as given in the
original. Taking the second column and counting 26 days from 1
Ymix, we reach 1 Manik, instead of 1 Been. This gives us the key
to the series and solves the riddle. We must commence with 1 Ymix,
then take 1 Manik, then 1 Been, and so on, going alternately from
column to column.

Adopting this method and using the Cauac column of our calendar,
Table II, the result is as follows: Commencing with 1 Ymix, the third
day of the tenth figure column, and counting 26 days, we reach 1
Manik; 26 days more bring us to 1 Been, and 26 more to 1 Cauac, the
first day of the first year of an Indication. The 1 Men of the left
hand column should therefore be 1 Cauac, which is also proved by
counting the intervals, without regard to the week numbers. For
example, from Ymix to Been is 12 days, from Been to Chicchan 12
days, from Manik to Cauac 12 days, and so on through each column.
Or, if we take the columns alternately, the interval is six days, thus:
From Ymix to Manik, 6 days; from Manik to Been, 6 days; from Been
to Cauac, 6 days; from Cauac to Chuen, 6 days, and so on to the end.

Although the proof is not absolutely conclusive that these red unit
numerals have this mark of distinction for the reason given, it never-
theless furnishes what would seem to be a satisfactory explanation,
and, if so, affords proof that the calendar system, based upon the four
year series, was in vogue when the Manuscript Troano and the Co-
dex Cortesianus were written.

This mark of distinction is found in a strange and unusual relation
in the lower division of Plate XV, Manuscript Troano. The first red
numeral of the series is given thus :

Fic, 372. Numeral character from the lower division of Plate XV, Manuscript Troano,

Most of the day and about half of the numeral symbols are oblit-
erated, but all that are necessary for present purposes remain distinct
and uninjured, as follows :

DE ) —
Ix -10, XIUT.
Cini

344 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

Judging by these and the few numbers remaining, the entire series
was as follows :
Til,
Ix
Ck \ 10, XII: 4, IV; 20, XI; 9, VII; 9, IIL.
zanab |
Oc
Ik )

The only doubt in reference to the restoration is whether the second
and third pairs of numerals should be as given, or 2, II, and 22, XI.
If we select the Kan column of our Table II and count from 3 Ix of
the eleventh figure column, we reach 13 Kan. If the four year series
was the system used 13 Kan might be the first day of a year, but not
the first day of an Indication. As this is the only day referred to by
the XIII which could have been the first of a year we must seek an
explanation in something else. Counting ten days from 3 Ezanab
will bring us to 13 Lamat, which is the last day (counting the five
added days) of an Indication, commencing with the year 1 Kan and
ending with the year 13 Kan.

According to my theory of the ahaues,’ the year 13 Kan would have
corresponded with the Gregorian years 1376, 1428, 1480, and 1532.
According to the theory advanced by Perez,’ it would have corre-
sponded with 1385, 1437, 1489, and 1541.

It is therefore possible that this mark of distinction may be of
some value in determining the relation of the Maya to the Gregorian
calendar.

1See Table XVII, Study of the Manuscript Troano, by Cyrus Thomas, p. 44.
*See Table XVIII, ibid., p. 45.

CHAPTER III
THE WRITING.

It must be admitted that none of the attempts made at decipher-
ing the writing in these manuscripts has proved entirely satisfactory;
in fact there is still some doubt as to whether any of the characters
are truly phonetic; nevertheless it is believed that what is here shown
will tend to lessen this doubt. It must be conceded, however, notwith-
standing these drawbacks and difficulties, that some material prog-
ress has been made towards a better understanding of its type and of
the nature of the characters.

The direction in which it is to be read must of course be deter-
mined before any progress can be made in deciphering it. This was,
until recently, a matter of speculation, but now may be considered
settled. As this has been explained’ it is unnecessary to repeat that
explanation here.

A certain parallelism in the sentences or groups of characters has
also been discovered. Attention was first called to this by me in the
work referred to, but is more fully explained by Dr. P. Schellhas in
his paper entitled ‘‘ Die Mayahandschrift der kéniglichen Bibliothek
zu Dresden.” It will readily be understood from a single illustra-
tion. Take for example the lower division of Plate XV of the Manu-
script Troano (see Study Ms. Troano). Omitting from consideration
the numerals and the day column at the left, there are here two short
columns on the left and two on the right over the animal figures,
and three longer columns between. As explained in the work re-
ferred to, the short columns are to be read as lines from left to right
and the longer columns separately, from the top downward. There
are, in all, five groups or sentences, each containing four compound
characters. Representing these by letters, repeating those which in-
dicate similar characters, and arranging as in the plate, the result is
as follows:

oa ae et mt
b a h | l m w a |
r n @ | @ a r s |
| |
—— og Bh 7 | r 7 as
|
| Pp | k t

In this case the characters represented by a and r are repeated in
each group and in the same relation to the other characters. It is

See Chapter VI, Study of the Manuscript Troano, by Cyrus Thomas.

345

346 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

apparent, therefore, that each group is to be read separately, and, as
each repeats in part what is given in the others, it is more than prob-
able that they are simply short formulas to be repeated in certain
religious ceremonies. This parallelism, though not always so appar-
ent as in the case presented, is nevertheless found running through
all the codices. The advantage to the attempts at decipherment
which results from this fact is evident, as it will often justify the
restoration of blurred or obliterated characters, and, what is of still
more importance, will enable the investigator to test his conclusions
by comparing the different characters and pictures with which they
are associated.

Although it appears to be well settled that, as a rule, the writing,
when in lines, is to be read from left to right—the lines following
each other downward and the columns to be read from the top down-
ward, but the groups, as before explained, to be read separately—it
does not follow that the growps succeed one another from left to
right. This has generally been taken for granted, but there are
some reasons to doubt the correctness of this conclusion as regards a
number of plates and possibly one entire codex.

The facts that the lines of numerals attached to the day columns
extend to the right and that the written characters, when in lines,
follow one another in the same direction lead us to infer that the
groups and pictures follow one another in the same order, but the
apparent movement of the latter towards the left would seem to
indicate that they follow one another in th7¢s direction. This infer-
ence appears to be confirmed by the following evidence: As is well
known, the plates of the Manuscript Troano are to be taken in re-
verse order to the paging. Turning to Plate II, we observe in the mid-
dle department of the middle division a bound captive or victim, on
whose neck a machete is descending to sever the head from the
trunk. Turning to Plate III, which properly stands to the left of
Plate II, we see a headless trunk covered with blood and the fatal
machete near the neck. It is fair to presume that this is the same
individual that is figured in the preceding plate, and, if so, that the
pictures follow one another toward the left.

Placing Plates XV* and XVI* of the same manuscript in the
proper relation to each other and carefully examining the figures in
the second division, we notice that the idol heads which the artisans
are carving approach completion as we move toward the left, those
in Plate XV * and the right hand one in X VI* being simply blocked
out, while the middle one in the latter plate is completely rounded
and is receiving the second ornamental line and the one at the left
hand is receiving the third and final line.

The female figures in the second division of Plate XIX * indicate
the same order, as shown by the increasing girth as we proceed
toward the left.

THOMAS. | SIGNIFICATION OF THE CHARACTERS. 347

The same order appears to be indicated in numerous places by the
symbols of the cardinal points inserted in the text, as they (suppos-
ing the conclusion as to their assignment in my ** Notes on certain
Maya and Mexican manuscripts,” accepted by Drs. Forstemann and
Schellhas, to be correct) follow one another in the proper order if
read towards the left, to wit, south, east, north, west.

As the writing over each figure, consisting usually of four com-
pound characters, appears to refer to that over which it is placed, it
follows that these character groups must be taken in the same order
as the pictures. The suggestions on this point are presented here
more as proper subjects of investigation by students of American
paleography than as fixed conclusions of the writer. If found to be
justified by the facts, they will furnish some additional aid in the
work of deciphering these manuscripts.

SIGNIFICATION OF THE: CHARACTERS.

As Landa’s alphabet has so far proved useless as an aid in deci-
phering these manuscripts, our only hope of accomplishing this end
is by long and careful study of these records and laborious compar-
isons of characters and the relations in which they stand to one
another and to the figures.

Some discoveries made while preparing this paper for the press,
which are mentioned further on, may possibly give us the key to the
method used by Landa in forming his alphabet, and, if so, will prob-
ably furnish some slight additional aid in our investigations.

The direction in which the writing is to be read having been ascer-
tained, our next step is to determine by comparison the probable sig-
nification of as many characters as possible before discussing the
question of phoneticism. The relation of the characters to the pic-
torial representations forms our chief reliance in this branch of the
investigation.

Asa commencement in this work and as a basis for further at-
tempts in the same direction, attention is now called to some char-
acters, other than the day and month symbols, whose signification
seems to be satisfactorily determined. As there is still some differ-
ence of opinion as to the assignment of the symbols of the cardinal
points they are also omitted from the list. M. Léon de Rosny has
given, as a supplement to his edition of the Cortesian Codex, a list
of characters with their supposed signification. It is not my inten-
tion to discuss here the merits of this vocabulary, although I shall
avail myself of so much found therein as appears to warrant ac-
ceptance.

The question of phoneticism will not be considered in connection
with the list, as the subject will be briefly discussed at the close, the
only object in view in giving the list being to indicate the significa-

348 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES,

tion of the characters alluded to. The Maya names appended are
therefore to be understood simply as the supposed names applied to
them or the objects they denote.

SYMBOLS OF ANIMALS &C,

Kal. The symbol for the number 20. Found in all of the codices and

= explained in the preceding portion of this paper.
a
No. 1

ZY The symbol for 0 (nought), always red. Found only in the Dresden Co-
dex and always in the numeral series.

Kin. Sun, and probably dayalso. It isnot known positively that it
has this signification except in connection with the equatorial
cardinal point symbols and the symbol of the month Yaxkin; yet
it is reasonable to suppose it has.

7
=
i

Aae or Ac. A turtle. That this symbol as shown in a and 6

O{ ZF) e denotes the turtle is conclusively proved by its resemblance to
the head of that animal, as figured in the Cortesian Codex (see

Fig. 373) and its relation to these figures. Found only in this
codex, unless two doubtful symbols on Plate XXV*, Manu-

P % script Troano, are to be considered as variants.
FB =
a ad Fic. 373. Turtle from the Cortesian Codex.
There can be no doubt that Landa’s 4, an exact copy
No. 4. of which is given in the margin, in both varieties, c

and d, is nothing more nor less than this symbol; for, in addition to

the very close general resemblance, we see in it the eye and the dot

indicating the nostril. This fact is important, as it gives us some

clew to the method adopted by Landa in forming his alphabet.

Uech. Symbolor head of the armadillo of Yucatan. Appears but
once or twice and in the Manuscript Troano only. (See Study of
the Manuscript Troano, by Cyrus Thomas, pp. 98 and 145).

Wood. (See Study of the Manuscript Troano, by Cyrus Thomas,

et A i: Ae

THOMAS. | SIGNIFICATION OF THE CHARACTERS. 349

Cab. Earth, soil; also honey. (See Study of the Manuscript
G32 Troano, by Cyrus Thomas, p. 150.)

No. 7.

Piz. Stone or stone heap. (See Study of the Manuscript Troano,
by Cyrus Thomas, p. 144). The Maya name of the thing indicated
is uncertain, though I am inclined to believe Piz, as given in the
work alluded to, is correct.

No. 8

U. The left symbol of this figure appears to stand for vase, and
is also used to indicate a pronoun or article when joined to an-

other symbol, as here shown. (See op. cit., p. 145.)
No. 9.
f Xicim. The ear. Rosny, Vocabulaire hiératique, No. 185.

No. 10.
Hau. The quarter of a deer. Usually represented as an offering to
] the gods: in all the manuscripts.

@ee®
No. 11. 7
= S ee Tkilcab. The bee. Although the figure bears a
much stronger resemblance to a beetle than toa
bee, there can be no longer any doubt that Bras-
seur’s supposition that it represents a bee is cor-
rect.

Honey in the comb. (See Study of the Manuscript Troano, by
Cyrus Thomas, Fig. 20); in the Manuscript Troano only, and
always in red.

Xamach or Chimix. A vessel. Thissymbol, found in all the codices,
is apparently explained by its use in the upper division of Plate
27, Cortesian Codex, where it stands over each of four vessels

or jars of the form represented in Fig. 374.

No. 14.

(@)
NM

Fig. 374. Jar from the Cortesian Codex.

350 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

This conclusion is greatly strengthened by the fact that the only
other symbols in this connection are those of the cardinal points, one
to each vessel. These figures are probably intended to denote here
the four sacred vessels or amphoree of the Bacab, though not sur-
mounted, as Brasseur supposed, by human or animal figures.

The symbol appears to be used also in the ordinary sense, or at
least to signify other vessels than the sacred four, if we may judge
by its frequent repetition in Plate XIV, Manuscript Troano, But it
is worthy of notice that here also, in both the middle and lower
divisions, four of the symbols are connected with the cardinal point
symbols ; there is also in the former the figure of a vessel.

If this identification be correct it is important, as it has a strong
bearing on the question of phoneticism. It will be observed that,
although the right hand member resembles closely the symbol of the
day Ymix, there are some differences, as may be seen by
comparison. In the former the little figure at the top
is divided as in Kan, and on each side of it there is a
large dot, usually, and apparently by intention, circular
or hollow. These differences are permanent in the different codices.

In the upper division of Plates X and XI, Manuscript Troano,
where this symbol appears in connection with each of the four cardi-
nal symbols, that relating to the east presents this remarkable varia-
tion :

?) A conventional figure of sprouting maize, never inserted in the
text, but frequently in the Manuscript Troano and in the Peresian
Codex made a part of the head gear of figures of deities, in which
case the Kan symbol is generally omitted.

tended, as Dr. Schellhas supposes, to indicate the field
or milpa in which the corn is growing, but the grain
from which the plant is springing. (On this subject
see Study of the Manuscript Troano, by Cyrus Thomas,
pp. 105 and 107.)

(
aal
ioe
The Kan symbol in this connection cannot be in-
NX
re
b

No. 15.
(2?) Symbol of a worm which gnawed the roots of the growing agave
rp or maguey; appears but once, on Plate XXIXc of the Manuscript
Troano.
No. 16.

The animal head and teeth show the erroneous idea the natives
had of the gnawing apparatus of insects. The worm is shown on
the next page in Fig. 375.

THOMAS. | SIGNIFICATION OF THE CHARACTERS. 3551

Fie. 375. Worm and plant from Manu- Fic. 376. Figure of a woman from the
Seript Troano. Dresden Codex.
s258 Chuplal. Woman or female. This symbol is found in the Dresden
S and Troano Codices, but most frequently in the former. The ap-
“No. 17, pendage at the right is sometimes wanting, and occasionally that
at the left, but when this is the case some other prefix is generally
substituted.

If we examine carefully Plates 16-20 of the Dresden Codex, where
this symbol is most frequently repeated, and compare it with the
heads of the females there figured, it soon becomes apparent that the
scrolls with the heavy black dot are intended to denote the locks of
hair and that the symbol as a whole is, as usual, a modified or con-
ventional form of the head (see Fig. 376).

Otoch. A house or dwelling, or Tabay; a hut or hunting lodge.
EB The symbol marked a is found in the Cortesian Codex on Plate
29: that marked 6, on Plates 29, 32, and 34, same codex, and on
Plates XVI* and XXII* of the Manuscript Troano. The one

marked ¢ is the usual form in the latter, as on Plates V*, VII*,
and X*. It isalso on Plate 28 of the Dresden Codex.

The relation of these symbols to the conventional

figures of houses or huts inserted at the points where

¢ they are found, together with the form, which shows

No. 18. an attempt to represent the thatched or leaf covered
roof, leaves no doubt that they are used for the purpose indicated.

‘Buk (2). There are good and, it is believed, satisfactory reasons for
concluding that these symbols are intended to denote the action of

a whirling a stick to preduce fire or rolling a pestle in grinding paint.
The first, marked a, is found only on Plate XTX of the Manuscript
Troano, and the second, on Plates 5 and 6 of the Dresden Codex.

A copy of part of Plate XTX of the Manuscript Troano
» is introduced here (see Fig. 377) to show the relation of
Ni the figures to the characters. If this interpretation be
correct, we see here an evident attempt on the part of the

No. 19. tee ; gec ;
aboriginal artist to indicate by the symbol the action nec-

AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

0
990 as, Bis re

THOMAS. | SIGNIFICATION OF THE CHARACTERS. 353

essary in the work to be performed. It is probably a conventional
sign, and not a phonetic character.

(?) In all probability one of the symbols used to denote the act of

2,90 . . a] . . : .
oS walking or taking steps. Found but seldom in this particular form,
~ : : : .
though each portion occurs frequently alone or in other combina-
tions.
No. 20.

A remarkable series of figures and written characters runs through
the lower division of Plates 65 to 69 of the Dresden Codex, apparently
devoted entirely to the representation of incidents in the life of the
culture hero Kukulcan, or deity mentioned on a subsequent page as
the ‘“‘long nosed god” or ‘‘god with the snake-like tongue,” or to
ceremonies to be performed in honor of this deity. Over the figure
are three lines of written characters, as shown in Fig. 378, which

Fic. 378. Copy of lower division of Plate 65, Dresden Codex.

is a copy of the lower division of Plate 65. These, as is readily seen,
are in groups, one group of six compound characters over each figure
of the god. There are thirteen figures of the god and thirteen of
these groups of characters in the series. The characters of a group,
as may be seen by reference to the figure, are arranged in the follow-
ing manner:

a b
faa d |
|

€ f

6 ETH 23 a

254 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

to be read (presumably) in the alphabetic order of the letters given;
though the order in which they are to be read is not essential at
present. Examining the series carefully we find that the first char-
acter of each group corresponding with @ in the above diagram is the
same throughout. The same thing is true in reference to the third,
or that occupying the place of ¢ in the diagram, which is the symbol
of the deity: The sixth, or that corresponding with fin the diagram,
is also the same throughout the series; the fifth, corresponding with
e, issubstantially the same throughout, though subject to more varia-
tions thanany of the other characters. It follows, therefore, that the
chief and almost the only differences in the readings of the groups
are to be found in the second and fourth characters, or those repre-
sented by band d in the above diagram; the others (at least those rep-
resented by a, c,and f), if referring at all to the figures, must relate
to something found in or applicable to each. The third (c), as stated,
is the symbol of the deity and corresponds in the text with the figure
of the godin the pictures. As this deity figure is the only thing found
in all of the representations, we must seek for the explanation of the
other two permanent characters in something else than whatis figured.

Comparing the second character (b) of each group with that upon
which the god is seated or standing, we find sufficient evidence to sat-
isfy us that this symbol is the one which is used throughout to indi-
cate this object. For example, the second symbol in the group on
Plate 69 is an exact copy of the object on which the deity is seated.
The same thing is substantially true of that in the left hand group of
Plate 66, the middle group of 67, and the right hand group of 68.

Assuming, on account of the remarkable regularity of this series
and the fact that the deity is in each case seated or standing on some-
thing, that this rule holds good throughout, we have a clew to those
corresponding symbols which are not simple copies of the things they
are used to indicate.

Turning to Fig. 378, we observe in the right hand department the
marks of footsteps under the deity and the character shown in the
margin (No. 20) as the second of the group above the deity. It is
worthy of notice that in the two we find precisely Landa’s two char-
acters for the letter B. Is it possible that the two principal parts of
this compound character denote the Maya words oc be, ‘*foot jour-
ney” or ‘enters upon the journey”? Attention will be called to this
further on, but it is proper to state here that as the prefix is found in
three other corresponding characters it cannot be a necessary part of
that which represents the footsteps in this case.

B)s 6 Assuming the theory above given as to the characters in the inscrip-

(Seaa tion which represent the things under the deity figures to be correct, the

= second character in the middle group of the lower division of Plate 65,

No. 21. Shown in Fig. 378, will be the symbol for the substance represented by
scrolls under the figure of the deity.!

' Unfortunately the scrolls were overlooked in preparing the cut.

THOMAS. | SIGNIFICATION OF THE CHARACTERS. 355

The prefix in this case is the same as that to the symbol above de-
scribed (No. 20), and of course has the same signification. The other
portion of No. 21 must therefore represent the substance in which the
god is walking. This appears to be dust, sand, or mud.

: Cacauak or cacauche. The wild or cultivated cacao. Found a
a@ number of times in the Dresden Codex, sometimes as represented

~ in the marginal figure a and sometimes as in ¢c,and always in

connection with figures holding in the hand a fruit of some kind.

(Brees 0 It appears once in the Cortesian Codex (Plate 36), as shown in

(oy b, in connection with a fruit of precisely the same kind as that

SUT TT figured in the Dresden Codex. It is found also on Plate X VITI*

mMnTey A of the Manuscript Troano, but is apparently used here to denote
rons an action.

No. 22.

There can be little, if any, doubt, judging by the figures in connec-
tion with which it is found, that this symbol is used in the Dresden
and the Cortesian Codices to denote the cacao. Whether it refers: to
the tree or to the fruit is uncertain; possibly the different forms in
which it is found are intended to denote these distinctions. In some
of the figures the capsule appears to be indicated; in others the seed.
The prefix to figure ¢ apparently indicates the heaping or piling up
of the fruit on the dish held in the hands of the individuals figured
in the same connection, as, for example, on Plates 12 and 13 of the
Dresden Codex. If this supposition be correct it gives us a key to the
signification of this prefix. Reference to its use in the upper divis-
ion of Plate X VIII*, Manuscript Troano, will be made further on.

In this symbol we find another of Landa’s letters, and, if phonetic,
agreeing precisely with his interpretation.

Ekbalam according to Rosny. The variety marked a is found twice
in the Manuscript Troano, Plates XVI and XVII, and that marked
a bonce in the Dresden Codex, Plate 8, each time in connection with a
spotted, leopard-like animal.
a rand The black markings on the symbols render it probable
pug t} that Rosny’s interpretation is correct. The numeral be-
fore the first form may possibly be explained by the fact
that this symbol is used once (Manuscript Troano, Plate
XIT) to indicate the day Ix.

orm Moo. The ara,a large species of parrot. This symbol is found but
aA
&

No. 23.

once, and that in Plate 16c, Dresden Codex, in connection with the
bird shown in Fig. 379.

No. 4,

Fic, 379. The moo or ara from Plate 16, Dresden Codex,

356 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

The conclusion in this case is based on the following evidence: In
this series there are six groups of characters, four compound charac-
ters in each group, arranged as in the annexed diagram:

| a b e ad | g h i m 7)
C d ¢ if c d c n | b

1 2 3 k c | c

1 l | Pp

Similar characters in the different groups are represented by the
same letter; for example, the symbol for woman, heretofore shown
(No. 17), is represented by ¢, and an unknown character by d._ Dif-
ferent letters represent different symbols. It is apparent that we
have here the parallelism heretofore spoken of and are justified in
basing conclusions on this fact.

At 1, 2, and 3 are female figures with a bird in each case perched
on the back. At a is the head of a bird, evidently the symbol of
the bird on the female below; at 7, in the fourth group, is precisely
the same symbol as the one found in the same relative position in the
middle division of Plate 17 over another bird, and at m, in the fifth
group, is another bird’s head. From these facts we conclude that the
first symbol in each of these groups denotes a bird, and, as no two are
alike, that they refer to different species, the one at g corresponding
with symbol No. 24, the bird beneath being the great parrot or ara.
Other facts, derived from a careful study of the various groups of
this portion of the codex, which would require much space and nu-
merous illustrations to explain, lead to the same belief.

According to this conclusion, the following symbols also denote
birds, probably of the species here indicated.

. Icim? The horned owl. This is represented by a in the first group
: WeSS in the above diagram.

No. 35. The bird in the figure under the group, although
horned, bears but slight resemblance to an owl; yet, comparing the
marks on the tail with those of two of the birds on Plate X VIII* of
the Manuscript Troano, I think the interpretation is justified.

Kukuitz? The Quetzal. The symbol is apparently incomplete, but
the bird figured under it justifies this conclusion. This symbol is
represented by e in the above diagram.

No, 26.

If this interpretation be correct, we find in this symbol another of
Landa’s letters.

THOMAS. | SIGNIFICATION OF THE CHARACTERS. 357

SS — Kuch, A vulture or bird of prey much like the sopilote. These
=e, a xs 5
. 1 two symbols (a and b) appear to refer to the same bird, evi-

LO Sean!
Qzy dently a vulture. (See Manuscript Troano, Plates XVILaand

XXVI*a.) The first form (a) is found but once (Manuscript
Troano, Plate XVII qa), the other at several points, both in the
= Manuscript Troano and the Dresden Codex, and is represented
Q, b ee ecdinpidinen
= by m in the preceding diagram.
No. 27. If this determination be correct, the first of these
symbols (a) is probably phonetic and agrees with the interpretation
of No. 26.

C IetD Chom, Xchom, or Hefiom. The sopilote or vulture. Found only in

? Plates 16 and 17, Dresden Codex. The bird figure in Plate 17 ap-
pears to be intended to representa vulture. The symbol corresponds
No. 28. to 7 in the preceding diagram.

If phonetic, the word indicated should, according to Landa’s alpha-
bet, be aspirated, which is found to be true of one of the forms given
by Perez.

In certain series of the Dresden Codex, which appear to relate to
the four year series or to the four seasons, especially those on Plates
29-31, a certain class of food animals seems to be assigned to each.
The four following symbols are those used to express this idea :

as Ceh? The symbol for game quadrupeds. The same idea appears to be
a) indicated by the folded and tied quarter of a deer, as shown in No.

11. The head shown in the symbol is probably intended for that
of the deer, though more like that of the rabbit.

Cutz or Cax. The symbol for game birds, the head being probably that
of the wild turkey (Cutz or Ahcutz). ;

Huh. The symbol for food reptiles or the iguana.
As the Kan figure is admitted to be a maize or bread sym-
bol, it is readily seen that the object in view in connecting
No. 31. it with the animal figures is to indicate that they are used
for food, and hence are proper offerings to the gods, which is equiva-
lent to saying, to the priests.

Cay. The symbol for food fishes, or fishes in general, though as often
ed on the Kan symbol or without any suffix.

SF of the Dresden Codex, in place of the bird symbol No. 30 is that shown

in symbol No. 33. It probably has, as Rosny supposes, the same signifi-

No. 33. cation, a supposition which is strengthened by the fact that it is found

in the bird series on Plates 16e and 17¢, same codex, and is represented by o in the
preceding diagram.

she Cutz or Cax. In one of the two series of these food symbols, in Plates 29-31
yx
=
Al

358 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

SYMBOLS OF DEITIES.

Ekchuah. Thesymbol or hieroglyph of the deity named ‘* Ekchu-
ah” by the Mayas and considered the patron and protector of ped-
dlers or traveling merchants (Fig. 380).

No. 34

Fic. 380. The god Ekchuah, after the Troano and Cortesian Codices.

The signification of the name of this deity is ‘‘The Black Cala-
bash.” The form and the shading of the symbol render it more than
probable that it is a conventional representation of a divided or
halved black calabash or gourd, cut for the purpose of forming it
into a cup or dipper, which, in this form, is considered a symbol of
this deity.

The evidence’upon which this determination is based is that the
symbol constantly accompanies the red mouthed, black deity. It is
found, with a single exception, only in the Manuscript Troano, and
chiefly in Plates II to V, relating to the traveling merchants. The
single exception alluded to is on Plate 15 0f the Cortesian Codex;
here the god bears upon his back the traveling pack, indicating the
vocation of which he is the special guardian.

It occurs unconnected with the figure of the deity only on Plates
[X*, XIV*, XV*, and XX V* of the Manuscript Troano. In the
last the figure of the god is in the same division, but in the adjoining
compartment. In Plate XV* it apparently refers to the idol the
priest is carving, which is probably a black one intended to represent
this god. Landa," speaking of the artists carving idols from wood,
Says :

They took also that which they used for scarifying their ears and drawing blood
from them, and also the instruments which they needed for sculpturing their black
divinities.

Its appearance in Plate XIV* is apparently in connection with the

'Relacion de las cosas de Yucatan, p. 308.

THOMAS. | SYMBOL OF THE LONG NOSED DEITY. 359

ceremonies relating to the manufacture of idols. Neither the sym-
bol nor the god it represents is to be found in the Dresden Codex.

Kukulcan. (?) This is the symbol of the long nosed god, which
Dr. Schellhas designates ** the god with the snake-like tongue,”
of which representations appear so frequently in the different
codices (see Fig. 381).

The snake-like appendages hanging from the side
of the mouth may possibly be intended to represent
a curved fang rather than part of a divided tongue.
A remarkable figure on Plate 72 of the Borgian

Codex deserves special notice here. This is the
No. 35. representation of a deity supposed by Kingsborough

and others to be Quetzalcoatl, in which the head is as represented

Fic. 381. The long nosed god (Kukulcan) or ** god with the snake-like tongue.”

in Fig. 382. Here we see both tongue and fang, and also an eye
precisely of the form found in the Maya symbol.

Whether Kukulcan is the god indicated is uncertain, unless he is
identical with the long nosed god, or Maya Tlaloc, so frequently
figured in the Manuscript Troano and the Cortesian Manuscript. It
is only necessary to compare the figures on Plates 2 to5 of the latter
codex with the long nosed, green figures of Plates XX VI, XX VII,
XXIX, XXX, and XXXI of the former to be convinced that they
represent the same deity, and that this is the Maya Tlaloe or rain
god, whatever may be the name by which he was known.

As the symbol which accompanies these is the same as that found in

260 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

connection with the ‘‘snake tongued,” long nosed god of the Dresden
Codex, there is no doubt that the same deity is referred to. It is
en of notice in this connection that Plates 29-41 of the Dresden
Codex, which are devoted almost exclusively to this deity, refer very
largely to water, the god being figured in connection with water no less
than twenty-eight times. He is also twice colored black, probably to
symbolize the dark rain cloud, and twice blue, denoting water. It
is therefore fair to conclude that the author of this codex consid-

ered him the giver of rain.

Fia. 382. Copy of head from the Borgian Codex (Quetzalcoatl).

The following reasons given by Dr. Schellhas for supposing that
the deity indicated is Kukulcan apparently justify his conclusion,
though it is possible some other name may have been applied to him:

He is represented in all the manuscripts, and far more frequently than any other
deity. His characteristic marks are always unmistakable. An entire section of the
Dresden Codex, pp. 29-43, and pp. 1 and 2, belonging thereto, treat almost exclu-
sively of this god, and wherever he is pictured there we also find his name hiero-
glyph. He is always characterized by the double, snake-like tongue hanging from
his mouth and by the peculiar eye, two marks that are never absent, how nu-
merous and varied soever may be his representations, his symbols, and attributes.
We also find him with torches in his hands as symbols of fire; he sits on water; he
stands or sits in water or in falling rain; he rides in a boat; he appears in company
with a fish as symbol of water or in company of a bird’s head as symbol of the at-
mosphere, upon the day sign Cab as symbol of the earth, sitting, with the ax

THOMAS. | SYMBOL OF THE GOD OF DEATH. 361

(machete) in his hand, with arrows or spears, with a scepter, and finally, also, with
the body of a snake. Considering the immense variety of this god’s representa-
tions and the numerous symbols of power in the various elements which the deity
rules, we may well be justified in assuming that there are indications here of one of
the most important figures in Maya mythology, with one of the principal deities of
the people. The most important god of the Mayas was Kukulcan, the creator of the
country’s civilization, who had come from the far, unknown east, the Mexican Quet-
zalcohuatl, the Gucumatz of the Kiche, the Kukulcan of the Tzendals. All these
names mean ‘‘ feathered snake,” ‘‘ bird snake.” Now, in the above mentioned sec-
tion of the Dresden manuscript, pp. 29-48, there is found on page 36, middle, the
representation of a bird and a snake, the two symbols of the god Kukulcan, which,
at the same time, denote his name in the manner of a rebus. That this represen-
tation is to be referred to the god with the snake’s tongue is rendered probable on
the one hand by the fact that this whole section treats of him and is proved on the
other hand by the circumstance that in the same place the same snake is found rep-
resented with the head of the god; thus, page 35, middle, and 36, above. In the
same way this snake with the god’s head is also found in the Codex Cortesianus, page
10, middle, a passage which is rendered notable also by the fact that in the writing
above the picture there is expressly found as a second sign the name hieroglyph of
the god.

Cimi (2). Supposed symbols of the god of death. Occurring very
hes) eo _ frequently in all the codices, but with several variations (see Figs.
6 383 and 384).
Ake) These are given chiefly on the authority of Drs. Férste-
g

mann and Schellhas, as | have some doubt in reference
to this conclusion, for reasons which will here be given.

Fia. 383. The supposed god of death, Fic. 384. The supposed god of death, from the
from the Dresden Codex. Troano Codex.

As Dr. Schellhas remarks, this is ‘‘the most characteristic and
most easily recognized deity of the Maya Codices”; but this state-
ment will not apply to the symbols, as the variations are such as to
render it exceedingly doubtful whether precisely the same idea is
embodied in each. Even the two forms here given, both of which
are found in all the codices and often together, present variations too
marked for us to believe, except upon strong evidence, that they rep-
resent the same thing. Nor do the figures of this deity or supposed
deity appear to embody throughout the same idea. In fact, they

362 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

leave us in doubt as to whether any one recognized deity is to be un-
derstood. Was there in the Maya pantheon such a deity as the god
of death? I have so far been unable to find any satisfactory reason
for answering this question in the affirmative. ~

In the first part of the Dresden Codex, which is devoted, in part
at least, if not chiefly, to the maladies of the country, the skeleton
figures undoubtedly have reference to death, much like the skull and
cross bones in our day. In other places, as Plates XX VII and X XII*
of the Manuscript Troano and Plate 7 of the Cortesian Codex, the
parched earth appears to be intended, but it must be conceded that
here also the idea of death is included. Substantially the same idea,
or at least the relation of this god to the earth, appears to be indi-
cated in Plate 8 of the Cortesian Codex, where he is represented as
beneath and holding up that upon which another deity, bearing the
bread symbol, is seated.

As before stated the two symbols frequently appear in connection,
sometimes where the god is figured and often where he is not. It
is, therefore, unsafe to conclude as yet that either variety indicates a
particular deity known as the god of death.

Symbol of the god with the banded face; seen chiefly in the Manuscript
0 -) Troano; not found in the Dresden Codex (Fig. 385). This is not the
> deity which Dr. Schellhas designates as ‘‘ the god with face crossed by

lines.”
No. 37.
This deity evidently pertains to the underworld and is closely allied
to the so-called god of death. The symbol and the figure are found

Fig. 385. The god with the banded face. from the Codex Troano.

together in but few instances, yet the peculiar markings are such as
to leave no doubt on the mind that the symbol is intended to denote
what is represented by the figure, being simply the head of the deity
as invariably figured. They appear together in Plates IIIc, Va, and
Vb, XXVIII*c, and XX1Xe of the Manuscript Troano, in the first
two as having some relation to the traveling merchants, but in the
last two in a very different rdle. The dotted lines with which the
bodies of these figures are marked and the peculiar anklets appear to

THomas.| SYMBOL OF THE GOD WITH THE OLD MAN’S FACE. 363

have been introduced to signify relationship to the god of death.
Perhaps the most direct evidence of this relation is found in Plate 42
of the Cortesian Codex, where the two deities are brought together
at the sacrifice here indicated. The two appeay to be united in one
in the lower division of Plate XX VI* of the Manuscript Troano.

Figures of this god are also found in some of the Mexican codices,
as on Plate 73 of the Borgian manuscript, where the relation to
death and to the underworld is too apparent to be mistaken. On
Plate 10, same codex, the head of death is marked with the distin-
guishing black band.

Unfortunately for investigations in this line, the early Spanish
notices of the Maya mythology are so brief and confused that we can
derive but little aid from them in our efforts to identify the deities
figured in these manuscripts. Possibly the one with the banded face
may represent Cumahau or Hunhau, the prince of the lower regions;
but the rdle he appears to play where figured, with the exception of
Plate II, Manuscript Troano, and Plate 73 of the Borgian Codex,
would scarcely justify the name. :

(?) Symbol of the deity which Dr. Schellhas designates ‘‘ the god with
the old man’s face.” Found in all the codices and almost invaria-

bly in connection with the representation of the deity shown in
our Fig. 386.

Fie. 386. The god with the old man’s face.

The deity denoted by this symbol and by the figure which it accom-
panies is possibly Zamna or Ytzamna, a deified Maya hero, but the
various roles in which he is found make it difficult to decide on
this point. He appears comparatively few times in the Dresden
Codex, and only in the first few pages. In none of these is there any-
thing to indicate his functions. In Plates 12¢ and 15c he holds a
sun symbol in his hand, which might be supposed to refer to his at-
tributes as ‘* Kinich-Kakmo” but for the fact that the same thing is
true of one or two other deities figured in the same codex. In the
Manuscript Troano, where he is oftenest represented, his figure and
his symbol appear most frequently in connection with the bee or
honey industry; for example, on Plate Vc, the only place in the first
part of the manuscript where honey appears to be referred to, and

364 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

twenty-two times in that section of the second part, Plates I* to X*,
relating to bees. He also appears to take an active part in the manu-
facture of idols, engages in painting, aids in the culture or gather-
ing of cacao, engages in predatory excursions, and acts in various
other relations. In the left compartment of Plate XXIV*a he bears
on his head the head of a bird. In the remarkable double plate
(41-42) of the Cortesian Codex he is twice figured, in the central area
and at the east (top), and in each case is accompanied by a female
deity. In the latter case both god and goddess are bearing in their
hands the Kan or corn symbol. In Maya mythology Zamua was
given a spouse named Ix Kan-Leox, which signifies the yellow frond
or silk of maize.

Symbol. according to Dr. Schellhas, of the deity which he names ** the
god with face crossed by lines,” found in all the codices, but most
frequently in the Manuscript Troano and the Cortesian manuscript.
The deity is usually represented as in Fig. 387.

Fia. 387. The god with tace crossed by lines.

This is introduced here on the authority of Dr. Schellhas, although
T have considerable doubt as to the correctness of his conclusion.

He remarks in regard to it as follows:

Another characteristic and easily recognized deity, which, it is true, is compara-
tively rare in the Dresden manuscript, but occurs with extraordinary frequency in
other codices, and whose sign it is not hard to find, is the god whose face is crossed
[surrounded] by peculiar parallel lines, representations of whom are given in the
Cortesian Codex (p. 11, below) and Dresden Codex (p. 18, middle). The deity is al-
ways male and is found in the Dresden Codex five times, Cortesian Codex eighteen
times, Manuscript Troano twenty times, and Codex Peresianus five times.

The sign of this god, as was the case with the others and as seems to be the gen-
eral rule, consists merely of a representation of the god’s head, combined with a
sign which probably represents an affix. The sign is found wherever the deity is
represented and is an exact rendering of the god’s head, so that there can be no
doubt as to its being the name hieroglyph. True variations are not found, the hiero-
glyph being perfectly alike in all the manuscripts.

The nature of this deity is not easily determined, though it occurs in the Codices
Troano and Cortesianus with extraordinary frequency, so that it would be seen that
these two manuscripts, which evidently belong together, treat principally of this
deity. No analogous deity is found in Aztec picture wnting. * * * To all ap-
pearances we have here a momentous figure of Maya mythology, of which, unfor-
tunately. we know nothing.

It is true that this symbol is found in almost every instance where
the figure of the god appears—in fact, with fewer exceptions than

1h eae

—rrs

THOMAS. | PHONETIC FEATURES OF THE CHARACTERS. 365

others in reference to which there is probably little doubt. It is
also true that the symbol is an exact copy of the god’s head; but on
the other hand there are strong reasons for doubting the correctness
of Dr. Schellhas’s conclusion.

The first is that the figure of the supposed deity seems to have
more indications of being the conventional representation of an idol
than of a deity. The lines of the head are precisely the same as
those on the heads of the carved idols.*

We also find it in connection with the wood symbol (marginal
No. 6) at the only points where the latter is found in the Cor-
tesian Codex, and, what is significant, in wholly inappropriate places
unless connected with an idol figure. These are found in the lower
division of Plates 10 and 11, two on the top of thatched roofs and
another on the head of the deity called the ** god with the old man’s
face,” the head in the latter case being apparently carved from a
block of wood.

The second is to the same effect, the symbol being found over each
of the figures of the lower division of Plates 26, 27, and 28 of the Cor-
tesian Codex and the middle division of Plates XX XI* and XX XII*
of the Manuscript Troano, where there appear to be processions of
the different deities. It is also significant that in the latter case each
deity is bearing in his hands what seems to be a block of wood from
which in all probability an idol is to be carved.

Third, we find rows or lines composed entirely of this symbol, as
in the so-called title page of the Manuscript Troano.

DISCUSSION AS TO PHONETIC FEATURES OF THE CHARACTERS.

It must be admitted, as heretofore intimated, that this question
has not as yet been satisfactorily answered. Whether what is here
presented will suffice to settle this point in the minds of students of
American paleography is doubtful; nevertheless, it is believed that
it will bring us one step nearer the goal for which we are so earnestly
striving. Something is said on this subject in my former work,*
which need not be repeated here.

As it is evident from the preceding list of characters that conven-
tional signs and symbols, often nothing more than abbreviated picto-
graphs, were used in many cases to designate objects and persons,
the inference to be drawn, unless other evidence is adduced, is, that
this method prevailed throughout. Nevertheless there is some evi-
dence that at the date when these manuscripts were written Maya
culture was in a transition state ; that is to say, conventional symbols

1See Plates XVI*b and XVII*c, Manuscript Troano.
* Study of the Manuscript Troano, pp. 141-161.

366 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

were passing into true ideographs' and possibly into phonetic char-
acters.

The lack of any satisfactory key to assist us in deciphering them
makes it exceedingly difficult to decide how far this change had pro-
gressed. Weare therefore left wholly to deductions to be drawn
from the facts obtained by laborious comparisons of the various rela-
tions in which the characters are found and the uses which appear
to be made of them in the manuscript.

It will be admitted without question that a large number of these
characters are ideographs or conventional symbols, as distinguished
from pictures, as, for example, most of those denoting the days,
months, and cardinal points. I say most of these, as it is yet pos-
sible to learn from some of them the objects they were intended
to represent, the characteristic features not being entirely lost, as
the symbol for the day Cimi, the ‘‘death’s head” or skull; that of
the day Ymix, ‘‘the grain of maize;” that of the month Moan, **the
head of the moo or ara,” a species of parrot, &c.

It is also possible to show from the manuscripts themselves evi-
dences of the changes from conventional pictographs to true or mne-
monic symbols.

Take, for instance, the bird symbols on Plates 16, 17, and 18 of the
Dresden Codex, presented in the preceding marginal figures numbered
24, 25, 26, 27, 28, and 33. If the determination be correct as given, it
is apparent that, while one of the birds is indicated by the head as a
symbol, the others are denoted by ideographs, or by phonetic charac-
ters bearing no resemblance to their forms or peculiar features. That
numerous examples of this kind are to be found in these manuscripts
will be admitted by all who have carefully studied them.

Another-fact bearing upon this point is the difference between the
Dresden Codex and the Manuscript Troano in regard to marking with
symbols the things represented in the pictures. We fail to find in
the former (unless that on Plate 30 be a possible exception) the earth
or soil represented by any symbol, though frequently occurring in
the latter and also occasionally in the Cortesian Codex. The sym-
bol for wood or that appearing so often on wooden articles in the
latter, and occasionally in the Cortesian Codex, is wanting in the
Dresden Codex, though wooden articles are several times represented.
From this we infer that the Manuscript Troano is a more recent pro-
duction than the Dresden Codex, notwithstanding the evidences of
ereater skill in drawing and higher mathematical attainments shown
in the latter.

1 As the term ‘‘ideograph” is somewhat broad and comprehensive, it may be well
enough to state that I use it as expressing that stage of symbolic writing where the
picture characters have so changed that all resemblance to the objects they were
originally intended to represent is lost, and therefore they can only be considered as
mnemonic signs.

THOMAS. | PHONETIC FEATURES OF THE CHARACTERS. 367

Before discussing the question of phonography we ask attention to
one or two facts regarding Landa’s alphabet which do not appear to
have been previously noticed, yet have an important bearing on the
subject.

The failure to reach any satisfactory results with this alphabet
proves, beyond a reasonable doubt, that this author was mistaken as
to the character of the Maya writing; yet the frequent occurrence in
the manuscripts of most, if not all, of the elements he presents ren-
ders it certain that there is a basis of truth on which it rests. It is
probable, therefore, if we can find the key to his method, we may,
after all, obtain some satisfactory results by means of his alphabet.

T have already stated as my belief that —

He has undertaken to pick out of their compound or syllabic characters the letter
elements; hence it is that, while we find it impossible to decipher the manuscripts
by using them, yet we find such frequent resemblances as to compel us to admit a
fundamental relationship.!

This opinion I still believe to be correct, but was, until very re-
cently, unable to get any positive evidence as to his method of ob-
taining these elements.

While examining the Cortesian Codex I came across (on Plate 17)
the symbol for a turtle (the different varieties of which are shown in
marginal figure No. 4), which is nothing more or less than an attempt
to represent the head of the animal. In the more abbreviated
form (b) I at-once recognized Landa’s A (compare with ¢ and d,
No. 4). As the Maya name of the turtle is Ac or Aae it is apparent
that in this instance the old Spanish priest selected a symbol rep-
resenting an object the name of which contains a single syllable
having, as its chief letter element, A. As this symbol is simply a
representation of the animal’s head there is no reason to infer that
it is phonetic; on the contrary, it is more reasonable to assume that
it was used only asa conventional sign. It is possible that after long
usage it may have been adopted as a phonetic character, though its
exceedingly rare occurrence in the manuscripts (being found only in
the Cortesian Codex and with the turtle figure) and the fact that
it is seldom, if ever, used as part of a compound character would
seem to forbid this idea.

Precisely the same method was adopted in obtaining his B, which
is given in two forms, first as a foot print and second as a circie in-
closing four circular dots. The first, as all are aware, is only a con-
ventional sign and presumably not phonetic. The second may be
phonetic, though apparently but an abbreviation of the first. In
Plate 65c (see marginal No. 20) and Plate 41¢ the two forms are
brought into such relation to each other as to show that the latter is
used as a symbol to represent the idea conveyed by the first. The

' Study of the Manuscript Troano, by Cyrus Thomas, pp. 142, 143.

368 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

proof in these cases is too strong to admit of doubt and explains
Landa’s method of obtaining his B, which, as before stated, was by
selecting the symbol of that which is denoted by a Maya word of one
syllable having Bas its chief letter element, Be being the Maya word
for ‘‘way,” “‘journey,” “walking,” &c.

The symbol for the cacao given above in marginal No. 22 con-
tains his eleventh letter Ca twice and is probably that from which
it was taken; likewise that of the Kukwitz or Quetzal (marginal No.
26) and of the Kuch or vulture (marginal No. 27a), each of which
contains his Au, being double in the former and single in the latter.
Tam as yet unable to trace these two symbols to their origin; we
might suppose, from Landa’s figure of the latter, that it was in-
tended to represent a bird’s nest containing eggs, but an examination
of the symbol as found in the manuscript renders this conclusion
doubtful.

The evidences of phonography are few and, as must be admitted,
not entirely satisfactory; yet they are apparently sufficient to justify
the somewhat general belief that the writing of the Mayas had
reached that stage where characters are sometimes used to indicate
sounds. That comparatively little advance had been made in this
direction at the time of the conquest is possible; moreover there is
nothing to justify the belief that they made use of true letters as
Landa supposed. If they had a phonographic system of any kind
it was very imperfect.and was only in that primary stage in which
syllables are represented by single characters and words of more
than one syllable by compound characters. Judging by the changes
observed in the relation of the parts of compound characters to one
another, we conclude that the order of arranging these parts was not
uniform or essential. It is also doubtful, if any of these characters
are phonetic, whether the parts of the longer words were always
written out in full. Iam led to believe, from a few slight indica-
tions, that, in forming words of more than one syllable, they often
used only the leading phonetic elements of the single words of which
they are composed; in other words, that they followed the rebus
method of the Mexicans.

Descending to particulars and examples, the following are, per-
haps, the strongest proofs which can be presented on this point:

As there can no longer be any doubt that the symbols for the car-
dinal points have been ascertained and that those relating to the
polar points are distinguishable from those relating to the equatorial
points, we are justified in referring to them in this discussion. As
each of the two assigned to the equatorial points contains the sym-
bol for **sun” or ‘*day” and as the two Maya words for these points —
Likin or Lakin and Chikin—contain the Maya term for sun or day
(“kin”), there is some reason for believing that the characters are
phonetic. There is to be added to this evidence the fact that the

THOMAS. ] PHONETIC FEATURES OF THE CHARACTERS. 369

symbol of the month Yaakin contains the same sun symbol. It
would be somewhat remarkable to find the same single character in
three different combinations, representing three different ideas ex-
pressed by words containing the same sound, yet having no reference
to the sound.

It is now generally admitted by students of American paleogra-
phy, on what appears to be satisfactory evidence, that symbol No,
7 of the preceding list, Cab, is used to signify “* earth” or ‘‘land”
and ‘“‘honey,” both of which are designated by the same Maya term,
Cab. As there is no similarity in the things denoted the character
is probably phonetic. The ‘‘bee” appears also to be frequently in-
dicated by the same character with an affix, as may be seen by refer-
ence to the lower divisions of Plates I1I*—X* of the Manuscript
Troano.

The symbol No. 9 (U) of the preceding list is found repeatedly on
vases and also as a prefix to both simple and compound characters.
As U in Maya signifies “‘moon,” “‘ vase,” and certain pronouns and
is also used as a euphonic particle before vowels, we are perhaps justi-
fied in concluding that the symbol is phonetic and denotes the word
U. Iam aware that neither Perez nor Dr. Brinton gives ‘‘ vase” as
one of the meanings of this word, yet its constant appearance on
vessels seems to leave no doubt that Brasseur is correct. Hven ad-
mitting that he is mistaken and that we are in error as to the sig-
nification of the symbol, its various uses justify the belief that it is
phonetic.

The symbol No. 34 of the preceding list, which is supposed to be
that of the god Ekchuah, is probably phonetic. The name of this
deity is composed of two Maya words, ek, ‘‘ black,” and chu, “ cala-
bash,” and hence signifies “‘the black calabash,” and the form and
coloring of the symbol are apparently intended to denote this signifi-
cation. If this interpretation be correct it is phonetic, as there is
nothing in or pertaining to the figure of the deity which corresponds
with it, except the color.

If the interpretation given of the preceding symbols Nos. 22, 24,
26, 27a, and 33 be correct, there can be scarcely a doubt that they
are phonetic. In the first —cacau, cacauak, or cacauche, the
“cacao”—we see Landa’s letter Ca, which is doubled in each of the
three forms taken from the different codices. In the twenty-sixth —
Kukwitz, the Quetzal—Landa’s Kw is duplicated, as it should be
if phonetic, while in 27a, Kuch, it appears but once. There is here
also an additional evidence of phoneticism in the fact that, while one
of the symbols used to denote this bird shows simply its head, and
is surely not phonetic, the other is entirely different and bears no
resemblance whatever to any feature or characteristic of the bird.
Moreover, both parts of it are used in other combinations referring
to entirely different things.

6 ETH 24.

370 AIDS TO THE STUDY OF THE MAYA CODICES.

If my interpretation of No. 14 (Xamach or Chimix) be right, it is
probably phonetic also. It is composed, as will be seen by reference
to the figure, of two symbols closely resembling that for the day
Ymix, except that the top portion of one is omitted. The resem-
blance in sound to a duplication of Ymix is apparent. The slight
but permanent variation of the right hand portion from the usual
Ymix symbol and the omission of the top porticn of the left hand
one are scarcely explainable on the supposition that they form sim-
ply a conventional sign; but if phonetic the reason is apparent, as
the m sound is not repeated in the Maya name. This conclusion is
strengthened by the fact that the month Mac, found in the last or
bottom line of Plate 49, is precisely the same as the right portion of
No. 14, with Landa’s symbol for Ca added. This probably justifies
us in concluding that the true name of this month is Camach, ‘‘the
jaw” or ‘‘ jaws,” and that Landa’s figure is simply a rude represen-
tation of the lips or mouth.

I have expressed the opinion’ that the chief phonetic element of No.
8 (the stone symbol), if used to represent sound, is por pp. This
opinion seems to be confirmed by the fact that this character is found
as a part of the symbol for the month,Pop on Plate 50 of the Dres-
den Codex. (See the second character in the first transverse line
below the day columns in the preceding Fig. 362.) The method of
determining the months referred to in these plates of the codex has
been given in the preceding part of this paper.

The interpretation given above of symbol No. 24 (the moo or ara)
will probably be accepted by all students of these manuscripts, and
if so its phonetic character must be conceded. That it is used in the
place above alluded to (Dresden Codex, Plate 16c) to denote this bird
is proved by the parallelism of the groups and the figure of the par-
rot under it. If we turn now to Plate 48 of this codex we observe
that the second character of the first line below the day columns and
the first character in the upper line of the lower group or square is,
in each case, a bird’s head. It is easily proved by means of the
numeral series with which these are connected that they denote, in
both cases, the month Moan (from the moo), proving that Brasseur’s
surmise was correct.” If the same bird is represented by two sym-
bols, one pictorial and the other having no resemblance to any feat-
ure or character of the thing denoted, it is probable the latter is
phonetic. This conclusion is strengthened in this case by the strong
resemblance of the first part of No. 24 to the symbol for the month
Mol.

I have shown above that the right portion of No. 20 of the list is
Landa’s letter B, and also that in the lower division of Plate 65,

1 Study of the Manuscript Troano, p. 147.
°Landa’s Relacion, pp. 382, 383, Note 1.

THOMAS. | PHONETIC FEATURES OF THE CHARACTERS. By(il

Dresden Codex (see Fig. 378), it signifies ‘* footsteps” or the act of
walking. As the Maya word Be signifies ‘‘journey,” ‘‘ wood,”
“march,” and also ‘‘ journeying” and ‘‘ marching,” it is possible that
this symbol is also phonetic, although apparently only a modified
form of the footprint. This supposition is strongly supported by
the fact that it is found in numerous and varied relations, single and
in combination.

The symbol for 20 (Kal), No. 1 of the preceding list, is apparently
phonetic. This view appears to be confirmed by its use otherwise
than as a numeral symbol at several points in the text of the Manu-

script Troano. For example, in the third division of Plate
XVII* it appears in this form, while immediately below
is the representation of an idol head in a vessel covered
with a screen or basket, as shown in Fig. 388. The Mayaverb

Fic. 388. Wooden idol in vessel with basket cover.

Kal signifies to ‘“‘imprison” or “‘inclose,” which is certainly appro-
priate to what we see in the figure. As the symbol is over each of
the three similar figures in the division, it is probable that it is
intended to denote something relating to or observable in them. In

the second division of Plates XV * and X VI*, same codex,
(> is this symbol, several times repeated, and below each the

figure of a priest or deity at work, each carving, with a

i machete or hatchet, the head of an idol. The probable
signification is ‘‘Give twice twenty strokes with a machete,” and
hence is but partially phonetic.

Other examples bearing on this question may be found, but these
are believed to be sufficient to warrant the belief that at the time
these codices were written Maya culture had reached that stage
where the idea of phoneticism was being introduced into the writ-
ing. Yet itis certain, and even susceptible of demonstration, that a
large portion, perhaps the majority, of the characters are symbols.

The more I study these characters the stronger becomes the con-
viction that they have grown out of a pictographic system similar
to that common among the Indians of North America. The first
step in advance appears to have been to indicate, by characters, the
gesture signs.

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION——BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

OoaGh PRADITTON s.

REV. J. OWEN DORSEY.

373

CONE NS:

Page.
POM UCHON ter cereperevorcisios eietsvsieyais ale. sisters sjortisinisisyers vie sheretsieie sieieainis elag Naibe a e AS 377
sPradinOus Olt hereld ers reyes isiice caren clevsceos stove cisions oleier= ese ehera isle \ele spel ous, cleseie ele 381
Unit u¢aye. Tsiou wactaye itade (Tradition of the Tsiou wactaye gens) 381
digas binlolepobnaoroooges TOOcmuun Olea TOD Barony CaCO nee eacCorenner 388
Unie ufaye. Qii¢apasa” itade (Tradition of the Bald Eagle subgens).... 390
AUTRE NOs neRsadbqoobana ceeasenne! Dodesesemognanonaad arossone 394
Woncluding remarks cn crc octets cee sors ite wo eee He aicein aie a sieiels le 396
ILLUSTRATION.
Fic. 389. Symbolic chart of the Osage ...... -.....-........2...2.2+--.00s- 378

OSAGE TRADITIONS.

By Rev. J. OWEN DORSEY.

INTRODUCTION.

When the author visited the Osage, in the Indian Territory, in
January, 1883, he learned of the existence of a secret society of seven
degrees, in which, it was alleged, the traditions of the people have been
preserved to the present time. Owing to theshortness of his visit,
one month and eleven days, he was unable to gain more than frag-
mentary accounts of the society, including parts of two traditions,
from several Osage who had been initiated.

The version of the first tradition was dictated to the author by
Hada-oiiyse (Red Corn), a halfbreed Osage of the Tsiou wactdye
gens. He obtained it from Sadeki¢e. Hada-oiiyse was adopted in
childhood by a white man named Matthews, who sent him to a Jesuit
college in Missouri(?) to be educated for the priesthood. But the
boy left the institution after he had been taught to read and write, as
he did not wish to become a priest. Hetook the name of William P.
Matthews, but among his white associates he is known as Bill Nix.
He has tried several occupations and is now an Indian doctor. The
author was inclined at first to underrate Mr. Matthews’s accom-
plishments and stock of information, but subsequently changed his
opinion of him, as he obtained much that agreed with what had been
furnished by members of other tribes in former years. Besides, the
author obtained partial accounts of similar traditions from other
Osage, who used the same chant which Hada-oiijse had sung. None
of the younger Osage men knew about these matters and the author
was urged not to speak tothem on this subject. He observed that
several of the elder men, members of the secret order in which these
traditions are preserved, had parts of the accompanying symbolic
chart (Fig. 389) tattooed on their throats and chests. This chart is
a fac simile of one that was drawn for the author by Hada-oiiyse. At
the top we see atreenearariver. The tree is a cedar, called the tree
of life. It has six roots, three on each side. Nothing is said about

this tree till the speaker nearly reaches the end of the tradition. Then
3i7

378 OSAGE TRADITIONS.

follows the ‘ceremony of the cedar.” The tree is described very mi-
nutely. Then followsa similar account of the river and its branches.

Fia. 389. Symbolic chart of the Osage.

Just under the river, at the left, we see a large star, the Red or
Morning Star. Next are six stars, Ta¢ad¢i". The Omaha know a
similar group, which they call ‘‘ Mi"xa si yafiga,” or “‘ Large foot of
a goose.” Next is the Evening Star; and last comes the small star,
“Mikalk’é-oinya.” Beneath these four we see the seven stars, or
Pleiades (Mikak’é udiatse pé¢iida, the Seven Gentes of Stars), between
the Moon (on the left) and the Sun (on the right). Beneath these
are the peace pipe (on the left) and the hatchet (on the right). A
bird is seen hovering over the four upper worlds. These worlds are
represented by four parallel horizontal lines, each of which, except
the lowest one, is supported by two pillars. The lowest world rests
on a red oak tree.

The journey of the people began at a point below the lowest upper
world, on the left side of the chart. Then the people had neither hu-
man bodies nor souls, though they existed in some unknown manner.

poRsEY.] INTRODUCTION. 379

They ascended from the lowest upper world, on the left, to the high-
est. There they obtained human souls in the bodies of birds, accord-
ing to Sadeki¢e. ‘yahiye-wajayinya said that there they met a male
red bird, to whom they appealed for aid. (See p. 383, line 18.) This
was distinct from the female Red Bird, who gave them human
bodies. They descended to the first world, and from that they trav-
eled until they alighted on the red oak tree. (See p. 383, line 30.)
The ground was covered with grass and other kinds of vegetation.
Then the paths of the people separated: some marched on the left,
being the peace gentes that could not take life; they subsisted on
roots &c.; while those on the right killed animals. By and by the
gentes exchanged commodities.

The small figures on the left, in going from the tree (on the right
when facing the tree), show the heavenly bodies or beings to whom
the Black Bear went for help, and those on the right, in going from
the tree (on the left when facing the top of the chart), show similar
bodies or beings to whom the Wadade or war gentes applied for as-
sistance. These are unknown to the members of the Tsfou gentes.
After the female red bird gave bodies to the Tsfou people, the Black
Bear found seven skins, which were used for tents. Subsequently
the people discovered four kinds of rocks, which were the I"’qé sdde,
or black rock; P°’qé tuhu,’ or blue (green?) rock; I"’g& oii4se, or red
rock; and I*"’qé ska, or white rock. Therefore, when achild is named,
four stones are heated for the sweat bath. After finding the rocks,
according to yahiye-wajayinya, four buffalo bulls approached the
people, as one of the men was returning to the company. When the
first bull arose after rolling on the ground, an ear of red corn and a
red pumpkin fell from his left hind leg. The leader of the Tsfou
wactaye noticed them, and asked his younger brother to pick them up
and tastethem. The leader of the Bald Eagle subgens did so. Then
the elder brother said: ‘‘ These will be good for the children to eat.
Their limbs will stretch and increase in strength.” When the second
bull arose after rolling, an ear of spotted corn and a spotted pumpkin
dropped from his left hind leg. These, too, were tasted and declared
good for the children. When the third bull arose after rolling, an
ear of dark corn and a dark (black?) pumpkin dropped from his left
hind leg. From the left hind leg of the fourth buffalo dropped an
ear of white corn and a white pumpkin. Therefore, when a child is
named in the Tsfou gens (alone?) the head man of that gens (yahiye-
wajaylnya himself, according to his statement) takes a grain of each
kind of corn and aslice of each variety of pumpkin, which he puts into
the mouth of the infant. Hada-oiiyse knew that the four kinds of

1The sound of this inverted u, between o and u, as well as the sounds of other
letters used in this article, except that of the inverted y (which is a sound approxi
mating ch in the German word ich), is to be found on page 206, Third Annual Re-
port of the Bureau of Ethnology.

380 OSAGE TRADITIONS.

rocks were found, but he could not say in what part of the tradition
the account belonged. He said that subsequently the Wadase and
Tsiou gentes came to the village of the Hafi’ya-utd¢anqse, a very war-
like people, who then inhabited earth lodges. They subsisted on
animals, and bodies of all kinds lay around their village, making the
air very offensive. The Tsfou succeeded at last in making peace
with the Hafi’ya-uté¢anyse. After this followed the part of the ac-
count given to the author by yahiye-wajayiiiya:

‘After the council between the Tsfou, Wadade, and Hafi’ya-utd-
¢anjse, two old men were sent off to seek a country in which all might
dwell. One of these was a Tsiou wactdéye and the other a Pa*yka-
wactéye. Each man received a pipe from the council and was told
to go for seven days without food or drink. He carried a staff to aid
him in walking. Three times a day he wept, in the morning, at noon,
and near sunset. They returned to the people atthe end of the seven
days, being very thin. The report of the Tsiou man was accepted,
so the Tsfou gens is superior to the Pa*yka-wactdye or Watsetsi. A
Waoave man acted as crier and told all about the new home of the
nation. All the old men decorated their faces with clay. The next
morning the two old men who had gone in search of the new home
led their respective sides of the nation, who marched in parallel roads.
When they reached the land the policemen ran around in a circle,
just as they do previous to starting to war. The Waosase man ran
around from right to left and the @uqe man from left to right. At
different stations the two old leaders addressed the people. Finally
the men took sharp pointed sticks, which they stuck into the ground,
each one saying ‘I wish my lodge to be here.’ The next day the
Cuka or messenger of the Tsfou old man went to summon the Elk
crier. The latter was ordered to make a proclamation to all the
people, as follows: ‘They say that you must remove to-day! Wa-
kanjga has made good weather! They say that you must remove to-
day to a good land!’ In those days the Osage used dogs instead of
horses. When the old Tsiou man made his speech, he went into de-
tails about every part of a lodge, the fireplace, building materials,
implements, &c. Four sticks were placed in the fireplace, the first
pointing to the west. When this was laid down, the Tsfou leader
spoke about the West Wind, and also about a young buffalo bull
(Tsezu’-oifiya), repeating the name Wani’e-ski. When the stick
at the north was laid down, he spoke of T'sehe qujse (gray buffalo
horns) or a buffalo bull. When the stick at the east was laid down
he spoke of Tsejyuya tafiya (a large buffalo bull). On laying down
the fourth stick at the south, he spoke of Tse mi"ya (a buffalo cow).
At the same time a similar ceremony was performed by the aged
Pa*yka man on the right side of the tribe.’

“TItis probable, however, that the Pa"yka (Ponka) man began with the stick at
the east, as he must use the right hand and foot first.

DORSEY. ] TRADITIONS OF THE ELDERS. 381

“In placing the stick to the east, Tajse yaqpa tsé, The East Wind,
and Tahe cade, Dark-Horned Deer, were mentioned; to the north,
Tagse gasa" tsé, The North Wind, and The Deer with gray horns were
mentioned; to the west, Tayse Ma’’ha tsé, The West Wind, and an
animal which makes a lodge and is with the Tahe pasiye were men-
tioned; tothesouth, Tajse Ak’a tsé, The South Wind, and Ta waiika he
ay¢aol skutafiya were mentioned.” *

yahiye-wajayifiya gave no further information, as a reported case
of smallpox near the agency led the author to start for the Kast Feb-
ruary 21,1883. Since then he has learned of the existence of similar
societies among the Kansa and the Ponka, and he suspects that there
were formerly such societies among the Omaha.*

TRADITIONS OF THE ELDERS.

In presenting the accompanying traditions. the following abbre-
viations are used in the interlinear translations:

an., animate.

ev., curvilinear.

du., dual.

in., inanimate.
myv., moving.
ob., object.

pl., plural.
recl., reclining.
sing., singular.

st., sitting.
std., standing.
sub., subject.

UNU" UGANE. TSioU WACTAHE ITAdE.?
(Tradition of the Tsfou wactaye gens.)

il on $i Webs xe": aditati, Tsika!°
he really O grand-

said father!
Ha, wistifi’ya, oif’ya oufya watil’ye, éyi atika®: Adi*tati, Tsika!
Ho younger child body they have he was say- he really O grand-
brother none ing that said father!

' Meaning uncertain ; it may refer to the female or doe.

? See “Omaha Sociology,” §§ 14-16, 19, 28, 33, 34, 36, 56, 143, 248-258, and passim,
in Third Annual Report of the Director of the Bureau of Ethnology.

’The literal rendering of the title is ‘Growth told. Tsiou Peacemaker theirs.”
This may be translated freely by ‘‘ Revelations of the elders of the Red Eagle gens.”

4oin'ya wehayi¢e, ‘‘The first end of the children” or ‘‘ The beginning of the
race.” Thisreckoning was backward. The Ponka have asimilar usage: uhange, av
end; uhatige pahaiiga té, the first end or beginning. Adi*tati, formed by crasis from
ade and i"tau, may refer to the words of the old men who have handed down these
traditions. Tsika is unintelligible to the younger Osage of the present day. One
man told the author that he thought it meant, ‘‘ O grandfather,” being addressed to
the principal Wakanja. He said that it was substituted for another name of that
being.

>The chorus or refrain at the end of each line is omitted in the free translation,
as it would make confusion. If retained, the first four lines would read thus:

The first of the race: he really said, O grandfather!

He was saying, ‘“‘ Ho, younger brother! the children have no bodies”: he really
said, O grandfather!

“We shall seek bodies for our children”: he really said, O grandfather!

“Ho, younger brother! you shall attend to it”: he really said, O grandfather!

6 xi afika refers to the preceding words, which were those of one of the mythic
speakers. He was an ancestor of the Tsiou gens. Here he addressed his younger
brother. At this time the brothers were destitute of human souls and bodies, though
they possessed conscious existence and could talk, as well as move about from place
to place.

382 OSAGE TRADITIONS.

3 Qin’ya oufya afiiyziyse tatsé: adi"tati, Tsika!

Child body we shall seek ours he really O grand-
said father!
Ha, wistin’ya, vya"detaté tatsé: Adi"tai, Tsika!
Ho younger you shall attend to it he really O grand-
brother said _—— father!
Maxe tisakida’ wi'’qtsi 6’ysi hi’ naoi"’: 4di"tau, Tsika!
+ Parallel upper one “toit cameand he really O grand-
worlds stood said father!
6 Hysiqtsi nikacfya-daor: adittati, Tsika!
Just there they were not he really O grand-
human beings said father!
Haé wistii’ya! oin’ya oufya watin’ye, éyi atikd: ddittati, Tsikd!
Ho younger child body they have he was say- he really O grand-
brother none ing that said father!
oin’ya oufya anyiyiysé tatsé: adittat, Tsika!
Child body we shall seeks ours he really O grand-
said father!
9 Maxe tisakida ¢i"’da 6’qs1 hi’ naosi”’: ddittau, Tsika!
Parallel upper two to it came and he really O grand-
io worlds stood said father!
Kysiqtsi nikacfya-ddoi: dditati, Tsika!
Just there they were not human hereally 0 grand-
beings said father!
HA, wistiii’ya! oii’ya outya watil’ye, éyi aka: ddiwtai, Tsika!
Ho younger ehild body they have he wassaying he really O grand-
brother none that said father!
12 Qin’ya oufya anyisiysé tatsé: ddittai, Tsika!
Child body we shall seek ours hereally O grand-
said father!
Maxe tisakida ¢Ad¢i® 6’4si hi’ naoi®’: Adi*tati, Tsiké!
Parallel upper three there came and he really O grand-
worlds stood said father!

Eysfqtsi nikaciya-déoi: adittat, Tsika!
Just there they were not human he really O grand-

beings said father! :
15 Ha, wistin’ya! oin’ya oufya wa¢in’ye, éyi ankd: 4ditat, Tsilka!
Ho youneer child body they have hewassaying hereally O grand-
rother none that said father!
oi’ ya oufya ayixiyse tatsé: Aditai, Tsika!
Child body we shall seek ours he really O grand-
said father!
Maxe tisakida qtida 6’qsi hi’ naoi®’: dita, Tsika!®
Parallel upper four there cameand he really O grand-
worlds stood said father!

1See the lowest horizontal line on the left side of the chart.

* Nikaciya-daoi. Another reading is nikaciyaqtsi-daoi: they were not complete
human beings.

SA different reading of lines 17 to 25 is as follows:

Maxe tsakida jada nikaciyagade: Adittat, Tsika!
Parallel upper four they were made he really O grand-
worlds human beings said father!
Ci ueckita é€ e¢Adimtai, Tsika!
Awhile he indeed,he O grand-
said really said father!
oi'ya ouiya wa¢in'yade, é aka: Adimtat, Tsika!
Child body they have he was hereally O grand-
none saying said father!
Ha, wisti'ya! é e¢adittah, Tsika!
Ho younger he indeed, he O grand-
p brother! said really said father!
Ujarde afyaxe tatsé: adittau, Tsika!
Attention weshallmake he really O grand-
said father!
Maxe usakida ¢ad¢i™ @ si a™tsi naoi™’: Adimtau, Tsikal
Parallelupper three there they (?)came hereally O grand
worlds and stood said father!

DORSEY. } TRADITIONS OF THE ELDERS. 3835

rt
(o )

Kysiqtsi nikaciya 6’: adi*tau, Tsikd!
Just there they were human hereally O grand-
beings said father!
Ci’ wekita oin/ya cufya wa¢in’yade ¢anka: adi"tav, Tsika!
Awhile longer child body they were without he really O grand-
said father!
jin’ya oufya anyuisyiyse amma’ ti” tidetse: ddi"tat, Tsikéa !
h
Child body we seek ours we shall walk he really O grand-
said father !
Maxe tisakida ¢ad¢"i 64si tsi’ nasi”: ddittau, Tsika !
Parallel upper worlds three there came thisway hereally O grand-
and stood said father !
oin’ya oufya-dioi é e¢didittar, Tsika!
Child had no bodies that indeed, he O grand-
really said father !
Ha, wistii’ya! oin’ya outya wa¢in’ye, éyi ankd: ddi*tai, Tsika!
Ho younger child body they have hewassaying hereally O grand_
brother none that said father !
oin’ya oufya atspiyiyse a"ma’¢i" tadetse: adi"tari, Tsika !
Child body we seek ours we shall walk he really O grand-
; said father |
Maxe tisakida ¢i’da &’4s1 tsi’ naoi"’: ddimtati, Tsiké!
Parallel upper worlds two there came this way hereally 0 grand-
and stood said father |
oin’ya oufya kfi¢a-daoi: Adittati, Tsika !
Child body they did not he really O grand-
find for said father !
Ha, wistifi’ya! oif’ya oufya wa¢il’ye, éyi atkd: ddi“tati, Tsika!
Ho younger child body they have hewassaying hereally 0 grand-
» brother none that said father !
Cu’ t'ckita tya"de ayaxe tidetse: Aadittai, Tsika!
Awhile longer examina- we shall make he really O grand-
tion said father !
Maxe usakida wi"’qtsi 481 tsi’ nasi’: ddi"tati, Tsiké!
Parallel upper worlds one there came this way he really O grand-
and stood said father !
Pivsithti wi? Atsi dnasi® aika: idi™tat, Tsika!
Red oak one they came toandstoodon hereally O grand-
said father !

oif'ya outya-daci, 6 e¢ddintat, Tsika!

Children had no he indeed, he O grand-

bodies said really said father!

Cirivckita Wa"de ahyaxe tatsé: adintau, Tsika!
Awhile attention we shall make he really O grand-
longer said father!

Maxe tisakida ¢i"da @4si a™tsi naoi™’: adi*tat, Tsika!

Parallel upper two there they (?)came he really O grand-
worlds and stood said father!

Translation.

At the fourth upper world they were made human beings.

“Still,” said he (the elder brother?), indeed he really said,

** The children have no bodies.

‘** Ho, younger brother!

‘“ We must give this matter our attention.”

They came to the third upper world.

“The children have no bodies.”

“ Still must we give this our attention,” said one.

They came to the second upper world. (From this line on there is no variation

from what has been given above.)

‘Here they obtained human souls, though they were in the bodies of birds. See
e bird hovering above the four upper worlds in the chart. Then began the de-

scent to this earth.

384 OSAGE TRADITIONS.

31 Hulda ¢Aydtirqtsi 648i tsi’ naoi”: Adi*tai, Tsikd !
Day very good there came and he really fa grand-
stood said father !

KAxe-wahii-sa™ ¢é-na: Aditai, Tsika !
Crow bone white hewho hereally O grand-
was mv. said father !
in the
past
33 Qitsi nasi” é e¢ddi"tati, Tsikd!
Came directly to he indeed, he O grand-
him and stood said really said father !

Ha, wioi¢é: Aditati, Tsika!

Ho elder he really O grand-
brother ! said father !
Caye ysiiysea’¢akci¢é ma*hni’ tatsé*: ddi"tat, Tsika!
Paws you burn them for me you shall walk he nas 2 rene
ather!

36 Hd, Kaxe-wdhii-sa®"! éyi aka: ddittat, Tsiké!

Ho crow bone white! he was Saying Doweally O grand-
that father!

Watse-yiya-na® 64si hi’ naoi"’ eae adittati, Tsika!
Male animal who touched there he arrived and was he really O grand-
a foe in the past standing said father!

Ha, witsizué! éyi atka: ddi'tai, Tsika!
Ho grandfather! he Velie saying he ey O grand-

father!
39 Oin’ya ouiza watin’ye ankdé: Aditati, Tsika!
Child body they have none he really O grand-
said father!
oin’ya oufya minkeé ¢an’tse*: A4dittai, Tsikd!
Child body Iwho sit(?) apt he really O grand-
said father!

Wakanj4 yana d¢i?-maor’, éyi atiya: ddimtat, Tsika!
Mysterious that Lam TInot he was say- _he really O grand-
one only ing that said father!

42 Cu’ uckita tya"de¢até tatsé: Aditai, Tsika!
Awhile longer you shall attend to it he really O grand-

said father!
Watse-mi’’ya-na 648i hi’ nasi” anikd: ddi*tati, Tsika!
Female animal who had there be arrived and he really O grand-
touched a foe in the was std, said father!

past

Ha, fyyué! éyi atkd: ddittati, Tsika!

Ho grand- he WAS RAVINE: he really O grand-

mother! said father!
45 oin’ya outya wai’ ye ankd: dditati, Tsika!
Child body ey have none he really O grand-
said father!
oin’ya oufya minkeé ¢an’tse: ddittati, Tsika!
Child body Iwhosit apt he really O grand-
said father!

1 Why the Black Bear was called Kaxe-wahi-sa” was not explained to the author’

* Caye ysiiysea™ ¢akci¢é &e. You shall take me for your servant; literally, You
shall walk, causing me to burn my feet; thatis, You shall make me go through fire
and water for you.

SWatse4uyana. juya shows that the star was regarded as a male animal, just
as mi"’ya, in line 43, denotes that the next star was a female animal, not a female of
the human race. As they were called ‘‘ grandfather” and ‘‘ grandmother,” they
were looked upon as supernatural beings or gods. So were all of the heavenly
bodies to whom the Black Bear applied.

4ifiya oulya mifkee ¢an'tse,a phrase that puzzles the writer, who suspects
that an auxiliary verb has been omitted and that the whole should read: ‘‘9ifiya
ouiya-wikci¢e minkee ¢an'tse? (Can I give you bodies for the children?) No! You
must still make attempts to obtain them elsewhere.”

°Wakanga yana d¢i"-maoi, 7 am not the only mysterious one (apply to some one
of the rest).

DORSEY. ] TRADITIONS OF THE ELDERS. 38

ba]

Wakanjd yana d¢-mici, éyi anka: adiwtat, Tsika!
Mysterious that Lam _ Lnot she was say- he really O grand-
one only ing that said father!
Cw’ a"ckita tya"de¢a¢é tatsé: dadi"tai, Tsilka!
Awhile longer you shall attend to it he really O grand-
said father!

Ha™da-yja" wakangd ¢inkce’ysi hi’ nai’: adittat, Tsika!

During the day mysterious tothe ob. hearrivedand hereally O grand-
one stood said father!
Ha, witsiyué! éyi ankd: adi*tai, Tsika!
Ho grandfather! he was say- he really O grand-
ing that said father!
gin’ya oufya wat in’yade, witsiyué, oxi aka: adi'tai, Tsika!
Child body they have none grandfather! he was say- he really O grand-
ing that said father’
gin’ka oufya minkeé ¢an’tse: adi'tau, Tsika!
Child body I who sit apt he really O grand-
said father
Wakanjd yana d¢i'-mdor, éyi anka: ddi*tai, Tsika!
Mysterious that lam _ [not he was say- he really O grand-
one ing that said father!
Cu'ickitad vya"de¢a¢é tatsé: Adi'tat, Tsika!
Awhile you shall attend to it he really O grand-
said father!
Wakanja ha” ¢inkef 648i hi’ navi’: Adi*tad, Tsika!
Mysterious night thest. there he arrived he really O grand-
one ob. and stood said father!

la, witsiqué! dadi'tat, Tsika!
Ho grandfather! he really O grand-
said father!

Oinya cufya wadin jade, witsiyué, eyi anka: adi'tav, Tsika!
Child body they have none grandfather! he was say- he really O grand-
ing that said father!
oin’/ya oufya minkcé ¢an/tse: aditati, Tsika!
Child body I who sit apt he really O grand-
said father!
Wakanya ydna A¢i-mdol, 6yi aka: aditad, Tsika!
Mysterious that [Tam [not he was say- he really O grand-
one only ing that said father!
Ca’ i'ekita vya"de¢até tatsé: adi"tati, Tsikd!
Awhile longer you shall attend he really O grand-
to it said father!
Mikak’é pé¢i'da’ ¢inkei 648i tsi’naoi”’: adi*tat, Tsika!
Star seven theey. toit hecameand hereally O grand-
ob. stood said father!
Ha, witsiyué! ddi"tati, Tsika!
Ho grandfathers! he really O grand-
said father!
Oinka oufya watin’yade, witsiyué, éyi ankd: adi*tat, Tsika!
Child body they have grandfathers! she was saying he really O grand-
none that said father!

oin’ya oufya minkeé ¢an‘tse: ddi'tau, Tsika!

Child body T whosit apt he really O grand-
said father!
Wakanja yaina d¢i"-maoi, 6fi ankd: ddittav, Tsika!
Mysterious that Tam _ J-not he was say- he really © grand-
one only ing that said father!
66 Cu” a'ckita tya"de¢a¢é tatsé: idi'tati, Tsika!
Awhile longer you shall attend he really O grand-
to it said father!

IMikak’é pé¢ii"da, sometimes called ‘* Mikak’é udatse pécti'da,” the Seven Gentes
Stars. Could this have any connection with the use of the number 7 as the

mumber of the Tsiou, Waoade, and Hanya gentes?

6 ETH 20

ieenenneiiediiibe

386 OSAGE TRADITIONS.
67 Ta ¢ad¢i® ¢iikcé’ysi tsi’ navi’: adi*tad, Tsika!
Deer three to the st. he came and he really O grand- 4
an, object stood said father! :
Ha, witsiyué! <adi*tat, Tsika!
Ho grandfather! he really O grand-
said father!
69 Oin’ya oufya wa¢in’yade, witsiyué, éyi anka: Adi'tau, Tsika! }
Child body they have grandfather he wassaying hereally O grand-
none that said father!
gin’ya oufya minke ¢an‘tse: Adi'tau, Tsika!
Child body I who apt he really O grand-
said father!
Wakanjd yana d¢i?-maoi, éyi anka: ddittai, Tsika!
Mysterious that Tam I-not he was say- he really O grand-
one only ing that said father!
"2 Coa ckita tya"de¢ad¢é tatsé: ddittati, Tsika!
Awhile longer you shall attend to it he really O grand-
said father!
Mikak’é tan’ya ha'’da-ja” ¢inkci’ &4si tsi’ nao’: adi"tau, Tsika!
Star large during the the st. there he came and he really O grand-
day ob. stood said father!

Ha, witsiyué! adi"tati, Tsika!
Ho grandfather! he really O grand-

said father!
oif’ya oufya wa¢in’yade, witsizué, éyi aka e: adi'tau, Tsika!
Child body they have none grandfather he wassay- that he really O grand-

ing that said father!

gin’ya oufya minkeé ¢an‘tse: adi'tan, Tsika!
Child body IT who apt he really O grand-
said father!
Wakanya yana d¢i"-maol, Sp ankd: adi'tan, Tsika!
Mysterious that Tam L-not he was say- he really O grand-

one only ing that said father!
Cu’ a'ckita tiga'de¢até tatsé: adi"tai, Tsika!
Awhile longer you shall attend to it he really O grand-
said father!
Mikaék’é-oin’ya ¢inkei’ 6481 tsi naoi”’: ddi"tan, Tsika!
Star small the st. there he came and he really O grand-
an. ob. stood said father!
Ha, witsiyué! adi*tat, Tsika!
Ho grandfather! he really O grand-
said father!

Oin’ya oufya wadin’yade, witsiyzué, Gpi anka: adi"tati, Tsika!

Child body they have none grandfather he was say- he really O grand-
ing that said father!
gin’ya oufya minkeé ¢an‘tse: adi'tat, Tsika!
Child body I who apt he really O grand-
said father!
Wakanja yana d¢i"-maoi, Gp anka: adittau, Tsika!
Mysterious that Tam L[not he was say- he really O grand-
one only ing that said father!

Cu” wckita tya"detad¢é tatsé: Adittat, Tsika!

Awhile longer you shall attend to it he really O grand-

said father!

Waoil’ya oii’yse ¢e-nd tsfhe uyfy¢i" qtsi ¢inkeé: adi*tati, Tsika!

Bird red theone nest she was sitting in her he really O grand-

my. in the own said father!
past
H’ysi hi’ naoi" anka: Adi*tati, Tsika!
There he arrived and was he really O grand-
standing said father!

Ha, iqyui! 6 anka: adi*tai, Tsika!
Ho grand- he was he really © grand-

mother! saying said father!

porsey.] TRADITIONS OF THE ELDERS. 387

88 pin’ya oufya wat¢in’/yade, éyi anka: adi"tau, Tsika!’

~ Child body they have none — he was say- he really O grand-
ing that said father!
oin’ya oufyawizi¢e ¢an‘tsé, 6 ¢inkcé: adi*tai, Tsika!
Child T cause you to apt she was say- he really O grand-
have my ing as she said father!
body sat
9) Ahii-sdyi ya¢inkeé oin’ya Ahii-sayi ma"¢i'’ tatsé: ddittati, Tsika!
Wing hard that one ehild wing hard shall walk he really © grand-

said father!
Ahii-sdyi ama ¢inkeé 01n’ya dhii-saki tatsé: aditai, Tsika!
Wing hard the other one child wing hard shall(be) he really O grand-

said father!
Taqpii’ ya¢inkeé oin’ya taqpii’ mati’ tatsé: adi*tai, Tsikd!
Crown of — that ev. ob. ehild crown of shall walk he really O grand-
the head the head said father!
93 I¢etsé yacinkeé oin’ya i¢ets® mandi’ tatsé: dditai, Tsika!
Mouth that ev. ob. child mouth shall walk he really O grand-
said father!
Pé ¢é¢inkeé oin’ya pé marti’ tatsé: ddi*tati, Tsikd!
Fore- this ev. op. child fore- shall walk he really O grand-
head head said father!
Tahiitse ya¢inkeé oin’ya tahiitse mati’ tatsé: ddittati, Tsikd!
Neck that ev. ob child neck shall walk he really O grand-
said father!
96 Wé¢ahni® ya¢inkeé oin’ya wé¢ahni" ma¢i’ tatsé: ddi"tai, Tsika!
Guillet that ev. ob. child gullet shall walk he really O grand-
said father!
Man’ye ya¢inkceé oin’ya man’ye tatsé: ddittai, Tsika!
Chest that ev. ob. child chest shall he really O grand-
(be) ‘said father!
(ii we-uq¢ik’a ya¢inkeé oin’ya di’ we-uqdik’a tatsé: dadi"tat,
Bowels that ev. ob. child bowels shall he really
. (be) said
Tsika!
O grand-
father!
99 Héyutan’ya yad¢inked oin’ya oéyutan’ya tatsé: Adi“tan, Tsika!
Thighs that ey. ob. child thighs shall he really O grand-
(be) said father!
Ci¢anyse ya¢inkcé oin’ya ci¢angse tatsé: Adi tat, Tsika!
Knee that ev. ob. child knee shall he really O grand-
(be) said father!
Naqpu yad¢inkeé oin’ya naqpti tatsé: dadi'tat, Tsika!
Calf of leg that ev. ob. child calf of shall he really O grand-
leg (be) said father!
102 Si¢eyse yadinkeé oin’ya si¢eyse tatsé: adi*tai, Tsika!
Heel that ev. ob. child heel shall he really O grand-
(be) said father!
Sipa yadinkeé oi’ ya sipa tatsé: Adittau, Tsika!
Toe that ev. ob. child toe shall he really © grand-
(be) said father!
Sipu-itixe yad¢inkeé oin’ya sfpu-itdxe tatsé: Aditan, Tsiks!
Tip of toe that ev. ob. ehild tip of toe shall he really © grand-
(be) said father!
105 oin’ya its’é ¢inye’qtsi ma*hni”’ tadetsé: adi'tau, Tsika!
' Child cause without any ye shall walk he really O grand-
of at all said father’
death

'yahiye-wajayinya, of this gens, gave the following as another reading:

pin’ ya nikaciya ¢inyé-eqa", cud/é etal, witsiyué! adittan, Tsika!

Child human none as ITgoto indeed O grand- he really O grand
beings you father! said father!

Translation.

As the children are not human beings, I go to you, O grandfather!

388 OSAGE TRADITIONS.

106 Qin’ya ¢anfkacfya ma"hni”’ tadetsé: adi'tat, Tsika!

‘Children you are human you shall walk he really O grand-
beings said father!
oin’ya tinia® yAdinkeé oin’ya nia’ wikei¢é: Adi'tat, Tsika!
Child speech that child I cause you to he really O grand-
(2) speak (?) said father !

The rest of this tradition was not obtained.
Translation.

The following translation is arranged in lines to correspond to the
lines in the original text:
1 The first of the race
Was saying, ‘‘ Ho, younger brother! the children have no bodies.
3 ** We shall seek bodies for our children.
“Ho, younger brother! you shall attend to it.”
They reached one upper world and stood.
6 There they were not human beings.
‘Ho, younger brother! the children have no bodies,” he was saying.
**We must seek bodies for our children.”
9 They reached the second upper world and stood.
There they were not human beings.
‘Ho, younger brother! the children have no bodies,” he was saying.
12 ** We must seek bodies for our children.”
They reached the third upper world and stood.
There they were not human beings.
15 ‘Ho, younger brother! the children have no bodies,” he was saying.
“We must seek bodies for our children.”
They reached the fourth upper world and stood.
i8 There they became human beings.
Still, the children were without (human) bodies.
*“We must continue to seek bodies for our children.”
21 They returned to the third upper world and stood.
The children were really without bodies.
“Ho, younger brother! the children have no bodies,” he was saying.
24 ‘*We must continue to seek bodies for our children.”
They returned to the second upper world and stood.
The children did not find bodies for themselves.
27 + Ho, younger brother! the children have no bodies,” he was saying.
“We must make an examination awhile longer.”
They returned to the first upper world and stood.
30 They came to a red oak and were standing on it.
On a very fine day they came hither and stood.
Kaxe-wahti-sa” (the Black Bear), who was then moving,
33 Came directly to them and stood.
‘Ho, elder brother!” (said the Black Bear.)
“You shall continue to burn my feet for me.”
36 *‘ Ho, Kaxe-wahii-sa"!” was he (the Tsiou) saying.
Kaxe-wahii-sa" went to the star Watse-juya.
“Ho, grandfather!” he was saying.
39 “ The children have no bodies.”
Watse-yuya replied, **Can I give the children bodies?
‘Tam not the only mysterious one:
42 ** You shall attend to it awhile longer.”
Then Kaxe-wahii-sa" went to the star Watse-mi"ya.

DORSEY. | TRADITIONS OF THE ELDERS.

O0ne§

96: **

“Ho, grandmother!” he said:

“The children have no bodies.”

She replied, ** Can I give bodies to the children?
‘*T am not the only mysterious one ;

“You shall attend to it awhile longer.”

Then he went to the mysterious one of day.

** Ho, grandfather!” said he:

“The children have no bodies.”

Said he, ‘*Can I give the children bodies?

‘*T am not the only mysterious one:

“* You shall attend to it awhile longer.”

Then he went to the mysterious one of night.
“Ho, grandfather!” said he:

“The children have no bodies, grandfather!”
The Moon replied, *‘ Can I give bodies to the children?
‘**T am not the only mysterious one;

** You shall attend to it awhile longer.”

Then he went to the Pleiades, saying,

‘Ho, grandfathers!

‘The children have no bodies.”

One of these replied, *‘ Can I give bodies to the children?

“Tam not the only mysterious one ;

“You shall attend to it awhile longer.”

Then he went to the constellation called Three Deer.
‘Ho, grandfather,” said he:

“The children have no bodies.”

The latter replied, *‘ Can I give the children bodies?

“Tam not the only mysterious one:

‘You shall attend to it awhile longer.”

Then he went to the Morning Star, saying,

‘Ho, grandfather!

“The children have no bodies.”

The star replied, ‘‘Can I give bodies to the children?
‘Tam not the only mysterious one:

** You shall attend to it awhile longer.”

Then he went to the Small Star, saying,

** Ho, grandfather!

‘The children have no bodies.”

The star replied, ** Can I give bodies to the children?
*‘T am not the only mysterious one:

“You shall attend to it awhile longer.”

The female Red Bird, who had been moving, was sitting on her nest.

To her he came, saying,
“Ho, grandmother!
“The children have no bodies.”

389

She replied, ‘I can cause your children to have (human) bodies from my own,

My left wing shall be a left arm for the children,
“My right wing shall be a right arm for them.
“*My head shall be a head for them.

My mouth shall be a mouth for them.

**My forehead shall be a forehead for them.

**My neck shall be a neck for them.

My throat shall be a throat for them.

“My chest shall be a chest for them.

35390 OSAGE TRADITIONS.

98 ‘‘ My bowels shall be bowels for them.

“My thighs shall be thighs for them.
‘“My knees shall be knees for them.
“The calves of my legs shall be calves of their legs.

102 ‘‘ My heels shall be their heels.
‘My toes shall be their toes.
“My claws shall be their toenails.

105 ‘* You shall continue to exist without any cause of destruction for your race.
‘* Your children shall live as human beings.
“The speech (or breath) of children will I bestow on your children.”

UNU" UGAME. QUGAPASA" ITAdE,!
(Tradition of the Bald Eagle subgens. )

1 oin/ya niyk’aciya tadeya" ya"de anyaxe tatsé, wistiya:
Child human beings in order that (pl.) attention we shall make younger brother
Adittai, Tsika!

he really O grand-

said father!
Kaxe-wahii-sa" tsi’ naci"’: dadi"tati, Tsikd!
Kaxe-wahii-sa™ came and stood he really O grand-
faid father!
3 Kaéxe-wahii-sa’’ ha’’da-ja" wakan’ja ¢inkcéjsi hi’nasi’’: Adi"tat,
Kaxe-wahii-sa” during the mysterious tothest.an, came and he really
day one ob. stood said
Tsika!
O grand-
father!

'This fragment of the tradition of the Bald Eagle subgens of the Tsiou wactaye
gens was told by Pahii-ska, the chief, to Hada-otyse, who related it to the writer on
the following day.

Hada-oiyse told some of the tradition first in English, but on chanting it in Osage
he did not give all; so the former account is now given in these notes: ‘** When the
ancestors of the Bald Eagle people came to this earth they alighted on a sycamore
tree, as all of the surrounding country was under water. This water was dried up
by the ancestors of the Elk people, according to the tradition of the Upqa” or Elk
gens; but this is disputed by the members of the Idats’é gens, who are Kansa or
Wind people. They say that their ancestors blew on the water, drying it up and
causing the growth of vegetation. As soon as the water was gone the Bald Eagle
people alighted on the ground. Then they met the Black Bear, who offered to be-
come the servant of the Tsiou wactaye people. So he was sent to Watse-juya, who
was a red star; then to Watse-mi"ya, a star near the Morning Star; then to the Sun,
Moon, and Seven Stars. As the people journeyed, the Black Bear said to the Tsiou
leader, ‘ Brother, I see a man’s trail. Here is the man.” The stranger said, ‘I am
a young Hanya. Tam fit for work.” So they took him with them. Then they
saw another trail, of which the Black Bear spoke to the Tsiou leader. They over.
took the man, who was Hafyaqtsi or Real Hanya. By and by they reached the
village of the Hanya uta¢anjse. They entered the village and made peace with the
inhabitants. Then the leader of the Hafya utadangse said, ‘ We have some people
come to us, and we will make them our chiefs.” So the two wactaye were made
chiefs. The wactaye were then sent to search for a land where they might dwell,
as the village of the Hanya utad:anjse was filthy and offensive on account of the dead
bodies in and around it. This council was the first one of the whole nation. The
two wactaye went out as mourners for seven days. The Hanya wactaye (Pa"yka=
Ponka came back first, saying, ‘I have found a place.’ Afterwards the Tsiou
wactaye returned and reported. The council was held again to decide to which

a ¢ omy seneittiineliatiadaiiatemaiaid

DORSEY. ] TRADITIONS OF THE ELDERS. 391

4 Ha, witsiqué! oin/ya oufya wa¢in’yade, Gp aka: ddi"tai, Tsika!
Ho grandfather! child body they have none he wassaying hereally O grand
= that said father!

Wakan’ja uoan’yze ts’é watséqi A¢i” e¢aui: aditati, Tsika!

Mysterious road todie difficult Tam _ indeed he really O grand-
one said father!
6 Wakan’ja ydna d¢i"-mdoi, éyiyie aika: dadi'tat, Tsikd!
O mysterious that lam Inot he was saying to him he really O grand-
one only what precedes said father!
Cu’ a'ckita vyatde¢adé tatsé: ddittai, Tsika!
Awhile longer you shall attend to it he really O grand-
said father!
Kdxe-wahii-sa"’, ci/ta, wistti’ya, tya"de anyaxe tadetsé: adi"tati.
Kaxe-wahii-sa"” awhile my younger attention we must make he really
longer (7) brother said
“12
Tsika!
O grand-
father!
9 Watsé-ytiya ¢ifkei é4si hi’ naoi"’: adi"tati, Tsika!
Male animal that thestd. toit arrived and he really O grand-
touched a foe an. ob. stood said father!
HA, witsiqué! oif’ya oufya wa¢in’yade, éyi anka: Adi*tau, Tsika!
Ho grandfather! child body they have none he wassaying hereally O grand-
that said father !

Wakan‘ja uoan’ye ts’é watséqi d¢i’ e¢dati: ddi*tan, Tsika !

Mysterious road todie difficult Iam indeed he really O grand-
one said father !
12 Wakan’ja ydna d¢i"-mdol, éyixyie aikd: ddi"tati, Tsika!
Mysterious that Jam I-not hewassayingtohim hereally O grand-
one only what precedes said father !
Cu’ u'ckita tya"deta¢é tatsé: adittai, Tsika!
Awhile longer you shall attend to it he really O grand-
said father !
Kaxe-wahii-sa’’, cii’ta, wisun’ya, tya"de anydxe tadetsé: Adi"tan,
Kaxe-wahii-sa"’ awhile my younger attention we must make he really
longer brother said
Tsika !
O grand-
father !
15 Wadaha ¢inkeé’ysi hi’ naoi™’: adi'tai, Tsika!
Bier tothe st. an. arrived and he really O grand
ob. stood said father !
HA, witsizué! oif’ya oufya wa¢in’yade, éyi aikd: adi"tati, Tsika!
Ho grandfather ! child body they have none he was saying he really O grand-
that said father !
Wakan’34 uoan’yze ts’é watséqi d¢i’ e¢ati: adittat, Tsika !
Mysterious road to die difficult Tam _ indeed he really O grand-
one said father !
18 Wakan’j4 ydna d¢i®-maol, éyiyie ankd: Adittati, Tsika!
Mysterious that Tam I-not he was saying to he really O grand-
one only him what precedes said father !
Cw’ i'ckita tya"detaté tatsé: adi*tai, Tsika!
Awhile longer you shall attend to it he really O grand-
said father !

place they would go. They agreed to settle at the place visited by the Tsiou
wactaye. Then four standards were made by members of the Wadase (wanu"
eens, two for each side of the tribe. These were the standards made of mi™xa ha
(swan or goose skins), and they were carried on the hunting road as well as on the
war path. But the otter skin standards were always retained by the Wavave gens.”

On comparing this version with that of Sadeki¢e we notice that in one or the
other a transposition of some parts has been made. In this latter tradition the ap-
peals to the heavenly bodies and to the Red Bird were made before the journey to
the four revolutions of the upper worlds.

392 OSAGE TRADITIONS.
27) _KAxe-wahii-sa®’, cti"’ta, wistti’ ya, tya"de anyadxe tidetsé: ddi"tari,
Kaxe-wiahii-sar’ awhile my younger attention we must make he really
longer brother ‘ said
Tsika!
O grand-
father!

pay’pa ¢inkc®’ysi hi’ naci”’: adittat, Tsika!
Cirele to the st. an. arrived and he really O grand-

ob. stood said father!
Ha, witsiyué! oin’ya oufya wadin’yade, éyi anka: ddittat, Tsikd!
Ho grandfather! child body they have none he wassay- hereally O grand-
: ing that said father!
Wakan’ja uoan’ye ts’é watséqi d¢i"’ e¢ati: ddi"tat, Tsika!
Mysterious road todie difficult Tam _ indeed he really O grand-
one said father!
24 Wakan4a yana d¢it-mdéol, éyiyie aka: adittat, Tsika!
Mysterious that Tam I-not he was saying to he really O grand-
one only him peat pre- said father!
cedes

Cu i'ckita tya"de¢adé tatsé: adimtai, Tsika!
A while longer you shall attend to it he really O grand-
said father!

Kdxe-wahii-sa™’, cti™’ta, wistii’ya, uya"de anydxe tidetsé:
Kaxe-wabii-sa"’ awhile my younger attention we must make

longer brother
Adittat, Tsika!
he really O grand-
said father!
Mikak’é ha®’da-ja® ¢inkef 6’ysi hi’ naoi"’: Adi"tati, Tsika!
Star by day the st. atit arrived and he really O grand-
an. ob. stood said father!
Ha, witsiyué! oin’ya oufya wa¢in’yade, éyi anka: Adittan, Tsika!
Ho grandfather! child body they havenone hewassay- hereally O grand-
ing that said father!
Wakan’ja usan’ye ts’é watséqi di’ e¢ati: adittau, Tsika!
Mysterious road todie difficult Iam indeed’ hereally O grand
one said father!
30 Wakan4a yana d¢i"-méol, Gpiyfe aka: Adittan, Tsilka!
Mysterious that Tam Lnot he was saying to hereally O grand-

one only him what pre- said father!
cedes

Cn’ iw ckita tya"dedadé tatsé: ddittati, Tsika!
Awhile longer you shall attend to it he really O grand-
said father!
Kaxe-wahii-sa”, ct'’ta, wistiii’/ya, tya"de anyaxe tadetsé: adi"tan,
Kaxe-wahii-sa”’ awhile younger attention we must make he really
: longer brother said
Tsika !

O grand-
father!
33 Waoit’ya cti’yse ¢iikes’qsi hi’ naoi"’: ddimtati, Tsika:
Bird red tothe st. | he arrived and he really O grand-
an. ob. stood said father!

Ha, ipyu! adittavi, Tsika!
Ho grand- he really O grand-
mother! said father!

oit’ya oufka wa¢iti’yade, éyi aka: ddi*tai, Tsika!
Child body they have none he was say- he really © grand-
ing that said father!
(Here some lines are wanting. See the other version for the appeal
to the Red Bird and her reply.)

36 Ha"’da masa” u¢ay¢i" ¢inkes’asi hi’ naoi"’: ddittav, Tsika!

Day land good at the st an. hearrivedand hereally O grand-
ob. stood said father!
Maxe tiyawi’xe vida ¢itikedé &ysi amnfyk‘aci"’ya: Adi tai, Tsika!
Upper gyration four the ey. there we were people he really O grand-

world in. ob. said father!

DORSEY. } TRADITIONS OF THE ELDERS. 3
38 A*niyqk‘aci’ ya oufya ankti¢a-ddoi: adittai Tsikdé!
We were people body we did not find for he really O grand-
ourselves said father!

Maxe tiyawi"’xe wé¢ti"da 6’jsi a"tsi’ naoi"’: ddi"tat, Tsika!

Upper gyration the second there they arrived and he really O grand
world stood said father!

Ejsi a*niyk‘aci*ya-ddiol: ddittai, Tsika!

There we were not human beings he really O grand-
said father!

Maxe tiyawi"’xe wé¢ad¢i" &qsi a"tsi’ naoi"’: Adi"tati, Tsika!
Upper gyration they *. there they arrived and he really O grand-
world third stood said father!

42 E4si a®niyk‘aci"’ya-ddol: Adittati, Tsika!
There we were not human beings he really O grand-
said father!

Maxe tiyawi"’xe wéjuda 6’jsi a"tsi’ naoi"’: ddi"tati, Tsiké!
Upper gyration the there they arrived he really O grand-
world fourth and stood said father!

Qa®sa"’ a*tsi’ naoi"’: dditati, Tsika!
Sycamore they came and he really O grand-

stood (on) said father!
45 Maoa"’ utan’ya ¢inkeé 6’ysi a™tsi’ nasi’: ddi"tan, Tsika!
Harvest time the there theyarrivedand hereally 0 grand-
stood said father!
Ha, wisttyaé! niqk‘aci’ ya wi’ siy¢dide tsé: ddi'tat, Tsika!
Ho vounger brother! person one has left a trail he really O grand-
said father!
Ha, wioi'¢s! niyk‘aci’ya siy¢ide tsé écadi’-na, nfyk‘aci"’
Ho elder brother! person has left a trail you have said person
¢iakqa: adi"tati, Tsika!
this is he he really O grand-
said father!
48 HA, wioit¢é!’ Han’ya oin’ya d¢ir’ e¢ati: Adi*tati, Tsika!
Ho elder Hanya young Iam indeed hereally O grand-
brother! said father!
Ha, wistnyadé! niyk‘aci'’ya wi" siy¢ide tsé: ddi"tati, Tsika!
Ho younger person one has left a trail he really O grand-
brother! said father!

Ha, wioir¢é! niyk‘aci’ya six¢ide tsé écadi’-na, nfyk‘aci"ya

Ho elder brother! person has left atrail you have said person
¢iakqa: ddittati, Tsika!
thisishe he really said O grand-
father!

51 Ha&, wioi'¢é! Waodoe d¢i”’ e¢ati: Adi"tati, Tsika!
Ho elder brother! Osage Tam indeed hereally said O grand-
father!
Han’ya a™niqk‘aci’ka tatsé: ddittati, Tsika!
Hanya we shall be people he really said O grand-
father!
Nigqk‘aci’ka y‘uda siy¢ide tsé: fdittai, Tsika!
People some left a trail he really said O grand-
father!
54 Han’ya utd¢anjse tsi iqtdide, 6 etavi: Adittati, Tsika!
Han’ ya apart from lodge theirs that indeed he really said O grand-
the rest father!
Ha! niyk‘acika 4‘vida tsi’ ankd: Adi*tati, Tsika!
Ho persons some have come hereally said O grand-
father!
Tsfou Watsetsi ydde tsi’ aka: Adi"tai. Tsika!
Tsiou WAtsetsi also have come he really said O grand-
father!
57 Oin’ya uwadqta e¢éyi atikd: Aditati, Tsik:!
Child whatis good they decided he really said O grand-
for them (?) father! .

1 Here is where the two roads begin.

394 OSAGE TRADITIONS,

58 oin’ya yiwatanh’ya mandi" tatsé, e¢éyi anka: ddittati, Tsikd!

Child being chiefs over they twoshallwalk they decided _hereallysaid O grand-
them (%) father!
jin ya fts’e ¢idyé mai” tatsé, e¢éyi anka: adittau, Tsikd!
Child without cause they two shall they decided (7) he really O grand-
of death walk said father!
60 Qin’ya uxistu &ysi ¢inycé tatsé: ddittai, Tsika!
Child assembly there it shall be he really O grand-
said father!
oin’ya uniqk‘ac’ ya tade masa” u¢ayiyse tatsé: adimtari, Tsika!
Child to become men in in land you two shall seek he really O grand-
order your said father!
that
oin/ya uniyk‘aci’ ya tide-ja" masa” 6481 dinkeé yaxe ankd:
Child to become men in in order land it is there they have
that made

aditati, Tsika!
he really O grand-

said father!
4 . Seen fe , . Ap ae , “Te
63 QOade' mi” ya ¢é-na &4si kaha hi yin anka: adimtani, Tsika!
Beaver female the mv. there border reached and was he really O grand-
animal an. obs. sitting said father!

in the

past

Tsihe o1n/ya
Lodge small
Translation,

1 ‘*O younger brother! we must see what can be done to make human beings
of the children.”
The Black Bear came to them and stood.
3 He went to the mysterious one of day, saying,
“Ho, grandfather! the children have no bodies.”
He replied, ‘‘ I have an everlasting road (in which I must keep) ;
6 Tam not the only mysterious one ;
You must still seek for help.”
(On reporting to the leader, the latter said,)
“°O Kaxe-wahii-sa", my younger brother! we must still see what can be done.”
9 So the Black Bear went to the star Watse-juya. saying,
‘* Ho, grandfather! the children have no bodies.”
He replied, *‘ I have an everlasting road (in which I must keep):
12 ‘*I am not the only mysterious one ;
‘You must still seek for help.”
(On reporting to the leader, the latter said),
“QO Kaxe-wahii-sa", my younger brother! we must still see what can be done.”
15 So the Black Bear went to the Bow! of the Great Dipper, saying,
‘*O grandfather! the children have no bodies!”
He replied, ‘‘ I have an everlasting road (in which I must keep);
18 ‘Tam not the only mysterious one ;
‘You must still seek for help.”
(On reporting to the leader, the latter said),
‘*O Kaxe-wahii-sa", my younger brother! we must still see what can be done.”
21 Then he went to the Seven Stars, saying,
‘* Ho, grandfather! the children have no bodies.”
He replied, ‘* I have an everlasting road (in which I must keep) ;
24 ‘*T am not the only mysterious one }
‘You must still seek for help.”

1At this point begins the account of the Female Beaver. She was an ancestor of
the Osage, according to a statement published in Long’s Expedition to the Rocky
Mountains.

DORSEY. ] TRADITIONS OF THE ELDERS. 395

(On reporting this to the leader, the latter said),
26 ‘**O Kaxe-wahii-sa", my younger brother ! we must still see what can be done.”
So he went to the Morning Star, saying,
‘Ho, grandfather! the children have no bodies.”
He replied, ** I have an everlasting road (in which I must keep) ;
30 ‘*Iam not the only mysterious one ;
“You must still seek for help.”
(On reporting this to the leader, the latter said),
**O Kaxe-wahii-sa", my younger brother! we must still see what can be done.”
33 So he went to the Red Bird, who was sitting (on her nest), saying,
“ Ho, grandmother !
The children have no bodies.’
36 They went to the good land of day.
In four revolutions or gyrations of the upper worlds, we became human beings.
Though we were human beings, we did not find bodies.
39 They arrived at the second revolution of the upper worlds.
There we were not (complete) human beings.
They arrived at the third revolution of the upper worlds.
There we were not (complete) human beings.
They arrived at the fourth revolution of the upper worlds.
They stood on a sycamore tree.
45 They stood there at harvest time.
** Ho, younger brother! a man has left a trail.”
“ Ho, elder brother!” said the Black Bear: **‘ you have said that a man has left a
trail.
“This is the man.”
48 ‘‘ Ho, elder brother !” (said the stranger) ‘‘I am Young Hanya.”
{Tsiou.] ‘‘ Ho, younger brother! a man has left a trail.”
[Black Bear.] *‘ Ho, elder brother! you have said that a man has left a trail.
“This is the man.”
51 ** Ho, elder brother !” (said the stranger) ‘* | am Osage.
** We shall be Hanya people.”
Some people left a trail.
54 Those were the lodges of the Hanya uta¢anjse.
(The Hanya utay-anjse leader said)
**Ho! some persons have come.
““Tsiou and Watsetsi have come.”
They thought of what was good for the children.
They decided that the two should continue as chiefs for the children.
They decided that the two should continue without anything that would be fatal
to the children. (And they said)
60 ** There shall be an assembly of the children.
** You two shall seek a land in which the children may become men.”
They two arranged for the location of a land in order that the children might
become men in it.
63 The Female Beaver, who had been traveling, came to the confines of the village
(of the Hanya uta¢angse ?)
(She made ?) a small lodge (for herself ?).

Good Voice, of the Mitk’i® gens, knew the history of the Female
Beaver, but he failed to keep his promise to dictate it to the author,

’

Ns)

a
=

396 OSAGE TRADITIONS.

CONCLUDING REMARKS.

An Osage said to the author: ‘* We do not believe that our ances-
tors were really animals, birds, &c., as told in the traditions. These
things are only wa-wi’-ku-ska’-ye [symbols] of something higher.”
On saying this he pointed to the sky.

Apart from such traditions or myths, it is found that even the
taboos andthe names of the gentes, subgentes, phratries, and persons
are objects of mysterious reverence among many, if not all, of the
Siouan tribes. Such names are never used in ordinary conversation.
This is especially the case in tribes where the secret society continues in
all its power, as among the Osage, the Ponka, and the Kansa. When
the author was questioning these Indians he was obliged to proceed
very cautiously in order to obtain information of this character, which
was not communicated till they learned about his acquaintance with
some of the myths. When several Dakota delegations visited Wash-
ington he called on them and had little trouble in learning the names of
their gentes, their order in the camping circle, &c., provided the in-
terpreters were absent. During his yisit to the Omaha, from 1878
to 1880, he did not find them very reticent in furnishing him with
such information, though he was generally referred to the principal
chief of each gens as the best authority for the names in his own
division. But he found it very difficult to induce any of them to
admit that the gentes had subdivisions, which were probably the
original gentes. It was not till 1880, and after questioning many,
that by the merest accident he obtained the clew from the keeper of
a sacred pipe.

The Iowa, who have these social divisions and personal names of
mythic significance, also have sacred songs, but these are in the Win-
nebago language. It is probable that they are the property of a
secret order, as they, too, show how some of the gentes descended as
birds from the upper world. The names of the Winnebago gentes
and of some members of the tribe have been recorded by the author,
who has also learned parts of their traditions. He infers that their
secret society has not been abolished.

When aman of the Kansa tribe observed that the author had an
inkling of the matter he related part of the tradition of that tribe.
explaining the origin of the names and the taboos of several Kansa
gentes. The ancestors of these gentes were spoken of as birds which
descended from an upper world. The phratries in that tribe, the
* Wa-ytt" mi'-’di",” or ‘* (Those who) sing together,” refer to mystic
songs and strengthen the view that the secret society exists among
these Indians. Several members of the tribe have positively stated
its existence.

As one phratry is composed of the two gentes, Large and Small

DORSEY. | CONCLUDING REMARKS. 397

Hanka, that have the sole right to sing the war songs, time may
show that these songs, which, with their chart of pictographs, are
used by the Osage, are substantially those of the seventh degree in
the Osage society. This is rendered the more probable by the fact
that the Kansa have grouped their gentes in seven phratries, just
the number of the degrees in the society. And this arrangement by
sevens is the rule among Osage, Kansa. Ponka, Omaha. and Dakota,
though there are apparent exceptions.

Further investigation may tend to confirm the supposition that in
any tribe which has mythic names for its members and its social di-
visions (as among the Osage, Kansa, Quapaw, Omaha, Ponka, Iowa,
Oto, Missouri, Tutelo, and Winnebago), or inone which has mythic
names only for its members and local or other names for its social
divisions (as among the Dakota, Assiniboin, Mandan, Hidatsa, and
Crow), there are now or there have been secret societies or ** The
Mysteries.”

'See the author’s paper in the American Naturalist for 1885, entitled ‘* Kansas
mourning and war customs,” with which was published part of the chart mentioned
above.

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION—-BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

DR: FRANZ BOAS

399

CON AE NS

Lia TAe SMITA NS) ae DTA OOO Rem DED AO OCD OS CSE Sg eTC Ore os PIR Roe aeicae ae nese Nea Ere
JNU AOTAAMES | CMO, « Ko momo boon debbeogo0 deco ode Co oneoOGHOEERCEeDeSE CHE
CRORE aN e.6 cewo ob oscoud ap Ondo GHbboo oD UDINE bob gS cE aBeCe OR EU ORNS
Geography of. Northeastern America.....-...-....-- +--+ ese cence reese

Distribution Ob tne yori bess jeorrs aa eienssctniste covets eters 22) See SAO OR OES
GeneralkopservaWOns er ers cic tiaerce ticterscseiciere sete rele aie shoteyelesorcinra asters eserelssots
iptnistaad bah lea ecto ete Soe ae ee ae GO Oe OBO OO eS carn coroners

SEE SL ECOSER a TTVTEUL Lessee toe a are car esstere tela ate etals inte eh sector stene aratel’s ecke'slcre eueicevelane is
GMiven/ Al qhilbGhecrtiitn Sam hRe a onion DOR Toe De OG Cr OU GMO Tan mo cer eee
The Qaiimanvang myth ole aiss oc rcictsisiolsisyetciete = syefeistslove avers cats SAC Esor
SINT TSG qa dub coaoosuoUTEdL a Canoe SD oo Dose onesbeaceTacsods
WNsciO Vpn AGoscaonoqussae caoncoposdnocendoned bea caao cHobUgdonOS
The Padlimiut and the Akudnirmiut............. BDO TOU CRTOD
IN 2) AERO TANERRS ooo ooo sooNDORONOHADONAFGaDRD GOONS coODONAgUBGEE SOO
Ting Heil ent oo Cheopoe soodet doquaboosAobsbancossbb00 doceesDDE
Mhe rom TUG aya parecipe sis eyatels wel Neiersieinn seelerel ecsiewis eleke's <iefee = aneieicte +
tae Smaclhinnintins scoadc adgooocsnGn ogoonne boonnapoSEocopUbeseoccosd
VV ESLEETIES MONG OLENA GSONM Ea Vier reicerciaieieies alee letenee celal aslereustebelsbefeleted ser at crecersis
Thi /sviyiliinanutie sacoteaG Roo con a6 OUD DORORE OIE oa so SC OOD emASOr
THis lkGuaryererhh Ole AVATMY Socso5 cdannood none sondbn GodboAcoUoEdDConSUS
The Sagdlirmiut of Southampton Island............. ...----+---.5-
UPTV EOE SSUDD UTED TUL tapeeponcscaraterottevaeahe ats cavciaeel cere ove <aleist says forrest av rcv 5 fo ews refevere ajerere aleve
Boa ham lle frael dehyo ed eine ooocgaecUe ode oom Dee Ee atce Seon cHUnnaDA
TENE c sles ass con pemcor on A aaomemOOniGtod su doco. coroe mpeccG
BaF veog ey ur bree Ua tee Pee cnet rntet net poet rs folate sts) arate sfacorstcle eo stass staiare e231 3%
GB Yee Billquianl Seino TNT Ts Sense cicth g6 cro Ore renirea GCE CAE CREST en ORR IEG
fSreathnlatisto lb iets | oydere reac eeeicn ORO R OT COTO ET Iae Ota eee aera ne mec aor Ac
hemainvestorhllesmere Gand sree. porysiscss cs rslesis:<suss “oy susictseretet = atlases
Mey Nowy Greenlanders jemytereccterenceteacs clarciaisiee cle) eye ote inseue-hevalerar siete (orade +

Influence of geographical conditions upon the distribution of the settlements.

Trade and intercourse bebweenl the tribes)... cc. cee cs cele sees ete wee erence cities

Tash orbhe, Con tral shis kim OvbEI Wes eesrraysisrercie ecersrrsasvetcl> sieveieiarege are als suapstelote’<! lrsicisye

IS ipennhayee Qiao WIR. om Sone doc OB ot.on ape CA nwa HOLE ab SUCRE be ome Dee baomoae
isieilarelbabisy Ghotelnyyakel ley lavpiclint t¥<0 no miGc bo dinbenake Deo e do cee ae Scere
DeGr IMIsSkK Ox VAN ab Galea MUM GL ON sory ne ars) ae clade oteiapereictetetciiave(s eke ses /s) ele crs.
Is himiniwyer Oe parila eee SoD Gee be boe vo Gucudaian tone ap toeer ante aon

Makinp leatherandupreparino Skins. casio es occ cis 66 cccleelecc1csie. els icra
Shining brie nreewase ables Doasoc oe noe on EBae aoe Deseo eae ey oe Ceanae
ransporcanon bys boats and! sled esters acieqe cee ccc cee ae a cee cee ers cje'l= is
Ase TON tewels nda rid eeOe AA Caen Dot Dt ans SC OOS CROSS ane nae eae
RNeSled Perandid OP Se pye te teen er citeetecicicte ie civicie cielo cic. eisueisieta < etacousjaie-s)s

6 ETH 26 401

402 CONTENTS.

Page.

Habitations and) Gress. .7.:5 seis clerets) fel peice el aleret cle eloeiote or tet otsltele eral erate arene 539
Sst Hla (0): ee aR A cromiccracd on naa dong csdsodoe mendes (hoon 539
Clothing, dressing of the hair, and tattooing ......... ................ 554
Socialland! religious LEG ee aeeen eer ere eect ete ee te ee ere * 561
Domestic occupations and amusements ...........-..---++- ee eee eee eee 561
AAtinlslsesooosecnosOboo ab anadoceosEsoo Rosas godesodeadestoumecyuosedo5 574
Social customs) 2m) SUMS Type etn el etree eect tee eee eee 576
Social! order:and) laws sce 2s = evans ce ere eto cree te see aoe eee ern ee are 578
Religious ideas and the angakunirn (priesthood) .........-............. 583
Sednavand theitulimran/ysee ae sie ieee eee ere 583
The tornmalt andthe an calcite see eere sea ete ree eer neers 591

A Nave) rilredain Woy alerenOVOVal Ac cogs ocosdconnmsaomonos pose dsastmoscdowoCE 598
Kadlu the thunderer)... cee. os. 2 eeaneeeee Pas on aoc ons nd 600
INH ish inelbtento ney EN Nel SCEMIENS 5 cea onconesnoodoot br sdcoeesonc she Saati 600
Customs and regulations concerning birth, sickness, and death ......... 609
Tales:and! traditions: ct 6 oj=-< Aer crsier cars iene aiererace alot Pare tere los ieee a eet oeretees 615
Ine Phsl-d ema pb opooocoueDobaDaRcoosEsos0o0CcEtN aoodSsascuDéGomudecorce 615
The emigration of the Sagdlirmiwt. << (eect ect iie te oe ee ele eee rere 618
TENG UY? 6 codonnpconponenbnbonoocéocosanebeboosos souavooce Anecaged oF 620
UM SLON rhe RocoEopeeRoenaoonboO coSUanodr nuh opdadanr ddawucoodaoEcbuo’ 621
LG mbalee Son gapanoonnaoodo atom oo sdodu OnUDenopoDoTSoncnweoS Soon SHeES oe 621
OFuteail Obs (nema Atria poocq= bo vendo pec onUE as coo Goa ndNuNb OOD oSeOONO DE 625
UM its hal} (Kol See ere SecD Ra naceOs CatoodGnrn ees aaconao ccoadodoedoas 627
UNAS) APRs Ne) ARAOBALEION 6.5.0 09nd ooo DD Gd ona BUSS UONoN UD SUenGesbOSCGUDeNONDNS 628
(Alito h Eve (ohio Lumens sauocobuas hoDoot pactuononooeoEonenooneStccauedono das 628
iPS Stonyoftheithree brothers iecr etter eels tel terete terrane tiers riet eras 628

ING Oprah pO Gh locd nopopoocoo sn oosonedansD os docnD eS DOLSnsBQeODDE OS 630
Igimarasugdjuqdjuaq the cannibal .......--...-........2.0-ee esse ase 633
The Tornityc2.3:., a cusotras secon cee ce et ene erase en eer se eee 684
The woman and the spirit of the singing house.......................+- 636
Therconstella tion dle dyer rerete etal etter eee ete terete hate leieeete reer 636
Origin of the Adlet and of the Qadlunait......................-..+....- 637
HM MaYeyrow Rev hit COOL) Wceomiane come codoouda anoaab au son docSnchuogaccdsosdsc06 637
Inugpagqdjugqdalune epee eee reer ec eae ether eee 638
The bear ‘story:-.0/c<rs.ceetacriectees ctl cree ASL er eee eee 638
Sundry. tales’. <= ic: Jee ace a Sidiae « ayorsts cfs clvoass eerie soe eke a as eae rere ators 639
‘he. owl/and the: raveny pp seca ssa ea eee ee ee reer eee 641
Comparison between Baffin Land traditions and those of other tribes.... 641
Science ang itheacts ys cries elle ete eee stele nite ei ere eee eee ee are 648
Geography, and navigation. acemac cco. oes ieee eile ii irate 643
‘Poetry: arid! music’ ...252. dasicmscaecueciin: cee ae eee Teta rter 648
Merrymakinp among: therlornitererre reat tet raicte it rete ere ereetre 649
The lemming'sisonps.< «cic 4emeeie eeeaeee EP eg RUN ecg tea 649
Alum! pissinga) (the taillenis'Son gy) <r elo eestor ete erate 650

T. (Sammer Sone: So celocicn siete ecient eins ere eerie 653

LH. The:returning, hunters... cesar aacceteciee eee aerate setae 653
Tt. ‘Song iof the Tormityy . cyanea lete eee ere eiet tee reeeraeretens 653
IV. Song of the Inuit traveling to Nettilling.......................%. 653
Wi -Ovaitog]s: Song sac. acceler ic eice er ee Cees 654
VI. Utitiag’s song: o6.4 icine site one sores eet eects 654
WI. SOD Ge oe ovsiesciensie cretere sion aye @ sreretelstole sees eee eres ero ees aerials tetera 654
WEDS, Song soso ssijacene eth meee eee ee Eee ee eieieecir 654
TX. Song’ of the’ Tornit).\. clic cit sicwe coe ee eioieicteistae eietieieiciesiererateisielale 654

CONTENTS. 403

Page

Science and the arts — Poetry and music — Continued.
Xow Oe OXTAN OuNe WOMAN E01. crtcceieeaticie sien os as ara Besiae eee 655
PNT HG sreh MEMS SOMO erete shel a teyercasye sic] raves ore seictere oiaisacbsaiscalns sisi Ne /e.wleye e oie.s 655
RGR SON OA OL peas OF yave victepe ay sera lai) sisi ote7aevavaveesuste cleress rele c/eean ete vn cic coats 655
ENOL GRCAU ANOS SOW Oe as marc tNMMERG ater oe circ ete facaal sieveisye esiesisesisisieeis suieiaes 23 655
eV em avine ab Dallrwdn once sacl acia Ser we ays ty setae etic sale Seale ele § 656
X.Y, (Abi alee cnn leas os Somaneeunornc dos aoomdenDReee Pre PSietese Staisecschcaat= 657
XVI-XIX. Extracts ....... BRIG tio Ais eieenn Cet bid Sear OC Tae ee 657-658
(GHOSSAT Yair creas oleracea ss smear pte foncieleial wyatctats ysnty aves QaNermie epistles eee s 659
Eskimo words used, with derivations and significations................ 659
Eskimo geographical names used, with English significations........... 662

POWER: wlaralcccielia sinteiele/= chal atevele/aiofeteratelot-flieloleterstaTelealereiaiaiaiaistieratsteteyorelstelatele/s/etsicteis\« 667

PLATE II.

Fia.

ILLUQ@TRATIONS.”

Map showing in detail the geographical divisions of territory oc- pea
cupied by the Eskimo tribes of Northeastern America. ........ (*)
1. Oqgo and Akudnirn.
2. Frobisher Bay.
3. Eclipse Sound and Admiralty Inlet.
4, Repulse Bay and Lyon Inlet.
5. Boothia Isthmus and King William Land.
Map of the territory occupied by the Eskimo tribes of North

Til.

America, showing the boundaries... - 5. 5...--2<-5---ccne- + sss (*)
TV. Map of Cumberland Peninsula, drawn by Aranin,a Saumingmio. 643
We loSl ear ohare Sone ceoon cooOBeconon Sener Soneas SAP Se Cae 648
NALS OS aiedvoy CheivheY a. Aon aqme panoneo span ONoDboonasan ouaoos op Sapna ae 650
Willi, Taisainaon Glin kelst sn eo bond capoo SoC CIR OOnGHe ME Aace Morn onanne Deane 651
AVANING [Bist ateavoy chim wbatscfa ne cen oS ee nO DOr en AD Ra rodn Con Onan aaeeer arr 652
TX. Eskimo carvings ..... {oodooecadda suas ues oovednaADpoossDecSecduEDt 653
NGS Wieck ahony Hla soe scone spaS youn 6 sac ecds COGOonOSKaEe REE Aaa 654
Sti) [slong jfoyoyah ii Koo UNI) Soe goibane dete oe auipe aon op deGocemeBaaDodaee 472
391. Modern unang or sealing harpoon .............. dace Seer aS Ot 472
B02 mOldisiglemaulane Or hanpoonsheade seesil \sieiisserletteiee alse ee = =< 473
393, Modern naulanp or harpoon head’. 0.0.2.2. .-c60.+- 05. 06---- «+ <- 473

394. Qilertuang or leather strap and clasps for holding coiled up harpoon
IN souabddc send Osea UsACor Ao nobcooudadd auc oo con oa ane 474
~ 395. Siatko or harpoon head of the Iglulirmiut......................:. 475
Bila, Sinica reyes be in lDp<airereisiounslac o 4 beg aqcneriaas canaeasoonaeeondese 475
Soe skimounhtheacthot strikinovs seal cases yarcsc) ertely elses secre cle 76
SOS LubareaneyOr OUCKICS © secre ce cio= cette eine c Gis ste ies er een se 77
399. Eskimo awaiting return of seal to blowhole ....................-- 478
400. Tuputang or ivory plugs for closing wounds...................... 79
ACY lem OOG EliR CASE HOD PLU OS taser ney tera = c farce) Yan- teasers crcrete, ere stersi eesti sak yas 480
ADE, AW aod oles Saito) ceo) tn QTE Garp ame neronericcnd darn corer aor ren 480
403. Qanging for fastening thong to jaw of seal....................... 480
cls. Qinagriayes tia) 1oyaen, OMENSCENL sooo doded uoooonSeababhbesed Sh Seeenooos 481
CAO. Opisterbayer mm tone eyt £),1eTINKO ae dion aucun nod gdb SeBedb on oOdueaOOR 481
406. Qanging serving for both toggle and handle.....................- 481
AN @idyvarnneior whicl tomharpoonslinende-eraesssece crete sess: 181
Os. Sint I edaenior Yatidl, 15 coapeaeine pono oondenndacoodadeEcunenas 481
409. Old pattern of hook for drawing out captured seal................ 483
ALOR Seal HOO? Of Wears) CLAW mia eesiese cree icreniete epomteiciateisiersistesie tie wiarsnct ae 483
411. Modern form of seal hook.......... Naf ie reer oarele tepeTeiece = oie a simese ats 483
AT 2 ES Kim Ol ap PRONG NUN Pt SCA Nerrelerstnetateielersieleret el st siereicier= eizieVsier sive sions 484
Als mihramevotapkavaka OLsNUNGTMP DOG acer sac ce ees cee es = e-toc 486
Alam Kayaks with COV ELM OLsSKUMs a) lalele acre vies nto cieiels a viais ei sieis slo aso ais i> 487

*In pocket at end of volume.

406 ILLUSTRATIONS.

Page.
Fia. 415. Model of a Repulse Bay kayak.....-....-.:0-0+-00--es-eeeeneeee 487
416. Sirmijaung or scraper for kayak....... ...-----..------+-4--+:- 488
417. Large kayak harpoon for seal and walrus...........-.....-...... 488
418. Tikagung or support for the hand ..................-.....-...... 488
419. Qatirn or ivory head of harpoon shaft.................--.......-. 489
20, Manner of attaching the two principal parts of the harpoon...... . 489
421. Tokang or harpoon head in sheath,....-...-..-.-.-.----.---.---. 489
422. Tokang or harpoon head taken froma whale in Cumberland Sound — 490
423. Ancient tokang or harpoon head.........-.......-+2-+++se-+-eeee 491
424. Teliqbing, which is fastened to harpoon line. ...............+.... 492
426) Qatalikonispealy erie cele aerial eke eee eet rt ere 492
496, Avautang pr sealskin floats: seemless ie ee rl 492
427, Different styles of poviutang or pipe for inflating the float........ 493
28. Agdliag or spear for small seals ............-.-.+----2+++---+200 494
429, Agdliag points ......- 2... 0.02 ee eee eee ee eee eee ee eee 494
480. Spear heads). 2.22. 0-2. 2c. 22 ce wine cee 0 en ei mene esas 495
43te Warpe spear ead creraielelerelel=(eletete = ieielets tetas tats) eee acetal 495
432. Anguvigang or lance .......-. 20 seen eee eee ee eee 496
HERS ibis Gra loyal syoee ie Sonn canccnecocosnaccas nas s0cccaeengausecrtes 496
434, Nuqsang or throwing board ..........-------++22+ 2-2 sees seen eee 496
435. Sealing at the edge of the ice’.......---- 25-2252 e ee eee eee nn 498
436. Model of sakurpang’ or whaling har pooe Fam ane BAC SOUCS OL COd 55 500
ZEY ER UNbilintes wotnoioelis! gneeopavcudadeevodogcnbe BocosscacccccGdocn 500
PCTS Wiy(ovoys eral Ilene sndovenl Medill 8 = ooo 8 ao Gocco jonco see asaseo ame sooceS 502
439. Wooden bow from Cumberland Sound .........................0 502
440 Bows On remdeenanblersery)-tekelepeee ese ate tee eee trae 508
441. Bow of antlers, with central part cut off straight, from Pelly Bay.. 5038
449. (Arrows jwith bonevheads\rsaecne teen ct iat ie reer erreiat ans 504
443° Arrowsswith metal Gad Stmererclelsetj-sekteiaters tele stele lete) satel tateieletets 504
AAA Arrowhead from Boothiaeecene ar ece eects ieee eet eect 505
445. Showing attachment of arrowhead vertically and parallel to shank. 505
446) Various forms Of arrowledGlere erties e eerie 506
447. Socket of spear handle from Alaska.........---.-..-----+-+--..-- 506
448: ‘Slate arrowhead. (ou sseierseitta ts aaa eee cen ek eer eee eee 506
449. Elintiarrowheads tromioldieraviesicre rience ee eiiert terete 507
Ads Various sty lesiob Qui Veler tetris eater cle aCe eee eeeees 507
451) i@uiver handles sepcteliaae ee hes eee iets nk eee eee ee 508
452. Whalebone nooses for leanne WALCLLO Wns ate seme ee ee 511
AdSs Kakavane Ori salmon SPeatiette creer ities tater ote eer 512
454. Ivory fish used as bait in spearing salmon...........-..-+.-+....- 513
CMs, (Olio hareyowa soye (spawaysnuayes isles Sooo soe soo ognosHosa sod ueuacoeonns 514
456). Salmon hooks\.24 « Gckt.cie coe eee cay ec e ee eemiaeete 515
45% ‘Salmon hook! #7. jose es de eee eee ee eer meee 515
458) Bait used ainwhshino-wathshooks etree ete setter tet irene 516
459. Butcher’s knife with bonedhandle. 3: <cis- om =i sete teil 516
460. Panaior knifejtor:disseching: pam ery pees selene eee ieee 517
AGIs Horm of lomo ww. Ins ISe se eee areata rete tetetete teeta tet eee eee 518

462. Old ulo with top of handle broken off, from Cape Broughton, Davis
Strate ccs se d.c.s cage acis lors axsteets oxarels elu gehe Petas Oe renee eee eee 518
4635 Bracmentofian alo blad erofislater mer atta ere tienes 518
464° Ulothandile from! recent pravese. reesei seer eee eerie erer ert 518
465, Modern! tesirgunior Scraper.) -aiscirese eeeieeeineie ae eee 519
466. ‘Old'style of tesirqun) onr'seraper cee eee eee tere 519

Fia@. 467.

468.
469.
470.
471.
472.
473.

74.
475.
476.

TCs
478.
479.
480.
481.
482.
483.
484.
485.
486.
487.
488.
489.
490.
491.
492.
493.
494.
495.
496.
497.
498.
499.
500.
501.
502.
503.
504.
505.
506.
507.
508.
509.
510.
511.
512.
613.
514.
515.
516.
517.
518.
519.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Seligoung or scraper used for softening skins...................-5
Old stone scrapers found im graves.........5-..ee 1s eee eee ween
Sireteherstonslines mnie eerie ctrl sercirtelietrel tis ertstsicl« eat! \s/<1<is ++ «a1 >
I @lAy GENE. «an oabnooocgs9000A05 span sAdurioasaapsaconodenpnar
Ivory needle-case from Cumberland Sound...........-. 00... eee
Common pattern of needle-case.. 0.6... ie. e eee eee ences
diets) @ie Waviealol Gy 45 4a noe ooosopeoooseodonoddonb donnoeopBoonSp apace
Instrument for straightening bones .. 05.0 1. -.e.6 6. ees ee eee
Drill for workinp mivory and) bone!))./.t- 6). 2 ene) «1
Drakivwoodsused snk liao Setapsreleleraroleleetetelelsralaie\slolaielelelets!ale/<v=ls Ts) >
IDG SIAN) APEC HOON, on bacon doandeodcasddes repo gtogseconeadcocmuM
dinate Iislleneney sor ieo coda nbmun oo doco poabesoooueouNoUG
EGA) Ge [POs ine pois Gann pOudet eo ocdecoeubEgndnOscoosucKopoHpoenoag
Winters abay SONY so God coon booAoonecpoddce senso cobodaocoeDbE
Wha) Or Elsie LORIE cooooooeocpogooEeos GuEsonooannosopcusonosE 06
Apnrinpiniass Ort) do. onnaoonnp pogoas dopenbdDe Go udaccusdodoe™upad
SIGGKRAEO2 a codon bana no obonan poDese oo nad 2000 Dooce jo ndoudogeod
Clasp for fastening traces to sledge ...............0.e cece eee ee
Artistic form of clasp for fastening traces to sledge...............

Ugsirn, for fastening traces to pita
Ano or dog harness
Sadniriaq or clasp
Mir ber fox: Grimm Oeste -peseresopel <yerntorcicisiovess eve enstonctoieie a) seals euaterasiarate eets ee
Warlousistylesol snow kmiten toto etter cee lcivemeteseisisl 16 1
Ground plan of snow house of Davis Strait tribes...............--
SnowshouseioLs Wavisisuralte Se CuONSe saursreleteeieiiieiereie seicicieiciceree cies
Section and interior of snow house.............5-...0.5-2-0--.-2-
Ukusik or soapstone kettle
Plan of double snow house
Pianvore lo dulikshouserpas cess metaverse somite steele eiaye cea ecictorers.
PlantorohHudsonmbayybouseracmss joceerc ocr aeieasics dels aivaricretaraciae ©
Plan and sections of qarmang or stone house.....................
Plan of large qarmang or stone house...............22...2s02-
Plan of stone house in Anarnitung, Cumb rland Sound ..........
Plan of group of stone houses in Pangnirtung, Cumberland Sound
Plan and sections of qarmang or house made of whale ribs
Storehouseslag Ukiadlivan ome meer er iciecione cick momeerercec cnr
Plan and sections of tupiq or tent of Cumberland Sound
Plan and sections of tupiq or tent of Pond Bay..................--
Plan and sectionsof double winter tent, Cumberland Sound.......
(AR RMA OTE leYrS Tt OMA NAAT! « oneAnanchasgcoheocneanooccaescbAon ode
NVOMAMESe ACKebiy stem inca ie ta ete aielcits euseieiais cts tere evsusiesele, severe ae
Tonys beads fOrawOMeni sy JaCKes cea aieet cise aickte esis at ee ela sl -talc ie
(Gindielbickiles terry yas cerretras toe clits tele syeleeias erases fomioet vere teres
Infant’s clothing
(Clintals lovato. o ap geqoadb ooo c duo tengoudDr cocsouenc One poagUEEee
IRQ COMDS og scschenoknehocootbocesos Eosbobodscosendoscrosdpd
JB WAES Ycot doe choot cer coe OUe sno BOUIobd aOOUD Arcos db Gea ee rerad
Manner of tattooing face and wearing hair.......................
Manner of tattooing legs and hands................. th ober
IMDS 35 cba acon conacadn dénedou dmaodeconos Hbo Dob pion ObnobeoEaeDeraD
adlerofamnus ki OA OMIM eer reese eforeitieier ve eels ertetofeleyeis ess) <Vajs <7 21s Me

Skulliusediumitheypamevajecaun ge ec dceee sec se cece ce ses 2s oe cele

or ot

or
wwownnwnnwnnw

Sor cot kh Ww Ww WW re

1
S)

OU Or
aig
i

cr or
wewww ww
pure

A 1 TS
Cl W WW

He CO
m_ co

t OU Or
Cw Oe

408

Fie. 520.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Page.
Ivory carving representing head of fox, usedin the gameajegaung. 565

521. Ivory carvings representing polar bear, used in the game ajegaung. 566
522. Figures used in playing tingmiujang, a game similar to dice ...... 567
528.. Game of nuglutangs-.2% cielo ste cece eaelis Cae eee 568
524. ‘Thesaketan’ or roulette... 4.7 acts eee see pee in eee eee 569
525;, Ajarorpoq'or;-catisicradle cnn -orcieeece acne hee ee enee teens 569
526. Balls aati. coiige cscie pe hece ee merce ele sete terete ERAT ACen 570
527. Dolls imydressiofsthe Ogomiute renee seer eerie eee ee 571
528) Dollsin"dress/of the Akudnirmiuteeeereerereeerionce tenant eee 571
529) (Modern'snow:gogeles: of woodeennaseens serene nee naan 576
580. Old form of snow goggles; of Ivory... 4-2-4 eee eee eee 576
531. Diagram showing interior of qaggi or singing house among east-

Orn! tribes so. vsti. nsFecie totes erect ert eee Eee eee ee 600
532. Plan of Hudson Bay qaggi or singing house...................... 601
533; Kalaut or adrumt 35 seeiene debaters ss sicheeiaeiecte emcee eee eine 602
534. Plans of remains of supposed qaggi or singing houses............. 603
585. Qailertetane; a maskedl:fisuretj.-n ese tack deco eee eee 606
536. Model of lamp from a grave in Cumberland Sound .......:....... 613
537. Qaudjaqdjuq is maltreated by his enemies........................ 631
588. The man in the moon comes down to help Qaudjaqdjuq.......... 631
539. The man in the moon whipping Qaudjaqdjuq.................... 632
540. Qaudjaqdiuq has become Qaudjuqdjuaq...................-.----- 632
o41. Qaudjuqdyjuagq ikillineshisienemiese..- reece ce iierecee ee ee 633
542. Tumiujaney or lamprob the! ornithine eerie etree 634
543. Cumberland Sound and Frobisher Bay, drawn by Itu, a Nugumio.. 644
d44. Cumberlind Sound and Frobisher Bay, drawn by Sunapignang,

an OQomlios ss iascimerscsaceet eee eee a hatter seer ec 645
545. Cumberland Sound, drawn by Itu, a Nugumio................... 646
546. Peninsula of Qivitung, drawn by Angutuqdjuaq, a Padlimio...... 647

THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

By Dr. Franz Boas

INTRODUCTION.

The following account of the Central Eskimo contains chiefly the
results of the author’s own observations and collections made during
a journey to Cumberland Sound and Davis Strait, supplemented by
extracts from the reports of other travelers. The geographical re-
sults of this journey have been published in a separate volume.’
A few traditions which were considered unsuitable for publication
by the Bureau of Ethnology may be found in the Verhandlungen
der Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urge-
schichte, 1887. The linguistic material collected during the journey
will be published separately.

Owing to unfortunate circumstances, the larger portion of the
author’s collections could not be brought home, and it has therefore
been necessary, in preparing this paper, to make use of those made
by C. F. Hall, 1860-1862 and 1865-1869; W. Mintzer, 1873~74, and L.
Kuunlien, 187778. Through the kindness of Professor Otis T. Mason,
I was allowed to make ample use of the collections of the National
Museum and have attached its numbers to the specimens figured.
The author’s collection is deposited in the Museum fiir Vélkerkunde
at Berlin. I am indebted to the American Museum of Natural
History; to Mr. Appleton Sturgis, of New York; to Captain John
O. Spicer, of Groton, Conn.; and to Mrs. Adams, of Washington,

D. C., for several figures drawn from specimens in their possession.

'Baffin-Land. Geographische Ergebnisse einer in den Jahren 1883 und 1884
ausgefiihrten Forschungsreise. Von Dr. Franz Boas. (Erganzungsheft No. 80 zu
»,Petermanns Mitteilungen‘‘.) Gotha: 1885.

409

410 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

AUTHORITIES QUOTED.

BOAS.] AUTHORITIES QUOTED. Aj1

Same volume: Observations on the Western Esquimaux and the country they in-
habit; from Notes taken during two years at Point Barrow, by Mr. John Simp-
son, Surgeon R. N., Her Majesty’s Discovery Ship ‘* Plover.” (Cited, Simpson.

412 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

The following is a list of the papers published by the author on
the results of his journey to Baffin Land and of studies connected
with it. The ethnological remarks contained in these brief commu-
nications have been embodied in the present paper. The method of
spelling in the first publications differs from that applied in the
present paper. It was decided to use the latter after a conference
with Dr. H. Rink.

‘““Reiseberichte aus Baffin-Land.” Berliner Tageblatt, August 4, October 28, No-
vember 4, November 25, 1883: September 28, October 19, November 2, November 9,
November 16, November 23, December 28, 1884; January 4, April 8, April 27, 1885.

‘“Unterdem Polarkreise.” New-Yorker Staats-Zeitung, February 1, February 22,
March 2, 1885.

“The configuration of Ellesmere Land.” Science, February 27, 1885.

“* A journey in Cumberland Sound and on the west shore of Davis Strait in 1883
and 1884, with map.” Bull. Am. Geogr. Soc., pp. 241-272, 1884.

“Die Wohnsitze und Wanderungen der Baffin-Land Eskimos.” Deutsche geogr.
Blatter, p.31, 1885.

“Cumberland Sound and its Esouimaux.” Popular Science Monthly, p. 768, May,
1885.

Boas.] ALPHABET USED FOR ESKIMO WORDS. 413

“Die Eskimos des Baffin-Landes.” Verh, des V.deutschen Geographentags zu
Hamburg. Berlin, 1885.

“Reise im Baffinlande, 1883 und 1884.” Verh. der Ges. fiir Erdkunde zu Berlin.
1885, Nos. 5, 6.

“Die Sagen der Baffin-Land Eskimos.” Verh, der Berlin. anthrop. Gesellschaft,
1885, p. 161.

“The Eskimo of Baffin Land.” Transactions of the Anthropological Society of
Washington, Vol. 3, pp. 95-102.

*‘Sammilung aus Baffin-Land.” Origimal Mittheilungen aus der ethnol. Abtheilung
der Kgl. Museen zu Berlin, 1886, p. 131.

ORTHOGRAPHY.

In the spelling of Eskimo words the author has adhered as closely
as possible to Kleinschmidt’s orthography, as he did not deem it
proper to introduce a linguistic alphabet after so much has been
published in another and almost sufficient one.

Accents and lengths have been marked where it seemed to be de-
sirable. In quotations Eskimo words are spelled according to this
system where it is possible to recognize their meaning and deriva-
tion. In other cases the original spelling of the authors has been
retained. The alphabet used in this paper is as follows:

Vowels: a—a in father. Consonants: q—a hard, guttural sound
e—ey in they. (KJeinschmidt’s K).
i—ee in feel. r—the German guttural r.
o—o in nose. rm—a guttural and nasal r,
u—oo in pool, ~—the German ch in Buch;
au —ow in how. Scotch ch in loch.
ai—i in hide. g—English g in go.

k— English k.
ng— English ng in during. *
b— English b.
p— English p.
v—pronounced with the
lips only.
f—pronounced with the
lips only.
m— English m.
d— English d.
t— English t.
s— English s in soul.
n— English n.
(g¢)dl—d of Lepsius’s standard
alphabet.
(g)dtl—t of Lepsius’s standard
alphabet.
1— English 1.
j—German j in jung; En-
glish y.
ss—S of Lepsius’s standard
alphabet, sounding be-
tween s and sh.

414 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

GEOGRAPHY OF NORTHEASTERN AMERICA."

The Eskimo inhabit almost the whole extent of the coast of Arctic
America. A large part of this country is occupied by the Central
Eskimo, one of the great groups into which that people is divided.
They live in the northeastern part of the continent and on the east-
ern islands of the Arctic-American Archipelago. In Smith Sound
they inhabit the most northern countries visited by man and their
remains are even found at its northern outlet. The southern and
western boundaries of this district are the countries about Fort
Churchill, the middle part of Back River, and the coast west of Ade-
laide Peninsula. Along the whole extent of this line they are the
neighbors of Indian tribes, with whom they are generally on very bad
terms, a mutual distrust existing between the two races.

The geography of the whole country is known only in outline, and
a great portion of it awaits its explorer. Following is a sketch of
what is known about it, so far as it is of importance to the ethnologist.

The vast basin of Hudson Bay separates two large portions of the
American continent: Labrador and the region of the large Arctic
rivers. The southern shore of the bay is inhabited by Indian tribes
who interrupt the communication between the Eskimo of both re-
gions. Hudson Bay, however, has the character of a true mediter-
ranean sea, the northern parts of its opposite shores being connected
by a number of islands and peninsulas. The low and narrow Rae
Isthmus, which presents an easy passage to the Arctic Ocean, unites
Melville Peninsula to the main body of the continent. From this
peninsula Baftin Land stretches out toward the north of Labrador,
with only two narrow channels intervening: Fury and Hecla Strait
and Hudson Strait. Another chain of islands, formed by the parts
of Southampton Island and Mansfield Island, stretches from Repulse
Bay to the northwest point of Labrador, but the distances between
the islands and the roughness of the sea prevent communication.

On the western part of the continent the great bays, Chesterfield
Inlet and Wager River, are of importance, as they allow the Eskimo,
though they are a coast people, to penetrate into the interior of the
continent. A narrow isthmus separates the head of the bays from
the lakes of Back River. At Coronation Bay the latter approaches
the Arctic Ocean very closely, and it is probable that the coast west
of Adelaide Peninsula, which is skirted by innumerable islands, is
indented by deep inlets extending towards the lakes of Back River.
Thus communication between the Arctic Ocean and Hudson Bay is
facilitated by this large river, which yields an abundant supply of
fish. From Wager River an isthmus leads to its estuary.

Boothia Felix, the most northern peninsula of the continent, is
united to it by two narrow isthmuses, the former extending from

‘A glossary of Eskimo geographic terms will be found on p. 662

BOAS. | GEOGRAPHIC DESCRIPTION. 415

Pelly Bay to Shepherd Bay, the latter from Lord Mayor Bay to
Spence Bay. It is separated from North Somerset by the narrow
Bellot Strait. Farther west Adelaide Peninsula and King William
Land form the continuation of the continent toward the western
extremity of Boothia, thus outlining a spacious bay sheltered from
the currents and the pack ice of Melville Sound and the adjoining
bays. The eastern sides of Boothia and North Somerset and the
western coasts of Melville Peninsula and Baffin Land form a gulf
similar to Fox Basin.

Farther north, between Baffin Land and Greenland, North Devon
and Ellesmere Land are situated. Thus Baffin Land forms a con-
necting link for three regions inhabited by Eskimo: the Hudson Bay
Territory, Labrador, and Greenland.

The orography of the western coast of Hudson Bay is little known.
Most of this coast seems to form a hilly land, consisting generally of
granite. Between Wager River and Chesterfield Inlet it rises to a
chain of hills of about one thousand feet in height, extending to a
plateau farther north. Another chain seems to stretch in a north-
easterly direction from Back River to the source of Hayes River.
West of Back River Silurian strata prevail. The granite hills form
a favorite haunt for the musk ox and reindeer.

Melville Peninsula consists chiefly of a chain of granite hills, sloping
down toa Silurian plain in the eastern part of the peninsula. The
northeastern part of Baffin Land is formed by a high chain of mount-
ains stretching from Lancaster Sound to Cape Mercy. Long fjords
and deep valleys divide them into many groups. Bylot Island, which
stands high out of the sea, is separated from the mainland by Pond
Bay and Eclipse Sound. The next group stretches from Pond Bay
to the fjord of Anaulereé’ling. Farther to the southeast the groups
are smaller, and in Home Bay they are separated by wide valleys,
particularly near Eyalualuin, a large fjord on the southern side of
that bay.

From this fjord an enormous highland, which I named Penny
Highland, extends as far as Cumberland Sound, being terminated
by the narrow valley of Pangnirtung. The eastern boundary runs
through the fjords Maktartudjennaq and Narpaing to Nedluqseaq
and Nudlung. In the interior it may extend to about fifteen miles
east of Issortuqdjuaq, the most northern fjord of Cumberland Sound.
The whole of the vast highland is covered by an ice cap sending forth
numerous glaciers in every direction. In Pangnirtung and on Davis
Strait they reach the level of the sea.

Penny Highland, which forms the main body of Cumberland Pen-
insula, has attached to it a few mountain groups of moderate ex-
tent: the peninsula of Nudlung and the highland of Eyalualuin and
that of Qivitung.

Farther southeast, between the valleys of Pangnirtung and King-

A16 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

nait-Padli, is situated the highland of Kingnait, with sharp peaks
emerging from the ice cap which covers the lower parts of the plateau.
The rest of Cumberland Peninsula is formed by the highland of
Saumia, which much resembles that of Kingnait. Near Cape Mercy
the ice covered highland slopes down to a hilly region, which falls
abruptly to the sea.

The southern parts of this range of mountains are composed of
gneiss and granite. It may be that Silurian strata occur in some
places, but they have not yet been found anywhere in situ. The
northern parts are too imperfectly known to enable us to form an
idea of their geological character.

The mountains just described slope down to a hilly region, which
farther to the west levels off toa plain. The hills are composed of
granite, the plains of Silurian limestone, which extends from Prince
Regent Inlet to the head of Frobisher Bay.

The peninsula between Cumberland Sound and Frobisher Bay is
formed by a plateau, which slopes down gradually to the northwest.
It is drained by a great river flowing into Auqardneling, a fjord on
the western shore of Cumberland Sound. Near Lake Nettilling the
country is very low, the level of the lake being only forty feet above
that of thesea. Here the watershed between Cumberland Sound and
Fox Basin closely approaches the eastern shore, coming within five
miles of the head of Nettilling Fjord. Itis formed by a narrow neck
of land about a quarter of a mile wide and sixty-five feet above the
level of the sea.

From Eskimo reports I conclude that the plateau of Nugumiut, as
we may call the peninsula between Frobisher Bay and Cumberland
Sound, is comparatively level. Only a single mountain south of |
Qasigidjen (Bear Sound) rises into the region of eternal snow.

The peninsula between Frobisher Bay and Hudson Strait is formed
by a granite highland, the Meta Incognita of Queen Elizabeth. It is
covered with ice and sends a few glaciers into the sea. Farther west,
near Lesseps Bay and White Bear Sound, the country becomes lower,
The narrow isthmus leading from Hudson Strait to Amaqdjuaq can-
not be very high, as the Eskimo carry their kayaks to the lake, which
T believe is about two hundred feet above the level of the sea.

Last of all I have to mention the highlands of King Cape. The
rest of the land is taken up by a vast plain in which two large lakes
are situated; the southern, Amaqdjuaq, empties by ashort river into
Lake Nettilling, whence the long and wide Koukdjuaq runs to the
shallow sea. From observations made by Captain Spicer, of Groton,
Conn., and information obtained from the Eskimo, we learn that the
whole of the eastern part of Fox Basin is extremely shallow and that
there are many low islands scattered about in those parts of the sea.
The plains of Baffin Land, Fox Basin, and the eastern half of Mel-

epatiass 6 A Gage

aid

BOAS. ] GEOGRAPHIC DESCRIPTION. 417

ville Peninsula may be considered a wide basin of Silurian strata
bordered by granitic elevations on every side.

Besides the configuration of the land, the extent of the land ice
formed during the winter is of vital importance to the inhabitants
of the Arctic region, because during the greater part of the year it
affords the only means of communication between the tribes, and
because in winter the seal, which constitutes the principal food of the
Eskimo, takes to those parts of the coast where extensive floes are
formed. Therefore the state of the ice regulates the distribution of
the natives during the greater part of the year and must be consid-
ered in studying the habits of the Eskimo. The extent of the land
ice principally depends on the configuration of the land and the
strength of the currents. Ona shore exposed to a strong current
an extensive floe can only be formed where projecting points of land
form deep bays. We find the distribution of ice regulated in accord-
ance with this fact all around the shores of the Arctic Ocean.

The strong current setting out of Lancaster Sound and Smith
Sound generally prevents ice from forming under the steep cliffs of
the land. Sometimes the pack ice of the sounds is stopped and
freezes together into rough floes; a smooth plain is never formed,
By far the largest land floe is formed from Bylot Island to Cape Dyer
(Okan). In Home Bay it extends to a distance of about eighty miles
from the mainland. The formation of this floe is favored by a num-
ber of shoals which extend from the peninsulas of Cape Eglinton
(Aqojang), Cape Aston (Niaqonaujang), and Qivitung, for the large
floes drifting south are stopped by the icebergs aground on these
banks. The greater part of the floe is very rough, smooth ice pre-
vailing only in the bays.

The strong southerly current passing through the narrowest part
of Davis Strait between Cape Walsingham (Idjuk) and Holsteinborg
breaks up the ice all along the shore from Cape Dyer to Cape Wal-
singham, Exeter Sound alone being covered by a larger floe. The
bay between Cape Mickleham (Nuvuktirpang) and Cape Mercy is
well covered with ice, which extends to the islands farthest out
toward the sea.

Near Cape Mercy the strong tides caused by Cumberland Sound
prevent the ice from consolidating in the entrance of the gulf. As
the sound widens greatly behind the narrow passage formed by
Nuvukdjuagq and Qayodluin, the tide sets in with great force. For
this reason the floe never extends beyond that narrow entrance.
Often the head of the open water runs from Qegerten to Nuvujen,
and instances are known where it even reaches the line of Pujetung-
Umanaq.

The southwestern shore of Cumberland Sound from Qayodluin to
Cape Brevoort (Qeqertuqdjuaq) is always washed by water, because

6 ETH 27

418 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

astrong current, which often breaks up the ice of Field and Grinnell
Bay (the bays of Ukadliq and Nugumiut), sets along the coast.

The floe seldom extends to Lady Franklin and Monumental Islands
(Kitigtung and Tayolidjuin), but usually runs from point to point,
compelling the natives to pass across the land in order to reach the
floe of the neighboring bay. Most of the time the edge of the floe
covering Frobisher Bay extends to a line from Countess of Warwick
Sound (Tuarpukdjuaq) to about fifteen miles southeast of Gabriel
Island (Qegertuqdjuaq), whence it runs south to Kingnait. Some-
times Aqbirsiarbing (Cape True) is the most eastern point inclosed
by the ice. A dangerous current sets through the strait between
Resolution Island (Tudjaqdjuaq) and the mainland, forming whirl-
pools which menace every ship that attempts the passage.

Hudson Strait never freezes over. The greater part of the year it
is filled with an immense pack which never consolidates into a con-
tinuous floe. As there are no large bays along the northern shore of
that strait, no land floes of great importance are formed. Only the
Bay of Qaumauang, North Bay, and Behm Bay (the bay of Quaiir-
nang and that east of Akuliaq) are covered with floes which are of
importance to the natives. The bays east of Akuliaq and ‘the large
fjords of that region form a comparatively large body of ice.

Probably no land ice is formed between King Cape ,Nuvukdjuaq)
and the northern parts of Fox Basin. According to Parry and the
reports of the natives, Fury and Hecla Strait and the bay which
forms its eastern outlet are covered by land ice which is connected
with the floe of the bays of Fox Basin as far as Piling.

In Hudson Bay there are very few places in which the land ice
extends to a considerable distance from the shore. Neither Frozen
Strait nor Rowe’s Welcome freezes over, each being kept open by
the swiftly running tides. The most extensive floes are formed in
Repulse Bay, Wager Bay, and Chesterfield Inlet.

The drifting ice of the Gulf of Boothia never consolidates and
even Committee Bay is rarely covered by a smooth land floes Pelly
Bay andthe sea on the east coast of Boothia as far as Victoria Har-
bor (Tikeraqdjuq) freeze over, since they are sheltered by numerous.
islands. Still larger is the sheet of ice which covers the bay formed
by the estuary of Back River, King William Land, and Boothia.
The western shore of this peninsula farther north is skirted by a.
border of land ice the extent of which is unknown.

It is a remarkable fact that, although the extreme western and

eastern parts of the country abound with extensive floes, the Hudson
Bay region and the Gulf of Boothia are almost devoid of them.

This brief sketch will enable one to understand the geographical
distribution and the migrations of the Eskimo tribes who inhabit.
this country.

BOAS. | DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 419

DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES.
GENERAL OBSERVATIONS.

The mode of life of all the Eskimo tribes of Northeastern America
is very uniform; therefore it is desirable to make a few general ob-
servations on the subject before entering into a detailed description
of each tribe. All depends upon the distribution of food at the dif-
ferent seasons. The migrations or the accessibility of the game com-
pel the natives to move their habitations from time to time, and
hence the distribution of the villages depends, to a great extent, upon
that of the animals which supply them with food.

As the inhospitable country does not produce vegetation to an
extent sufficient to sustain life in its human inhabitants, they are
forced to depend entirely upon animal food. In Arctic America the
abundance of seals found in all parts of the sea enablesman to with-
stand the inclemency of the climate and the sterility of the soil.
The skins of seals furnish the material for summer garments and for
the tent; their flesh is almost the only food, and their blubber the
indispensable fuel during the long dark winter. Scarcely less im-
portant is the deer, of whose heavy skin the winter garments are
made, and these enable the Eskimo to brave the storms and the cold
of winter. :

That the mode of life of the Eskimo depends wholly on the dis-
tribution of these animals will therefore be apparent, for, as already
observed, they regulate their dwelling places in accordance with the
migrations of the latter from place to place in search of food.

When the constraint of winter is broken the natives leave their old
habitations. The warm rays of the sun melt the roofs of their snow
houses, the strong vaults which afforded shelter and comfortable
warmth during the long cold winter begin to break down, and new
houses must be built. They therefore exchange the solid snow houses
for light tents, which are very small and poor, until a sufficient num-
ber of sealskins for better structures is secured.

As at this time seals are found in abundance everywhere, basking
in the warm sunshine and enjoying the beginning of the spring, a
great supply is easily secured. As the season advances food becomes
more plentiful, and with the breaking up of the rivers and ponds
the salmon leave the latter and descend to the sea. About this time
the Eskimo establish their settlements at the head of the fjords,
where salmon are easily caught in the shallow rivers. In July the
snow, which has covered the land for nine months, has melted away
and the natives undertake hunting trips inland, in order to obtain
the precious skins of the reindeer and the meat of the fawns, which
is always highly prized. With the breaking up of the ice the variety

420 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

of food is further increased by the arrival of the walrus and the
ground and harp seals, which leave the country during the winter.
Birds are also found in abundance, and no cares afflict the natives.

Before the sea begins to freeze over again the Eskimo return from
deer hunting and gather at places where there are the best chances
for obtaining food in the autumn, A few weeks are spent im mak-
ing short excursions near the settlements, as longer journeys would
be too dangerous during this tempestuous season. The colder it
grows the more the natives are confined to their huts and the more
they become dependent on the seal. While in summer shrubs of
various kinds are available for cooking purposes, in winter blubber
affords the only fuel for cooking and for heating their huts.

At last the smaller bays are sufficiently frozen to permit a new way
of pursuing the game. The hunters visit the edge of the newly formed
floe in order to shoot the seals, which are secured by the harpoon.

The process of freezing goes on quickly and the floating pieces of
ice begin to consolidate. Only a few holes are now found, in places
where icebergs, moved by the tides or the strong currents, prevent
the sea from freezing. During a short time these openings form the
favorite hunting ground of the natives. Though the walrus and the
ground seal migrate to the edge of the floe as soon as the ice begins
to form, the common seal (Pagomys fatidus) remains, and this is
always the principal food of the natives. In the autumn the fjords
and the narrow channels between the islands are its favorite haunt;
later in the season it resorts to the sea, frequently appearing at the
surface through breathing holes, which it scratches in the ice. As
winter comes on it is hunted by the Eskimo at these holes.

The foregoing observations will serve as a preliminary to the de-
scription of the distribution of the tribes of Northeastern America.
The object of this section is to treat of the immediate relations be-
tween the country and its inhabitants, and a detailed account of their
habits will be found in subsequent pages.

According to Dr. H. Rink, the Inuit race may be divided into
five groups: the Greenlanders; the central tribes of Smith Sound,
Baffin Land, the west shore of Hudson Bay, the Back River region,
and Boothia; the Labradorians, on the shores of that peninsula; the
Mackenzie tribes of the central parts of the north shore of America ;
and the tribes of Alaska. I am somewhat in doubt whether the cen-
tral tribes and those of Labrador differ enough to justify a separate
classification, as the natives of both shores of Hudson Strait seem
to be closely related. A decisive answer on the division of these
tribes may be postponed until the publication of Lucien M. Turner’s
excellent observations and collections, which were made at Fort
Chimo.

Boas.] DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 42]

BAFFIN LAND.

The Sikosuilarmiut.—I shall begin with the enumeration of the
tribes in the southwestern part of Baffin Land. This country is in-
habited by the Sikosuilarmint, i. e., the inhabitants of the shore
without an ice floe. They are settled in two places: Nurata, east of
King Cape, and Sikosuilaq, within the peninsula (or island?) which
projects east of King Cape. The large fjords Sarbaq and Sarbau-
sirn, which belong to their territory, are known to me only by a de-
scription which I received in Cumberland Sound. In summer they
visit the upper parts of this long fjord to hunt deer on the plains
which reach to the shore of Fox Basin. Probably they do not ex-
tend their migrations very far to the north or northeast; otherwise,
they would reach Lakes Amaqdjuaq and Nettilling, the region about
the latter being the hunting ground of the natives of Cumberland
Sound.

I know of only a single meeting between the Eskimo visiting Lake
Nettilling and others who are supposed to have come from Hudson
Strait. It occurred in 1883 south of the lake.

The Akuliarmiut.—This tribe is settled on the northern shore of
Hudson Strait. Their winter resort lies west of Qeqertuqdjuagq (Par-
ry’s North Bluff). In summer they travel through White Bear
Sound or Lesseps Bay to Lake Amaqdjuaq, which they reach after
crossing a neck of land about ten milesin width. The exact direction
of the road cannot be ascertained, as the position of their starting
point, which is called Tuniqten, is doubtful. Crossing a short port-
age they ascend to Lake Amitoq, whence on a second portage they
pass the watershed between Lake Amaqdjuaq and Hudson Strait.
From thesmall Lake Mingong a brook runs into Sioreling and thence
into Lake Amaqdjuaq (Baffin-Land, p. 67). On the southern shore
of the large lake they erect their summer tents. Farther east, in
North Bay, there is another winter residence of the same tribe. Un-
fortunately, | cannot specify the place of this settlement, which is
called Quaiirnang.

The Qaumauangmiut.—Kast of the Akuliarmiut live the Eskimo
so frequently met near Middle Savage Islands. Their principal resi-
dence is near Lake Qaumauang, from which they take their name
Qaumauangmiut. My investigations concerning these tribes were
much embarrassed by the want of trustworthy charts. If charts
are tolerably well delineated, the Eskimo understand the meaning of
every point and island and can give detailed accounts of the situa-
tion of the settlements and the migrations of the inhabitants.

Between Sikosuilaq and Akuliaq but a moderate amount of inter-
course is kept up,as the settlements are separated by a wide and
uninhabited stretch of land. Notwithstanding this many members
of one tribe are found to have settled among the other. An Ameri-

499 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

can whaling station which was established in Akuliaq a few years ago
may have had some influence upon the distribution and the life of
these tribes. The greater importance of Akuliaq, however, cannot be
ascribed to the presence of the whalers alone, as a few harbors near
Sikosuilaq are also frequently visited by them. The whalers report
that there are about fifty inhabitants in Sikosuilaq, about two hun-
dred in Akuliaq, and farther east fifty more. Thus the population of
the north shore of Hudson Strait probably amounts to three hundred
in all,

The Qaumauangmiut are probably closely related to the Nugumiut —
of Frobisher Bay.

The Nuguwmiut.—I can give a somewhat more detailed description
of this tribe, among the families of which Hall passed the winters
of 1860—61 and 186162 (Hall I). Unfortunately, he does not give
any coherent account of their life, only meager information being
furnished in the record of his journeys. Besides, generalizations
cannot be made from his two years’ experience. My own observa-
tions in Cumberland Sound may serve as a complement to those of
Hall. As he gives only a few native names of places, it is sometimes
difficult to ascertain the exact position of the localities to which he
alludes.

According to Hall and my own inquiries four places are inhabited
by this tribe almost every winter: Tornait (Jones Cape of Hall), about
thirty-five miles above Bear Sound, in Frobisher Bay; Operdniving
and Tuarpukdjuaq, in Countess of Warwick Sound; Nugumiut, in
(Cyrus W.) Field Bay; and Ukadliq, in (Cornell) Grinnell Bay. As
these bays open into Davis Strait the formation of the ice is retarded
and its extent diminished, and consequently some peculiarities in the
arrangement of the life of the Eskimo are observed here. The only
occupation of the Nugumiut andthe inhabitants of Ukadliq is sealing
with the harpoon on the floe of theinner parts of the bay. Near Ukad-
liq the tide holes east and west of Allen Island abound with seals. In
winter, when the seals take to the open ice, the village of this group
of families is established near Roger’s Island, where the floe of the
bay forms the hunting ground of the natives.

During the autumn the Nugumiut stay in Field Bay. The women
are then busy preparing the deerskins; for, on account of the re-
quirements of their religion, the walrus hunt cannot be begun until
the deerskins which were taken in summer have been worked up for
use. As soon as this is done they travel across Bayard Taylor Pass
(so called by Hall) to Frobisher Bay, and in the latter half of De-
cember or in the beginning of January settle on Operdniving or on
Tuarpukdjuaq in company with the natives who stay here during
the fall. In Cumberland Sound I learned that this changing of the
habitations takes place almost regularly and that sometimes the set-
tlement is moved to Aqbirsiarbing (Cape True) if the bay is frozen

BOAS. | DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 423

over beyond Operdniving. In traveling to Aqbirsiarbing the tide
holes of Ikerassaqdjuaq (Lupton Channel) are avoided by using the
pass of Chappell Inlet. Here and in Tornait the natives go sealing
on the ice or walrusing at the edge of the floe, which in most cases is
not very far off.

About the latter half of March part of the Eskimo begin to travel
up Frobisher Bay. In the middle of April, 1862, Hall found a settle-
ment on Qeqertuqdjuaq (Gabriel Island), from which island the floe
edge was visited and young seals were caught in the narrow chan-
nels between the numerous islands. Towards the end of the month
a portion of the natives went farther to the northwest in pursuit of
the basking seals (I, p. 470), intending to reach the head of the bay
in July. Hall found summer habitations at Ukadliq (I, p. 468); on
Field Bay (p. 296); and on Frobisher Bay at Agdlinartung (p. 308),
Opera Glass Point (p. 341), Waddell Bay (p. 341), and Nuvuktualung,
on the southern point of Beecher Peninsula (p. 348).

A very important hunting ground of the inhabitants of Tiniq-
djuarbiusirn (Frobisher Bay), of which I received some detailed ac-
counts, is Lake Amaqdjuaq. Inthe foregoing remarks on the Aku-
liaq tribe I described the course which leads from Hudson Strait to
the lake. Another route is followed in traveling from the head of
Frobisher Bay to Lake Amaqdjuaq, a distance of about fifty miles.
Probably the men leave Sylvia Grinnell River and ascend to Lake
Amartung, from which lake a brook runs westward to Lake Amaq-
djuaq (Baffin-Land, p. 68). The women take a different route and
arrive at Aqbeniling after a tramp of six days, near a small bay
called Metja. Here the summer huts are erected and birds and deer
are killed in abundance.

The facility in reaching the lake from Hudson Strait and Frob-
isher Bay is a very important consideration, as the Akuliarmiut and
the Nugumiut meet here, and thus an immediate intercourse between
the tribes is opened. The inhabitants of Hudson Strait leave Tuniq-
ten in spring, arrive at the head of Frobisher Bay in the fall, and
after the formation of the ice reach the Nugumiut settlements by
means of sledges. When Hall wintered in Field Bay a traveling
party of Sikosuilarmiut which had accomplished the distance from
King Cape in one year arrived there (I, p. 267).

Another route, which is practicable only for boats, connects Qau-
mauang with Nugumiut. It leads along the shore of Hudson Strait.
The traveler sails through the dangerous passage between Tudjaq-
djuaq (Resolution Island) and the mainland and crosses Frobisher
Bay either at its entrance or in the shelter of the group of islands
farther up the bay. .

In their intercourse with the Nugumiut, the inhabitants of Cum-
berland Sound generally follow the long coast between Ukadliq and
Naujateling, passing through the numerous sounds formed by long,

494 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

“

narrow islands. I can describe this region from personal observa-
tions.

The Oqomiut.—The Eskimo of Davis Strait call the tribes of
Cumberland Sound and Saumia by the name of Oqomiut. The
whole of the land from Prince Regent Inlet to the plateau of Nugu-
miut is divided by the Eskimo into three parts, Aggo, Akudnirn,
and Oqo—i. e., the weather side, the center, and the lee side—and
accordingly the tribes are called the Aggomiut, Akudnirmiut, and
Oqomiut.

Unquestionably the whole of Cumberland Sound and the coast of
Davis Strait from Cape Mercy to Exeter Sound belong to the Oqo of
the Northern Eskimo. Farther north, the inhabitants of Padli ex-
tend their migrations from Qarmaqdjuin to Qivitung. These people
occupy an intermediate position between the Akudnirmiut and the
Oqomiut, having easy communication with both, and consequently
it is doubtful to which they belong, so that the determination of the
boundary between Oqo and Akudnirn remains arbitrary. In regard
to their customs and from the position of the land, however, they
may be more properly joined to the Akudnirmiut, of whom they
would form a subdivision.

The names Oqo, Akudnirn, and Aggo must not be understood as
respectively meaning a region strictly limited: they denote rather
directions and the intervals between the localities situated in these
directions. In asking for the position of Oqo one would be directed
southeast, as this is considered the lee side; in the same way, if
asking for Aggo, one would be directed to the shore of Prince Regent
Inlet, the farthest land in the northwest, the weather side. In Cum-
berland Sound the natives of Iglulik are considered Aggomiut,
while in Pond Bay they are known as a separate tribe. In the
southern parts the whole of the northern region is comprised in the
name Aggo; in the north Oqo means the whole of the southeastern
regions.

Formerly, the Oqomiut were divided into four subtribes: the Ta-
lirpingmiut, on the west shore of Cumberland Sound; the Qingua-
miut, at the head of it; the Kingnaitmiut, on the east shore; and the
Saumingmiut, on the southeastern slope of the highland of Saumia.
The names are derived from the districts which they inhabit, respect-
ively. As the head of every fjord is called ‘*qingua” (its head), the
upper part of the large Cumberland Sound is also so named. The
Qingua region may be limited by Imigen on the western shore and
Ussualung on the eastern shore, though the name is applied to a re-
gion farther north; indeed, the name covers the whole district at the
head of the sound. In looking from the head to the entrance of the
sound the coasts are called according to their position: the south-
western Talirpia, i. e., its right one, and the northeastern Saumia,
i. e., its left one; between Saumia and Qingua the highland King-

BOAS. | DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 495

nait, i. e., the higher land as compared to the opposite shore, is
situated. ;

Although at the present time this division is hardly justifiable, the
names of these four tribes are often mentioned on the shore of Davis
Strait. Their old settlements are still inhabited, but their separate
tribal identity is gone, a fact which is due as well to the diminution
in their numbers as to the influence of the whalers visiting them.

In my opinion a great difference between these tribes never existed.
Undoubtedly they were groups of families confined to a certain
district and connected by a common life. Such a community could
more easily develop as long as the number of individuals was a large
one. When the whalers first wintered in Cumberland Sound the
population may have amounted to about 1,500. In 1840, when Penny
discovered the sound, he met 40 Eskimoin Anarnitung (EKenoolooapik,
p. 91). The greater number of the inhabitants were at the head of
the fjords fishing for salmon, others were whaling in Issortuqdjuaq,
and some were inland on a deer hunting expedition. The whole
number at that time probably amounted to 200. A few years later
the Kingnaitmiut of Q@eqerten were able to man eighteen whaleboats.
Assuming five oarsmen and one harpooner to each boat, the steers-
man being furnished by the whalers, and for each man one wife and
two children, we have in all about 400 individuals. The inhabitants
of Nettilling Fjord may have numbered as many, and 100 are said to
have lived in Imigen. Penny found in Ugjuktung about 30 indi-
viduals who belonged to the Saumingmiut and had come thither
from Davis Strait. Accordingly I estimate the whole tribe at 150 in-
dividuals. On the southwestern coast of the sound between Nuvujen
and Naujateling a large number of natives were reported. They lived
in three settlements and numbered about 600. These estimates are
not absolutely reliable, as they are compiled largely from hearsay and
conjecture. Many of the natives being away in the summer, at the
time when these estimates were made, accuracy in their preparation
was impossible. From inquiries which were made among American
whalers who had visited this sound since 1851, the population of
Qeqgerten must have been larger than that of any of the settlements
contiguous to the sound. The estimation is the more difficult as a
few settlements were sometimes deserted; for instance, Ukiadliving,
in Saumia, and Qarmaqdjuin (Exeter Bay). Probably eight settle-
ments, with a population of 200 inhabitants each —i. e., 1,600 in the
sound — would be about the true number in 1840. At first I was in-
clined to believe in the existence of a larger number, but from later
reports [ should consider this number too large rather than too small.
Since that time the population has diminished at a terrible rate.
In 1857 Warmow, a Moravian missionary who accompanied Penny,
estimated it at 300. If this was correct, the rapid diminution must
have occurred during the first years after the rediscovery of the

426 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

sound. In December, 1883, the Talirpingmiut numbered 86 indi-
viduals, the Qinguamiut 60, the Kingnaitmiut 82, the Saumingmiut
17; total, 245. These were distributed in eight settlements. Begin-
ning with the most southern settlement, the Talirpingmiut lived in
Umanaqtuaq, Idjorituaqtuin, Nuvujen, and Qarussuit; the Qingua-
miut, in Imigen and Anarnitung; the Kingnaitmiut, in Qegerten; the
Saumingmiut, in Ukiadliving. Accordingly the population of the
settlements numbered as follows:

Married. Unmarried. A
Nae oe al | Total
Men. | Women. Widowers. | Widows. Men. | Women. Boys. Girls.

Naujateling .... 6 6 Wks. Socoad'bomnaoaa 1 3 3 20
Idjorituaqtuin .. 3 6 ie eee 3 1 iL haere soeas 2 1 11
Nuvujen........ 8 8 1 2 || accryete iets 4 2 26
Qarussuit....... 10 NOH Sec euncenaetee PA ie mneten|inon ae sbec0 2 5 29
EMigens o/c cies 6 Uillkaaons ecaosn|boeavoresalacoonpt|soageobes> 4 1 17
Anarnitung..... 12 12 1 1 Ue letrarcpettetesis 8 8 43
Qegerten........ 26 Paki lbneeee anions 6 Cacao Saioud 9 ap 82
Ukiadliving..... 6 (hel A eaatoad see Tees arrcs 1 2 1 17
Pad teers 11 13 2 2 il lessee ads 7 ai 43
Akudnirn ....... 8 gD Wacaraceoc eer San | Palmas aens (18) 40

Total...... 96 102 5 15 10 2) (98 328

I have included in the foregoing table the inhabitants of Davis
Straitand may add that the Nugumiut number about 80,the Eskimo
of Pond Bay about 50 (2), those of Admiralty Inlet 200, and of Iglulik
about 150. The total number of inhabitants of Baffin Land thus
ranges between 1,000 and 1,100.

The reason for the rapid diminution in the population of this
country is undoubtedly to be found in the diseases which have been
taken thither by the whalers. Of all these, syphilis has made the
greatest ravages among the natives. Of other diseases I am unable
to give a full account and can only refer to those which came under
my observation during the year that I passed in this region. In Qe-
qerten a man died of cancer of the rectum, two women of pneumo-
nia, and five children of diphtheria, this disease being first brought
into the country in 1883. In Anarnitung I knew of the death of
two women andone child. On the west shore a number of children
died of diphtheria, while the health of the adults was good. In
the year 188384 I heard of two births, one occurring in Qeqerten,
the other in Padli. At Qarussuit and Anarnitung there were two
abortions.

The opinion that the Eskimo are dying out on account of an insuf-
ficient supply of food is erroneous, for, even though the natives
slaughter the seals without discrimination or forethought, they do

BOAS. | * DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 427

not kill enough to cause any considerable diminution in numbers.
The whalers do not hunt the seal to any extent, and when one realizes
how small the population of the country is and how vast the territory
in which the seal lives it is easy to understand that famine or want
cannot arise, as a rule, from the cutting off of the natural food sup-
ply. In fact, in the spring enormous numbers of seals may be seen
together basking in the sun or swimming in the water.

The causes of the famines which occur somewhat frequently among
the Eskimo must be sought in another direction. Pressing need
often prevails if in the latter part of the autumn the formation of
the floe is retarded; for in that case hunters are not able either to go
hunting in boats or to procure the necessary food at the edge of the
floe, as new ice is attached to its more solid parts and the seals do
not yet open their breathing holes. Such was the case at Niaqonau-
jang, on Davis Strait, in the fall of 1883. Gales of wind following in
quick succession broke the floe. The new ice which had formed im-
mediately prevented the natives from sealing, and in November and
December a famine visited the settlement. Very soon the supply
of blubber was exhausted, and being unable to feed the dogs the
inhabitants were obliged to kill them one after another and to live
upon their frozen carcasses. Only two dogs survived these months
of need and starvation. Consequently the hunting season was a
very poor one, since the natives missed the services of their dogs,
which scent the breathing holes, and could not leave their settle-
ment for any great distance.

In winter a long spell of bad weather occasions privation, since the
hunters are then prevented from leaving the huts. If by chance
some one should happen to die during this time, famine is inevitable,
for a strict law forbids the performance of any kind of work during
the days of mourning. When this time is over, however, or at the
beginning of good weather, an ample supply is quickly secured. I
do not know of any cases of famine arising from the absolute want
of game, but only from the impossibility of reaching it.

Sometimes traveling parties that are not acquainted with the nat-
ure of the country which they visit are in want of food. For in-
stance, a large company, consisting of three boat crews, were starved
on the eastern shore of Fox Basin, their boats being crushed by the
heavy ice and the game they expected to find in abundance having
left the region altogether. On one of the numerous islands of Net-
tilling a number of women and children perished, as the men, who
had been deer hunting, were unable to find their way back to the
place in which they had erected their huts.

Another case of starvation is frequently mentioned by the Eskimo.
Some families who were traveling from Akuliaq to Nugumiut passed
the isthmus between Hudson Strait and Frobisher Bay. When, after

a long and tedious journey, they had reached the sea, the men left

428 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

their families near Qairoliktung and descended with their kayaks to
Nugumiut in order to borrow some boats in which they could bring
their families to the settlements. On the way they were detained
by stormy weather, and meanwhile the families were starved and re-
sorted to cannibalism. One woman especially, by the name of Me-
gaujang, who ate all her children, was always mentioned with horror.

Generally food is plentiful between the months of April and Octo-
ber and an ample supply may be secured without extraordinary ex-
ertion. During the winter sealing is more difficult, but sufficiently
successful to prevent any want, except in the case of continuous bad
weather.

I shall now proceed to a description of the single settlements of
Cumberland Sound. Separated from the Nugumiut by a long and
uninhabited stretch of land we find the séttlement of Naujateling,
the most southern one of the Talirpingmiut. In the fall the natives
erect their huts on the mainland or on an island near it, as the seal,
at this season, resort to the narrow channels and to the fjords. Be-
sides, the shelter which is afforded by the islands against the frequent
gales is an important consideration, and in these protected waters the
natives can manage their frail boats, which would not live for a
moment in the tempestuous open sea. Later in the season the ice
consolidates in the shelter of the islands, while beyond the bays and
channels drifting floes fill the sea.

After the consolidation of the pack ice the natives move their huts
to the sea. They leave Naujateling about December and move to
Umanagqtuaq. I do not know exactly where they live if the water
reaches that island. Should this happen, the floe between Qayo-
dluin, Umanaqtuaq, and Idjorituaqtuin would offer a productive
hunting ground.

About the middle of March the season for hunting the young seal
opens. The hunt is prosecuted with much energy over the entire
extent of Cumberland Sound, because the white coat of the young
animal is of prime importance for the inner garments. The preg-
nant females take to the rough ice, where deep snowbanks have been
formed by the winter gales, and dig large excavations, in which par-
turition takes place. Another favorite place is the ground ice on
gradually declining shores, where large caves are found between the
broken pieces of ice. Therefore the fjords and islands which offer a
long coast line furnish a good hunting ground, and in the latter part
of March and in April the Eskimo either visit these regions or the
floes of rough ice. At such times they sometimes live for a long
period on the ice of the open sea in order to be nearer to their hunting
ground. As the success of the hunt depends on the extent of ice
visited, the Eskimo scatter over a large area, almost every one trav-
eling over a separate tract.

At this time the winter settlements are almost totally broken up.

BOAS.] DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 429

Some of the natives of Naujateling go bear hunting instead of ‘‘ young
sealing,” but only a few polar bears lose their way into Cumberland
Sound. They are generally found within a few miles of the floe edge,
and even if the water reaches pretty far up the sound they do not travel
beyond Qayodluin and Miliqdjuaq, nor does the pack ice carry them
far up the sound in summer. On one occasion, in the year 1880, three
bears were seen near Qeqerten, about five years earlier one was killed
in Qingua, and almost twenty years earlier another one near Anarni-
tung. Every occurrence of this kind is considered an event of such
importance that it is talked about for years afterwards. I myself saw
bear tracks in Kouaqdjuaq in March, 1884, and also at Miliqdjuaq.
In February a bear was killed between Kautaq and Naujateling.

If the water washes the foot of the cliffs between Kautaq and Su-
lung, the Eskimo cross the isthmus which lies between Ijelirtung,
the eastern branch of Qasigidjen, and Qayodluin Bay on a sledge road
and hunt among the islands that are scattered along the shore south
of Qayodluin. In summer they visit the same region on their hunting
excursions,

The principal summer settlements are at the head of Qasigidjen
and Kangertlung Fjords, which are situated near Idjorituaqtuin and
Qimissung.

From here they ascend the plateau of Nugumiut and hunt on the
level highlands. I think it takes them but a day to travel to the top
of the plateau. They travel from Qasigidjen to Agdlinartung, a
fjord of Frobisher Bay, whence the Nugumiut ascend the highland.
Another route leads from Kangertlung to Eyaluin, near the head of
Frobisher Bay.

Farther up the sound we find the winter settlement of Idjorituaq-
tuin. The same relation exists between this place and @imissung as
between Umanaqtuaq and Naujateling. On @imissung, which lies
near the mainland, the natives gather in the fall after returning from
deer hunting, and only move to Idjorituaqtuin after the freezing up
of the sea. Deer are hunted inland, the summer settlements being
at the head of one of the numerous fjords of the west shore. Favorite
places are Kangertlung, which is also visited by the Naujateling
Eskimo; Eyaluin, which can be reached from Kangertlung by a short
overland road; Augardneling; and Utiqimitung, at the entrance of
Nettilling Fjord. A large river, which, according to Eskimo reports,
runs through the greater part of the peninsula, empties into Auqard-
neling. As it is very deep and wide it cannot be crossed without a
vessel of some character, and thus it puts a stop to the migrations
from Kangertlung and Eyaluin. In traveling from Kangertlung to
Frobisher Bay the river must be crossed. To accomplish this the
natives fill a deerskin with shrubs, sew it up, and float themselves
across. Only the road leading from Qasigidjen to Frobisher Bay
avoids the river.

430 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO,

North of Idjorituaqtuin we find the winter settlement of Nuvujen
with the fall settlement, Nuvujalung, a high cliff at the entrance of
Nettilling Fjord, belonging to it.

By far the most interesting branch of the Talirpingmiut are the
inhabitants of Nettilling Fjord. Among all the tribes of Baffin Land
this one claims particular attention, as it is the only one whose resi-
dence is not limited to the seashore. From Greenland to the mouth
of the Mackenzie only two Eskimo tribes are known who do not live
all the year round on the coastof the sea. These are the Talirping-
miut and the Kinipetu of Chesterfield Inlet. Back and Anderson and
Stewart say that the latter tribe spend a great part of the year at
the lakes of Back River.

Formerly the Talirpingmiut had three or four settlements on Lake
Nettilling: at Tikeraqdjung, near the south point of the lake; at the
outlet of Koukdjuaq, on the left bank of the river, opposite to Niko-
siving Island; at @armang; and probably a fourth one, on the north
shore. Asthe lake abounds with seals, they could live here at all
seasons. Its western part seems to have been particularly fitted for
winter stations. In the winter of 187778, three families staid near
Koukdjuaq without encountering any considerable difficulty in pro-
curing food. This was the last time that natives passed the winter
at the lake; the greater portion of the tribe may have retreated to
Nettilling Fjord about twenty years ago.

Though the Eskimo assert that the discovery of Lake Nettilling is
of recent date, naming two men, Kadlu and Sagmu, as those who first
reached it, this assertion is not trustworthy, for with them almost
every historical tradition is supposed to have originated a compara.
tively short time ago. I was told, for instance, that an event which
is the subject of the tale [gimarasugdjuqdjuaq the cannibal occurred
at the beginning of this century, and yet the tradition is told almost
word for word in Greenland and in Labrador.

Just so with Kadlu and Sagmu. According to the assertion of the
natives the lake was discovered by the generation before the last —i.
e., about 1810—and yet an old woman about seventy-five years of age
told me that her grandfather when a young man, starting from Net-
tilling, had visited Iglulik and that he had lived on the lake. The
customs and habits of the Eskimo would have led to the discovery of
the lake very soon after the first visit to Cumberland Sound, and no
doubt their attention was then called to the abundance of game in
this region.

The greater part of the natives spent the winter in Nettilling Fjord,
starting on their way inland about the beginning of May, and return-
ing to the sea about December. I suppose that cases in which men
spent their whole life on the lake were exceptional, for they are re-
ferred to by the natives as remarkable events. For instance, a man
called Neqsiang, who had two wives, lived on a small island near

Boas. ] DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. A431

Koukdjuaq and never descended to Cumberland Sound. A few times
only he is said to have sent his son to barter with the Talirpingmiut of
Nettilling Fjord. He came to Qarussuit in the spring, but returned
after a short stay. It may be remarked here that the total absence
of salt does not prevent the natives from staying on Lake Nettilling.

About 1850 the mode of life of the Talirpingmiut was as follows:
In November they gathered in Isoa, the easternmost bay of the lake,
descended toward the sea, and lived during the following months
at the entrance of Nettilling Fjord. There they lived in the same
manner as the other Oqomiut, pursuing the seals at their breathing
holes. In the spring they hunted young seals; but, when the other
natives began to prepare for whaling, they traveled on sledges west-
ward. They avoided the large tide holes of the long fjord by mak-
ing use of afew passes. Although the fjord is impassable in spring,
asafe road leads along its northern shore to its northern branch,
Kangertlukdjuaq, where the water hole Sarbaqdualung may be
avoided by crossing the land at Tunukutang. In the spring large
water holes are formed near Neqemiarbing and at the entrance of
Audnerbing, compelling travelers to pass over the island which sepa-
rates the two passages of Sarbaqdualung. The pass Tunukutang,
which is used in winter, consists of a steep and narrow neck of land,
which separates a small lake from Kangertlukdjuaq, and a short and
winding river, the outlet of the lake. The second tide hole of the
fjord may be passed by the branches Qasigidjen and Sarbaqdjukulu
and the adjoining flat isthmus. The holes of Qognung, yet farther
up the fjord, do not hinder the natives, as they do not occupy the
whole width of the floe.

At length they reached Kangia, and from here a chain of small
lakes was ascended, the watershed Ujaraqdjuin was crossed, and
finally they arrived at Amitoq. Cairns are everywhere erected on
prominent points for way marks. After they had come to Lake
Nettilling, they rested a short time at Isoa, where the skin boats
and the necessary household goods had been left the preceding fall.
These were lashed upon the sledges and then they traveled as quickly
as possible to the west. After following the southeastern shore to
Tikeraqdjuaq they crossed the lake to a point near Tikeraqdjung,
whence they went along the southern shore of the lake, reaching
Koukdjuaq in about a fortnight. Here their tents were established
on the left bank of the river, opposite to Nikosiving, where they
staid until the breaking up of the ice. Then the men descended the
river in their kayaks. Four days they followed the coast, passing
the bay of Aggirtijung before they reached Qudjitariaq, a long and
deep river, which they ascended. For a few weeks they hunted deer
among the lakes of this region, which is called Majoraridjen, and
then slowly turned southward. At last, about the latter half of Au-

432 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

gust, they reached Qarmang, where at the beginning of summer the
women and old men had arrived in their large boats. Here the
whole party stopped until the lake was frozen up. Then they re-
turned on sledges to Isoa and to the sea. ;

It would be very interesting to learn how far the natives formerly
extended their migrations along the shore of Fox Basin and whether
a regular intercourse existed between I[glulikand Cumberland Sound.
According to reports of some old Eskimo, who had themselves passed
the winter on the lake, there was always a small settlement at Qar-
mang. From here the shore of Fox Basin was reached with great
ease. If, however, the route through Koukdjuaq had-to be taken, a
long, roundabout way was necessary. According to all reports, even
in olden times expeditions to Iglulik were very rare. It is said that
one was made about 1750 by a party under the leadership of an
Eskimo, Makulu. About 1800 another party left, in which Kotuko
assumed the leadership. About these a more detailed account exists.
With a few boats and four kayaks they left Nettilling and followed
the coast. Alone in his kayak, Kotuko visited Sagdlirn, an island
east of Iglulik, but he did not see any people, as they were on a hunt-
ing excursion. He found one hut anda large dog. There were a
great number of deerskins and walrus tusks, which proved the ex-
istence of an abundance of game. He returned, but on account of
the prevailing fog could scarcely find his kayak. The absence of the
party is said to have lasted three years.

About 1820 another party left for [glalik, among whom two women,
Amaroq and Sigjeriaq, were the most prominent. When they re-
turned, after an absence of three years, they praised the country (Pi-
ling), where they had spent some time, asa land of plenty and abun-
dance, and by these tales, in 1835, induced three boat crews to leave
Nettilling in order to visit this happy land. They were grievously
disappointed and after many misfortunes they perished on the nar-
row isthmus of Ipiuting. Their bodies were found by the Iglulik
Eskimo, who related that the poor fellows had resorted to cannibal-
ism. Among those who perished was a sister of the famous Hannah
(Taqulitu), the companion of Hall in his travels in the Arctic. I
must mention here that Hall, in 1868, met a native at Iglulik who
was said to belong to Cumberland Sound. As, however, in Iglulik
Cumberland Sound and Davis Strait are often confounded, I am
inclined to think he was a native of the latter region.

From these facts it appears that a regular intercourse between the
tribes along the shore of Fox Basin never existed, though formerly
interviews were more frequent than they are at present. Since the
last mentioned expedition no Eskimo has visited Piling, nor have any
gone by the way of Lake NettillingtoIglulik. Accordingly theideas
of the Oqomiut about that region are very indefinite. An old man

BOAS. | DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 433

was the only person whom I could find who knew Ieglulik by name
and remembered Ingnirn and Piling, two places which had been in-
habited by many Eskimo. He mentioned another inhabited region
beyond Igluik, Augpalugtijung, which I was not able to identify.
It was described as a large peninsula.

It is worth remarking that the Talirpingmiut seem never to have
traveled over the country south of Koukdjuaq. I have not even
heard mentioned a single hunting excursion made in this direction.

In the foregoing paragraphs I have described the mode of life of
the greater part of ‘the Talirpingmiut. Still another part staid in
Cumberland Sound until the ice had gone and went away in the
latter half of July. The passage through the rapids of the fjords
was very dangerous, as in the whirlpools and overfalls the bulky
boats were easily capsized. Therefore the changing of the tides had
to be considered in order to effect a safe passage. The men preferred
carrying the kayaks over the passes in order to avoid the dangers
imminent to their frail crafts. Even up to this day tradition teils
of a disaster which happened when the stubborn owner of a boat,
against the warning of his friends, tried to pass Sarbaqdualung when
the spring tide was running swiftly. The boat was upset and the
crew were drowned, with the exception of one woman, who was saved
on a bundle of deerskins.

From Kangia boats had to be carried over the portages Igpirto,
Igpirtousirn, and Ujaraqdjuin. The rapids of Angmartung were
also avoided by a portage over the level bottom of the valley. After
passing Taquirbing, Lake Nettilling was reached, on the shore of
which the huts were erected. In the fall the party returned before
the beginning of the coldseason. It has been already mentioned that
only a few of the natives staid at the lake during the entire year, and
even among these there were some who descended to the sea in March
to take part in the young sealing, for the skins of the young seal
cannot be altogether replaced by deerskins.

At the present time it is exceptional for any one to remain inland
during the entire year. There may be seals enough in the lake to
prevent hunger or starvation, but they are taken much more easily
from the sea. In case of alack of blubber, deer’s marrow may be
used for fuel. It is probable that the bigh mortality of recent years
has induced the Eskimo to band together more closely than they
formerly did and to adopt the plan of returning to Nettilling Fjord
at the beginning of winter. In the fall the boats and other articles
which are of no use in winter are left in Isoa, and some time is spent
in Kangia, where snow houses are built. Here the kayaks are left, and
in December, when the sealing begins to be more successful near the
sound, the Eskimo turn to the entrance of Nettilling Fjord, where
Tininiqdjuaq and Neqemiarbing are favorite places. Seals are hunted
there with the harpoon in the same way as in the other settlements

6 ETH 28

434 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

or Sarbaqdualung is visited for the purpose of shooting seals which
frequent the tide holes. This, however, is not a favorite way of
hunting, as the ice near the tide holes is very rough and treacherous.

In March and April young seals are caught on the shores of the nu-
merous islands between Tininiqdjuaq and Nuvujalung,and at the
same time the old settlements are left, as large water holes begin to
appear. Qarussuit and Qingaseareang are the favorite places about
this time of the year.

As soon as the young sealing is finished the hunt of the basking
seal is opened, which is very successful here. Nowhere else did I see
such large numbers of animals enjoying the warmth of the sun as in
Nettilling Fjord. In April, when on the east shore scarcely any dared
to leave the water, hundreds might beseen here. By the first of May
all the natives have procured a sufficient number of sealskins for
their summer dress, the skins being then in the best condition, as the
first moulting has just occurred. This done, they eagerly prepare for
the journey to the lake.

The natives start in the first week of May, and in two or three days
arrive at Kangia, whence they reach Isoa in one day’s journey. Fol-
lowing the southern shore of Lake Nettilling they sleep the first night
on Tikeraqdjuausirn, the second on the island Manirigtung, near
Tikeraqdjuaq, and five daysafter leaving @arussuit arrive at Tikeraq-
djung, where they settle for the summer. As numerous deer are found
inthis region, they live without any care or trouble. Very soon after
their arrival the birds return. While moulting great quantities of
these are caught. The geese are so abundant here that they are fed
to the dogs. Many deer are caught while passing the deep river
which runs from Lake Amaqdjuaq to Lake Nettillng. Frequently
they visit the southern plains, which are filled with lakes and lake-
lets. Sometimes they go as far as Amaqdjuaq, which, as the older
natives report, was formerly a summer settlement.

In the river whose outlet is near Padli salmon are caught in abun-
dance. In this district the Talirpingmiut stay until the eastern part
of the lake is frozen over.

In the shelter of the islands the floe is more quickly formed than
in the open water of the western part, and in November the natives
return by sledges to Isoa.

As they take with them heavy loads of deerskins they make very
slow progress and generally arrive at their place of destination after
six days of traveling. Sometimes they make a short trip to Isoa in
March or April to hunt deer or to look for the things which were left
behind in Kangia and Isoa at the time of their last departure.

Besides the Talirpingmiut quite a number of Cumberland Sound
natives visit the lake by means of boats. They cross the sound after
the breaking up of the ice and go to Nettilling, carrying the boats
over the portages between Kangia and Isoa. As the Talirpingmiut

BOAS. | DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 435

have no boats they stay at Tikeraqdjuaq; the other natives, however,
sometimes change their habitations and even visit Q@armang and the
north shore of thelake. These journeys, however, are rare, for in the
eastern part an inexhaustible supply of food may be obtained; there-
fore long excursions are quite unnecessary. At the beginning of
October the boats leave the lake and the natives return to the fall
settlements in the sound.

Nettilling Fjord, with its numerous islands, forms the northern
boundary of Talirpia. Farther north we come to Qingua, the head
of Tiniqdjuarbing (Cumberland Sound). It extends from hnigen
to Ussualung. The winter settlement on the island of Imigen is
situated in the midst of one of the best winter hunting grounds, for
the southern portion of the island, on which the huts are erected,
projects far out into the sea. The hunt is often rendered somewhat
difficult by the rough ice which is due to the strong currents between
Pujetung, Imigen, and Nettilling Fjord. Towards spring the natives
sometimes resort to a place yet nearer the open sea, the largest island
of the Pujetung group. Young seals are caught near hnigen, at the
Kilauting Islands, andin Qaggilortung. This district, however, can-
not be visited every year, as almost every spring the whole area west
of a line from Imigen to Anarnitung is covered with very deep and
soft snow, which prevents the Eskimo from using their dog sledges.
When this condition prevails the natives settle on the sea ice between
Augpalugtung and Inigen, ora little farther north, and remain there
from the middle of March until the latter part of April.

These natives go deer hunting either to Issortuqdjuaq—where they
live at Hyaluaqdjuin, Sirmiling, or Midlurieling— or to Eyaluqdjuagq,
near Ussualung, where they hunt in the hilly land adjoining the ice-
covered Penny Plateau. As the land farther northavest is said to
consist of irregular hills and disconnected valleys, the skins and the
meat of the killed deer would have to be carried up and down hills
before the settlement was reached. Therefore the natives dislike
hunting in this part of the country.

Eyaluaqdjuin and Eyaluqdjuaq, as is denoted by the names, are
productive salmon rivers. In starting from the former and ascend-
ing a narrow valley, Lake Eyoleaqdjuin is reached, whence a pass
leads to the valley adjoining Eyaluaqdjuin. Taking another road
the long Lake Imeraqdjuaq, is reached, which borders upon the
glaciers of the highland. From here, after a four days’ tramp fol-
lowing a large river, the traveler comes to Midlurieling. From
Issortuqdjuaq a narrow isthmus offering a good sledging road is
used in visiting the head of Qaggilortung. Another route, which
is suitable only for foot passengers, leads by a chain of lakes to the
head of Kangertlukdjuaq. It is not necessary to enumerate the
overland routes in this district, as numerous valleys permit the
traveler to pass from the east to the west and from the south to the

436 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

north. In the fall the natives resort to Saunirtung or to Saunir-
tuqdjuaq, two islands northwest of Imigen, where they stay until
January, when they return to the sea.

The second settlement of the Qinguamiut is Anarnitung, at the
northern entrance of Qaggilortung. The small island and the neigh-
boring point of Igdlungajung are, next to Qeqerten, the seat of the
most important settlement of Cumberland Sound, On the southern
and eastern declivity of the low hills which form this island are a
number of very old stone foundations (see p. 549), such as are found
everywhere on the Arctic shores of North America (Baftin-Land,p.77).

If the ice in the upper parts of the sound is smooth, families be-
longing to this community settle on Kilauting, the largest island of
a group running from northwest to southeast a few miles north
of Imigen. Here they go sealing with the harpoon. If the ice, how-
ever, is rough (as it happened to be during my stay in Cumberland
Sound), they remain in Anarnitung, whence some go to the water
holes at the entrance of Issortuqdjuaq and shoot the blowing seals,
while others go hunting on the ice near Anarnitung.

During the young sealing season they almost always leave the
island. The favorite resort at this season is Sakiaqdjung, near Mani-
tuling, in Qaggilortung, but heavy snowfalls often compel them to
exchange this region for the open sea. If they insist upon stopping
there, snowshoes are used as the only means of traveling in the deep
and soft snow. In 1878, when the Florence wintered in Anarnitung
Harbor, the greater part of the natives remained near the ship; but
her presence is accountable for this exception, as some of the families
were in her service and others staid near her in order to barter seals,
skins, &e.

Of some importance are the passes leading around the numerous
water holes at the head of Cumberland Sound. The narrow island of
Nudnirn, which separates Sarbuqdjuaq from Putukin, offers a good
passage by way of a deep valley. Should the passage be made in a
mild winter or in spring, when the water holes of Sarbuqdjuaq have
enlarged, they must avoid the latter by passing over the inconvenient
isthmus of Itidliaping, west of the steep cliff Naujan.

In spring the tide holes of Kangidliuta extend over the passage
between that island and Surosirn, preventing sledges from passing
to Issortuqdjuaq or to Tessiujang. Then Qayodlualung is crossed by
the way of Naqoreang or the more southerly Tappitariaq, which leads
into the sound near Siegtung. Both passes are very inconvenient.
From Tessiujang, Issortuqdjuaq may be reached by the fjords Ugjuk-
tung and Itijareling and by the adjoining passes.

Lastly, I have to mention the road formerly used by the natives
of Anarnitung in traveling to Nettilling. They crossed the entrance
of Qaggilortung and ascended Tarrionitung, whence they came by
the Lakes Qamusiojodlang and Irtiujang to Missirtung, in Nettilling

BOAS.] DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. A437

Fjord, thus avoiding a much longer journey around the large penin-
sula projecting to the eastward. A similar pass farther east connects
Tornait and Kangertlukjuaq.

The ruins of a third settlement of the Qinguamiut are found at
Tulukan on Qeqgertelung.

The next subtribe to be treated is the Kingnaitmiut, who are now
located exclusively upon Qeqerten. Formerly they lived in several
places—for instance, near Pangnirtung and on Milaqdjuin — but
for along time they have gathered on Qeqerten, as two whaling
stations are established here? many natives being in the service of
the whalers. The island is the largest settlement of the sound. It
isa favorite resort during the fall and the first part of winter. In
November and December, before the ice of the sound consolidates,
the ice east of the islands is the best hunting ground. Later that
west of the islands is preferred. There is one disadvantage pecul-
iar to Qeqerten which is not shared by the other settlements, namely,
the fohn-like winds which often blow for many days from Kingnait
Fjord with irresistible violence. These confine the natives to their
huts, though a few miles north or south calm weather prevails.
Should fair weather ensue, the snow, which has been firmly packed
by these gales, affords a good hunting ground ; but if, on the other
hand, long spells of bad weather follow, want and hunger may be the
result. The young seals are eagerly pursued all about Qeqerten.

In Pangnirtung and in the little valley Niutang, in Kingnait, well
up in these fjords, are the ruins of two large, ancient settlements.
The conditions which formerly enabled the natives to live here will
be mentioned later.

The Kingnaitmiut go deer hunting to Kitingujang, at the head of
Kingnait Fjord; to Nirdlirn, in the bay behind Augpalugtung and.
Sednirun; to Pangnirtung; or to the more southern fjords Hyaluaq-
djuin and Kangertlukdjuaq.

I shall describe the districts occupied by the Kingnaitmiut, Sau-
mingmiut, and Padlimiut together, as they all bear a uniform char-
acter.

From Nirdlirn the mountains of Ussualung or the highland near
Ukiuqdjuaq are visited. The same country is traveled over from
Pangnirtung, where the settlement is established either above Qor-
dlubing or opposite Aulitiving. The deep valley, with its nume1ous
glaciers, adjoining Pangnirtung and connecting Cumberland Sound
and Davis Strait is rarely visited.

The favorite place for the settlement is Kitingujang in Kingnait.
In the river which empties here many salmon are caught, and the
declivities of the neighboring highlands, which are less steep than
those of Pangnirtung, afford ample opportunity for long hunting
excursions. Deer are found on the mountains, for here they escape

A438 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

the mosquitoes which swarm in the valleys. The natives do not go
beyond Padli, but most of them have been there, They often travel
through the valleys of Nerseqdjuaq and Tunussung to Pangvirtung,
of Davis Strait, down the eastern shore of which they go a consid-
erable distance. Sometimes they make boat excursions during the
summer from Kitingujang, visiting the brooks which empty into
Kingnait Fjord, or they settle in Tornait, whence Tupirbikdjuin in
Pangnirtung is accessible by the wide valleys surrounding Angiu-
qaq.

I may omit the description of the Separate summer habitations
farther south, for the head of every fjord and every valley thatis a

means of reaching the interior are used for erecting the tents. The

interior of the region, which is covered with ice, remains unvisited,
no game being found there. Therefore it may be said in general that
the Eskimo are limited to the peninsulas formed by the numerous
fjords.

The Saumingmiut visit the southern fjords of Cumberland Penin-
sula, where I have marked the settlements on the chart. Here they
pursue deer and polar bears, which frequently come down to Cape
Mercy during the summer.

An important summer settlement of the Saumingmiut is Touaq-
djuaq, from which place they visit the peninsula limited by Exeter
Sound and Touaqdjuaq. An important summer station of both
Saumingmiut and Padlimiut is Qarmaqdjuin, while Eyaloaping
(Durban Harbor of the whalers), near the entrance of Padli, is visited
only by the latter tribe.

The number of deer on Cumberland Peninsula is so variable that
the result of the hunt is often unsatisfactory. Although in some
seasons numerous herds are met, in others scarcely enough animals
are killed to afford a sufficient stock of skins for the winter clothing.
Early in the spring the deer pass quite regularly through Itidlirn
(the lower part of Padli Valley, between Ikaroling and Padli), in
their migrations from Narpaing to Qarmaqdjuin. I was told that
in both the latter districts many deer can be found at all times.

Lastly, I have to describe the winter settlements of the Sauming-
miut. They are in the habit of separating in the fall, part of them
staying during winter on Qeqertaujang, in Ugjuktung, and the re-
mainder at Ukiadliving, on Davis Strait.

Strange as it may seem, walrus are not found in the upper part of
the sound, while farther south they are abundant. Akuliayating,
east of Qegerten, is the most northern point that they visit. It is
said that in former times they were met with everywhere in the
sound, and indeed some of the local names give evidence of the truth
of these traditions; for instance, the name of Uglirn (which is always
apphed to walrus islands), in the fjord Qaggilortung, and that of
Anarnitung (a place having a bad smell from walrus excrement), at
the head of the sound.

BOAS. | DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 43

Before Cumberland Sound begins to freeze up, the Eskimo of Ue-
juktung take walrus on the islands Uglirn, south of Qeqertaujang,
and at Qeqertaq in Anartuajuin. The animals killed during the
fall are buried under stones, and with this stock of provisions the
Saumingmiut do not suffer want during the winter. In addition,
however, they go sealing at the entrance of Ugjuktung, or travel
overland to Kangertloaping, a branch of Kouaqdjuaq, as Nuvukdjuaq
is almost always washed by water and cannot be passed in winter.
The young sealing is here of little importance, as the bears visit the
fjords about this season and frighten the animals away. In March
the natives go bear hunting or move up the sound to join the King-
naitmiut during the time of young sealing. In the spring thesettle-
ment is always abandoned, as most of them go to Davis Strait and join
the other part of the tribe. Crossing the country, they travel over a
pass leading from Anartuajuin to Ujaradjiraaitjung.

The favorite settlement on the east coast is Ukiadliving. There
are several stone foundations in this place which are frequently
reconstructed and used as dwellings. Here walrus are hunted in the
summer and in the fall and a great stock of provisions is laid up.
In winter the floe offers a good hunting ground for sealing and in
the spring the bears visit the land and the islands to pursue the
pupping (i. e., pregnant or parturient) seals. At the same time the
she bear brings forth her young, the meat and skin of which are
highly prized. Many old bears and cubs are killed at this season
and the precious skins are prepared for sale.

Besides the beforementioned route another and longer one leads
to Cumberland Sound. In taking this course the sledges start from
Nedluqseaq, west of Ukiadliving, and follow a river which rises in a
small lake whence the inland ice is ascended. Farther on the valley
leading to Kyaluaqdjuin and Kangertlukdjuaq is reached. This is
the only overland route on which the inland ice is crossed. Cape
Mercy can be passed by a number of short isthmuses. In the shelter
of the bay formed by the cape and Muingmang a floe is formed reach-
ing to the foot of Uibarun (Cape Mercy). The pass Tappitaridjen,
which cuts off two peninsulas, leads into the sound. The bays
farther west are frozen up and the projecting points are avoided by
short passes. Unfortunately this road was unknown to me during
my stay in Saumia, else I could have easily visited Cape Mercy. At
last Anartuajuin is reached. The water rarely extends to Nuvuk-
djuaraqdjung, the point between Anartuajuin and Ugjuktung. It
may be passed by a difficult road leading across the peninsula. If
the water extends to Iliqimisarbing a pass is used which is ascended
from Eyalualuin, in the bay of Naujaqdjuaq.

On Davis Strait a few important isthmuses must be mentioned.
One is used by the inhabitants of Ukiadliving in traveling to Exeter
Sound. They leave the sea at the head of Touaqdjuaq and by a

4AO THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

difficult overland route cross to the southern shore of Exeter Sound.
Much of the time the ice and snow near Udlimaulitelling make the
route almost impassable in that direction. If, therefore, this route
is impracticable or that through Touaqdjuaq is too difficult on ac-
count of the absence of snow, the journey is postponed until late
in spring, when the hummocks begin to be leveled off and the snow
becomes harder as it settles; then the rough ice can be passed, and
after reaching Ituatukan, a fjord near Cape Walsingham, the Eskimo
ascend it, so as to avoid the cape, which is always washed by water.
If snow and ice are ina suitable condition the passage by way of Itu-
atukan is always preferred.

From Exeter Sound Kangertlukdjuaq, in Padli Fjord, may be
reached by a pass of short extent; but the snow is always so deep
here that the passage cannot be effected until June. The peninsulas
between Padli Fjord and Exeter Sound, which have no ice foot, can
be crossed by narrow isthmuses near the head of the bays.

Before leaving Cumberland Sound and its inhabitants, the Oqomiut,
altogether, I wish to add a few remarks on the whale fishery, which
the Eskimo formerly carried on in their bulky skin boats. They pur-
sued the monstrous animal in all waters with their imperfect weap-
ons, for a single capture supplied them with food and fuel for a
long time. Ido not know with certainty whether the natives used
to bring their boats to the floe edge in the spring in order to await
the arrival of the whales, as the Scotch and American whalers do.
nowadays, or whether the animals were caught only insummer. On
Davis Strait the Padlimiut and the Akudnirmiut used to erect their
tents in June near the floe edge, whence they went whaling, sending
the meat, blubber, and whalebone to the main settlement. In Cum-
berland Sound whales were caught in all the fjords, particularly in
Kingnait, Issortuqdjuaq, and thenarrow channels of the west shore.
Therefore the Eskimo could live in the fjords during the winter, as
the provisions laid up in the fall lasted until spring. If, therefore,
there is a perceptible diminution in the supply of their food it is due
to the fact that the whale fishery has been abandoned by them or
rather has been yielded up to Europeans and Americans. It is not
probable, however, that a sufficient number of whales were ever
caught to support the entire population during the whole of the
winter. The whaling is still kept up by the Eskimo of Hudson
Strait and Hudson Bay, though only to a limited extent, owing to the
visits of whaling ships and the establishment of whaling stations.

The Padlimiut and the Akudnirmiut.—The next tribes to be de-
scribed are the Padlimiut and the Akudnirmiut, but this may be done
very briefly, as the nature of this region is similar to that of Saumia.
A peculiarity of the Akudnirmiut is their more decided migratory
character as compared with the Oqomiut. They do not spend every
winter at the same place, as we observed that the Oqomiut do, but

BOAS. ] DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. Ashi

are more inclined to visit, in turn, the different winter stations of
their country.

In summer the following places are almost always inhabited: Qar-
maqdjuin, Eyaloaping in Padli Fjord, Qivitung, and Niaqonaujang.
The deer hunting season opens here at the same time as farther south,
but it is much facilitated from the fact that the ice breaks up later.
The deer visit the numerous islands scattered along the mainland and
thus their pasturing ground is easily reached. As the islands of
Home Bay constitute a good hunting ground the Eskimo sometimes
settle there for a few weeks.

The long, low peninsula Pamiujang, near Nedluqseaq, and the head
of Nudlung arethe favorite summer settlements of the Padlimiut.
Nudlung, Eyalualuin, Ijelirtung, and Inugsuin are visited by the
Akudnirmiut. An abundance of deer is found along the southern
part of Home Bay, where the plains extend to the sea. It is remark-
able that all along this shore there is no island on which birds build
their nests. Though fowls do not form an important constituent of
the food of the Oqomiut and the more southern tribes, the egg islands
are frequently visited. On Davis Strait it is only by chance that
ducks &c. are caught, and eggs can scarcely be obtained. The only
island which is visited by birds*is Avaudjelling, in Home Bay. In
July, however, large flocks of eider ducks descend Itirbilung Fjord
and many are caught near its head. From this fjord an overland
route, which is practicable only in summer, leads to Piling, a district on
theshoreof Fox Basin, which may be reached inthreedays. Though
the route is well known, it seems to be passing into disuse; at least I
do not know any natives who have crossed the land by it. Another
interesting road leading overland must be mentioned, namely, the
one which leads from Nudlung and Eyalualuin to Majoraridjen and
Nettilling. The former region is still visited by the Akudnirmiut,
but I know of but one family who went to Nettilling and wintered
there.

Asarule, about the beginning of August the Akudnirmiut move
to Niaqonaujang in order to have an oppo tunity of meeting the
whalers on their way south. For the same reason the southern fam-
ilies gather at Qivitung.

As soon as the sea is frozen up, part of the natives of Qivitung

.-move southward and settle on Qeqertuqdjuaq, where they stay until
February, while in spring some stay here or move farther up the bay,
where they establish their huts on Qeqertaq; the rest travel to Padli
Fjord and live with the families who had passed the winter there on
Padloping. As the floe edge approaches the land here, the country
is favorable for bear hunting, which is pursued in March and April.
In June the natives move up Padli Fjord to catch salmon, which are
found in enormous numbers at Padli. <A few visit Agpan, where
flocks of loons nest. The natives who intend to return to Qivitung in
‘summer leave about the end of May or the beginning of June.

44? THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

Those who remain at Qivitung during the winter go sealing in
the bay east of the peninsula and subsist upon the product of this
occupation, as well as on the walrus meat which was stored up in the
summer and autumn. A few leave @ivitung after the consolidation
of the floe and settle on Nanuqtaqdjung, an island in Home Bay, near
the northern point of Qeqertalukdjuaq.

In the winter the Akudnirmiut of Niaqonaujang generally remove
to Ipiutelling, on the southern shore of Koukteling, and in May go
farther south, to the island Avaudjelling. In the spring they go bear
hunting on Koukteling and the peninsula of Niaqonaujang, where the
she bears dig holes in the snow banks, in which they whelp.

Though the isthmuses are of great value in facilitating the inter-
course between the separate settlements of Cumberland Sound and
Davis Strait, as their headlands are washed by water, they are not
indispensable for the tribes of Davis Strait, for the ice is passable at
all points. The low peninsulas are crossed by the natives in their
travels in preference to rounding their headlands. Thus they not
only shorten their journey, but they avoid the rough ice often found
off the points.

For example, a pass leads from the western bay of Padli Fjord io
Kangertloaping, and another from Tessiujang, near Qivitung, across
the narrow and low isthmus into Home Bay. Similar passes are
used in crossing Koukteling, the peninsulas of Niaqonaujang, Aqo-
jane, and Aqojartung.

At Niaqonaujang I reached the limit of my travels and have only
to add reports which I obtained from other tribes and in other set-
tlements. River Clyde and Aqbirtijung are not always inhabited,
but are visited at irregular intervals by the Akudnirmiut, the same
who usually stay at Niaqonaujang. It is probable that Aqbirtijung
and Kangertlualung are sometimes visited by the Tununirmiut of
Pond Bay.

The Aggomiut.—\ can say but little about the two subtribesof the
Agegomiut (the Tununirmiut and the Tununirusirmiut), as the re-
ports are scanty and the chart of the region is too incorrect to convey
any exact information. A few statements may be derived from the
Eskimo charts published by Hall (II, pp. 356 and 370). It appears
that the natives winter near the entrance of Navy Board Inlet and
in the back of Eclipse Sound. Settlements of the Tununirusirmiut
at the western entrance of Admiralty Inlet and near its head are
mentioned by Hall. Besides seals these natives also pursue the
white whales and narwhals which frequent the sound. In summer
the Tununirmiut live at the entrance of Pond Bay.

Although I am not informed as to the position of the settlements,
and for this reason am unable to judge of the details of the life of
the Aggomiut, I can give the more general facts of their relations to

the neighboring tribes. Of the greatest importance is their connec-

BOAS. } DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 443

tion with the Iglulirmiut, for through them a regular intercourse
is kept up between the continent of America and the eastern shore of
Baffin Land. One road leads through Kangertlukdjuaq, a fjord east
of Parry’s Murray Maxwell Inlet, to the head of Anaulereéling. I
received a detailed description of this road from a native whom I met
at Niaqonaujang. Hall’s statement that this way leads to Pond
Bay is very likely erroneous, as the natives probably said that it led
to Tununirn, which comprises the whole district of Eclipse Sound
and the region east of it. It is possible that another road leads to
EKyaluin, a fjord of Eclipse Sound. Another route which is often used
leads from Kangertlung, Parry’s Gifford River, to Angmang, and
farther west to Tununirusirn. This route has already been described
by Parry, who attempted to reach the north shore of Baffin Land by
it (II, p. 449). Parry’s description was confirmed in 1869 by Hall
(II, p. 356). Lam somewhat doubtful whether Fury and Hecla Strait,
which is often filled with rough ice, can be passed regularly, and
whether a route leading to Tununirusirn follows the shore of the Gulf
of Boothia, as stated by some of the natives of Davis Strait. This
uncertainty did not occur to me until after I had read Parry’s de-
scription. Communication between Tununirn and Tununirusirn is
by way of the isthmus between Kangertlung and Navy Board Inlet.

The journeys of the Aggomiut are not at all confined to Baffin Land.
In favorable winters they cross Lancaster Sound, passing the small
island Uglirn, and winter on the eastern half of Tudjan (North Devon).
While here they keep up some intercourse with the inhabitants of
Umingman Nuna (Ellesmere Land).

It is said that they cross the ice covered island on sledges. In four
days they reach the northern shore, whence a long, narrow peninsula,
Nedlung, stretches toward Ellesmere Land. Through the narrow
passage which separates Tudjan from Nedlung runs a very swift tide
which keeps open a water hole throughout the winter. All around
this place the ice wastes quickly in the spring and a large basin is
formed which abounds with seals. Only that part of the peninsula
which lies nearest North Devon is high and steep, presenting a bold
face. Farther north it is rather low.

Having reached Umingman Nuna, the Eskimo who gave me this
information affirm that they fell in with a small tribe who resided
onthis shore. Here they lived for some time, as there was an abun-
dance of seals during the whole year. Farther northwest is a large
fjord, Kangertluksiaq, off which an island is found, Qeqertakadli-
nang by name. The Eskimo do not visit the land on the other side
of this fjord, as bears are said to be very numerous and large there.
Though these migrations to Jones Sound do not occur very fre-
quently, they have by no means been discontinued. For instance,
a family which was well known to me has visited Smith Sound, and

444 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO,

the father of some friends of a resident of Cumberland Sound returned
about fifteen years ago from a long stay on Tudjan and Nedlung.

The Ighuirmiut.—The last group of natives belonging to Baffin
Land are those of Iglulik. Our knowledge of this tribe is due to
Parry and Hall. As soon as the sea begins to freeze up, the natives
gather on Iglulik, where they hunt the walrus throughout the win-
ter. According to the position of the floe edge, Iglulik, Pingitkalik,
or Uglit Islands are the favorite settlements. Later in the winter,
when new ice is frequently attached to the floe, part of the families
move to the ice northeast of Igluling, where seals are caught with
the harpoon. Another winter settlement seems to be near Amitoq,
In April young seals are hunted in the bays and fjords, particularly
in Hooper Inlet. According to Hall the western coast of Melville
Peninsula is sometimes visited during the winter for walrusing and
bear hunting (II, p. 343). An overland route leads to this district,
crossing the long Grinnell Lake and Brevoort River, thus named by
Hall (II, p. 342). As soon as the warm season approaches the na-
tives go deer hunting on Melville Peninsula or more frequently on
Baffin Land. From the reports of Parry and Hall and from my own
inquiries, there can be no doubt that they visit the eastern shore of
Fox Basin.

The Pilingmiut.—Two tribes were settled on the eastern coast of
Fox Basin, the Pilingmiut and the Sagdlirmiut, who had but slight
intercourse with the Iglulirmiut. I heard both mentioned at times
when traveling along Davis Strait. According to my information
I should say that Piling is about 74° west and 69° north. From
Parry’s reports it appears that the intercourse between these tribes
and Iglulik was not very active; for, although he had staid two
years at Aivillik and Iglulik, the Pilingmiut when visiting the latter
tribe did not know anything about this fact, which was one of the
greatest importance to all the natives (II, p. 430). Sometimes the
Talirpingmiut of Cumberland Sound meet the Pilingmiut, for both
tribes go deer hunting northwest of Nettilling. I heard of one such
meeting between hunting parties in that district.

The Sagdlirmiut.—Vhe information as to the Sagdlirmiut is yet
more scanty than that relating to the inhabitants of Piling. Parry
learned that Sagdlirn is about east-northeast of Iglulik (II, p. 549).
The description which I received on Davis Strait confirms this opin-
ion, for the direction was denoted as qaningnang, i. e., east-north-
east; besides, Sagdlirn was described as a long and narrow island.

WESTERN SHORE OF HUDSON BAY.

A remarkable difference exists between the customs of the western
tribes who live on the continent of America and those of the tribes
that inhabit Baffin Land and Melville Peninsula. This is chiefly

BOAS.] DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 445

due to the difference in the nature of their territorial surroundings
and to the presence of the musk ox, which they frequently hunt.
In addition, the tribes of the continent do not hunt the seal in the
winter, laying up instead their supply of meat and blubber in the
fall. The information in regard to two of these tribes is quite com-
plete, as they have been visited by explorers frequently and at all
seasons. The two tribes referred to are the Aivillirmiut, of the
northwestern part of Hudson Bay, and the Netchillirmiut of Boothia
Felix. Unfortunately the information in respect to the others, the
Kinipetu or Agutit, the Sinimiut, Ugjulirmiut, and Ukusiksalir-
miut, is less complete.

The Aivillirmiut.—in order to describe the mode of life of the
Aivillirmiut I shall give an abstract of Dr. John Rae’s observations in
1846-47 and 185455, of C. F, Hall’s life with these natives from 1864
to 1869, and of Lieut. F. Schwatka’s residence among them from 1877
to 1879. A pretty correct idea of the migrations and favorite resorts
of this tribe at the different seasons may be obtained from the jour-
nals of these travelers.

When Rae arrived in Repulse Bay in the latter part of July, 1846,
he met with twenty-six natives who were deer hunting among the
numerous lakes of Rae Isthmus (I, pp. 35, 40, 48). Another part of
the tribe had resorted to Akugdht, where they hunted the musk ox
near Point Hargrave (I, p. 49). Committee Bay (Akugdlit) was filled
witha heavy pack about that time, and the natives hunted walrus
in their kayaks (I, p. 58). Wherever they killed a deer or musk ox
they made deposits of the meat and carefully put up the walrus
blubber in sealskin bags for use during the winter. When, about
the end of September, the deer were migrating southward and new
ice was forming on the lakes, the natives settled in the center of that
part of the country which had been their hunting ground during
the summer, in order to be near their depots. For this reason they
were well scattered all over the country, some establishing their
tents on the lakes of the isthmus, others staying on the shore of Re-
pulse Bay, where large deposits of deer meat and blubber had been
made. During the winter most of the natives gathered in one set-
tlement east of Fort Hope (near Aivillik), whence they started to
bring in their deposits. About the 20th of February they scattered
all over the bay (I, p. 91), but it is doubtful whether they did this in
order to be nearer their depots or to go sealing. In March the first
deer of the season were seen (I, p. 93), but it was not until April that
larger herds passed Repulse Bay on their migration northward (I, p.
99). At this time a small supply of trout was procured from Chris-
tie Lake, but it was not sufficient for the support of the natives
(I, p. 99). Caches of venison were made and frequently visited until
late in June (p. 166). The sealing had begun in the beginning of May
(p. 135), when the first animals were seen basking on the ice. But

446 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

the Eskimo were now almost independent of their old food supply.
When the salmon left the lakes and the deer were roaming among
the hills the time of plenty was at hand. The salmon creeks were
visited, deer were caught, and seals pursued on the ice (p. 170). Al-
though the first deer were caught in traps in May, the principal sea-
son for deer hunting opened after the breaking up of the ice, when
they were easily taken while crossing the lakes.

When Rae wintered the second time in Repulse Bay (185455) he
was much surprised to find no natives there. They had wintered
farther south, and did not come to the bay until May, 1855, when
they could catch seals on the land ice. In 1864, when Hall arrived
at Wager River, Repulse Bay was again deserted. This year of
Hall’s stay in Hudson Bay is very instructive, as we learn from his
account the particulars of the migration of the Aivillirmiut from Nu-
vung to Repulse Bay. The following facts are taken from his
journal:

In June, 1865, a traveling party arrived in Repulse Bay (Hall II,
p. 177), where numerous deer were met with. Their tents were
erected on Uglariaq, whence seals were pursued, and they began at
once to make blubber deposits (p. 179). They were very eager to
store as much provision as possible, as there was no chance of ob-
taining a fresh stock at Repulse Bay during the winter. Some of
the party brought their boats to the floe edge in order to follow the
seal and walrus, which were swimming in the water or lying on the
drifting ice in great numbers, while others preferred sledging on the
land floe and shooting the basking seals (p. 181). After the break-
ing up of the ice, whales were seen, and kayaks and boats were made
ready for their pursuit. In September most of the natives returned
to North Pole Lake to hunt deer at the lower narrows (p. 202), where
the meat was deposited for winter use (p. 204).

On the 19th of October the last deer was killed (p. 205), and most
of the natives returned to the bay. They located at Naujan, the men
in the party numbering 43 (p. 216). During the winter no kind of
hunt was kept up, only a few salmon and trout being caught in the
lakes (p. 210). Towards the latter part of March the settlement was
broken up and its members scattered for the purpose of hunting and
fishing (p. 227). Salmon were caught in North Pole Lake and deer
shot in the narrow passes (p. 227). The sealing did not begin until
the first of April (p. 239). Inthe summer, deer, seal, walrus, and sal-
mon were caught in great abundance. In the following years the
mode of life was about the same, but it may be remarked that in Au-
gust the natives lived at Pitiktaujang and afterwards went to Lyon
Inlet (Maluksilaq) to hunt deer (p. 323). Part of them returned to
Repulse Bay, where walrus were caught on the drifting ice during
September. In the ensuing winter (186768) 55 natives had gathered
ina village about twenty miles east of Fort Hope (p. 333), where they

Pe gre Che — Set\s80"r >

BOAS. | DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 447

lived on the stores deposited during the preceding summer. Afterthe
breaking up of the ice they succeeded in killing several whales, which
afforded an ample supply of meat and blubber (p. 363). Subsequently,
they hunted deer west of Repulse Bay (p. 364) and near Lyon Inlet,
where probably the greater part of the families had staid since the
previous year.

In November, Hall found near the head of this inlet a number
of natives who came to Repulse Bay towards the end of the year,
having heard that a whale had been taken there. By this addition
the village of Repulse Bay suddenly increased in population to 120
inhabitants (p. 369). This was the only winter in which the natives
began sealing in January (p. 371). In March they built their huts
upon the ice and scattered early in the spring for sealing and catch-
ing salmon.

From these reports and some more general accounts of these trav-
elers, an idea can be formed of the mode of life of this part of the
Aivillirmiut during the different seasons. In the spring, when the
seals commence to bask upon the ice, the tents are established on the
floe of Repulse Bay, the large winter settlements being broken up
into a number of smaller ones. During this season they begin to
store away blubber, which is carefully put into sealskin bags. Be-
sides, reindeer are killed in the deer passes. In July a great number
of the natives leave the ice and resort to the salmon rivers, where an
abundant supply of food is secured, but the sealing is also continued
until the breaking up of the ice. At this time of the year (i. e., in
August), walrus and seal are taken in large numbers, and thus an
ample stock of provisions for winter use is collected. In some sea-
sons a few whales are caught and stored away at once. In Septem-
ber, most of the natives move to the lakes or rivers, particularly
North Pole Lake, to hunt deer as well as the musk ox on the hills.
Other favorite localities for deer hunting are west of Repulse Bay
ornear Lyon-Inlet. Large deposits of venison are made, and when
the deer go south the natives settle in the center of their summer’s
hunting ground, building their snow houses on the lakes in order to
have a supply of water near at hand. About January most of them
gather in one settlement, which is established at Uglariaq, Naujan,
or Inugsulik. Those who come from Lyon Inlet do not always join
the Repulse Bay tribe, but may be identical with Parry's Winter
Island Eskimo, who move to the bay south of Lyon Inlet in winter.
They go sealing in winter only in case of need, for the hunt seems
to be unproductive, and they subsist on the stores deposited during
the preceding summer. Towards the latter half of March the settle-
ments are broken up and some of the natives go to the lakes to fish
for trout and salmon, while others begin the sealing.

Another winter station of the Aivillirmiut is Akugdlit, which,
however, has never been as important as Aivillik itself. Rae found

448 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

some families here in August, 1846. They hunted the musk ox on
the western shore of the bay, and later in the season, upon the pack
ice which filled the sea, they hunted the walrus (Rae I, p. 58). They
reported that the bay was very unfavorable for any kind of chase,
as it is usually filled with closely packed ice, which prevents the
visits of animals and endangers the boats of the natives (p. 49). In
July the salmon creeks of Akugdht (Committee Bay) were visited
by these families, who extended their hunting ground from Colville
Bay to the most northern parts of Melville Peninsula (p. 145). Ac-
cording to Hall a number of families live here at times. They were
in the habit of staying at Repulse Bay during the early part of the
summer and went to Akugdlit in the autumn to hunt the musk ox
and deer. In the winter they fransferred their deposits of blubber
from Aivillik across the lakes to their settlement. Probably these
families returned to Repulse Bay about the first of March, at which
time their deposits were always exhausted (Hall II, p. 383). In some
seasons the natives journey much farther south, that is, to the coun-
try between Cape Fullerton and Wager River. Klutschak’s report
upon this subject, which is extracted from his observations during
Schwatka’s search for the Franklin records, will be found tolerably
correct (Deutsche Rundschau fiir Geographie und Statistik, IIT, 1881,
p. 422). The report contains the following statement:

In the spring of every year these Eskimo live on the land floe of Hudson Bay, at
some distance from the point where the tides and winds carry the pack ice past the
shore. Here is the favorite feeding place of the walrus, and the Eskimo confine
themselves to the pursuit of this animal. They settle near one of the numerous
islands situated near the shore.

Later in the season they live in tents, and the hunting of seals
and walrus is continued as long as the presence of ice permits. The
greater part of the Aivillirmiut live near Depot Island (Pikiulag).
Here, on Cape Fullerton, and near the northern entrance of Chester-
field Inlet, the natives deposit their stores for winter use. As soon
as the ice is gone they resort to the mainland, where deer, which
descend to the shore at this season, are hunted. When the snow
begins to cover the country they move inland, where they continue
the deer hunt. In October they settle near a deer pass or a lake
which is crossed by the herds migrating southward. In December
all the deer have left the country and the natives live upon the
stores deposited in the fall. Towards the beginning of the new year
part of them return to the sea and live upon the deposits of walrus
meat or ‘disperse over the land floe, where seals are killed in their
breathing holes. Another part take to the hills near Chesterfield
Inlet and Wager River, a favorite feeding ground for the musk ox.
They only return to the bay in March or April, to hunt seals until
the breaking up of the ice. If the supplies of walrus meat are very
abundant the Eskimo gather in one large settlement.

BOAS. ] DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 449

It appears from Klutschak’s own journal that this report is not
quite complete, and I shall therefore add those of his own observa-
tions which seem to be important:

The natives who had hunted deer in the fall returned in December
to Depot Island, where ten inhabitants lived at that time. They
hunted walrus at the edge of the floe during the whole winter, but
did not exclusively use their old stores (Klutschak, p. 32). In sum-
mer whales were hunted by means of kayaks, the blubber and meat
being immediately stored for future use p. 269). It is interesting
to learn that a single family spent a whole year in the interior of
the country, about two or three days’ journey west of Depot Island,
living on the flesh of the musk ox most of the time (p. 196). He
does not say what kind of fuel they used.

In Klutschak’s chart of Hudson Bay, which is published with his
essay, a winter settlement is marked on Wager River, where the
natives probably lived on seals caught in the breathing holes.

The mode of life of this tribe, as observed by Hall during his stay
among them in 1864, differs in some material points from Klutschak’s
account. It is particularly important that Hall found them at Wager
River.

About forty Eskimo are said to have lived in Nuvung during that
year, while others were at Depot Island. Large depots of deer meat
were scattered over the country around the settlement (Hall IT, p.
76) and were brought in by the natives one by one. In the middle
of November, after having finished the work of currying their deer-
skins, they commenced the walrus hunt, but meantime they fre-
quently fed on deer meat from their depots (Hall IT, pp. 102, 128, 132,
133). Towards the end of February they commenced to disperse, at
first moving southward in order to be nearer the floe edge (p. 144).
In the beginning of March an advance party of natives moved to
Wager River, where they intended to catch salmon through the ice and
to visit depots in that part of the country (p. 149). Im April all the
former inhabitants of Nuvung had settled on the ice of Wager River,
where salmon in moderate numbers were caught (p. 164), but the
main subsistence was the seals, which were at first watched for at
the breathing holes, while later on they were killed when basking
on the ice.

As a summary of the foregoing statements, we may say that the
five principal settlements of the Aivillirmiut are Pikiulaq (Depot
Island), Nuvung and Ukusiksalik (Wager River), Aivillik (Repulse
Bay), Akugdlit (Committee Bay), and Maluksilagq (Lyon Inlet). They
may be divided into two groups, the former comprising the southern
settlements, the latter the northern ones. Every one of these settle-
ments has certain well known sites, which are frequented at the
proper seasons.

6 ETH——29

450 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

It yet remains to describe the roads which are used in the intercourse
between these settlements. From Pikiulaq to Nuvung the natives
travel by means of sledges. In the winter of 1864-65 two journeys
were made, the first in December, the latter in January. Besides,
boats are used in traveling along the shorein summer. Sledge jour-
neys from Nuvung to Ukusiksalik cannot be accomplished on the
ice, as in the entrance of the bay large water holes are formed. The
sledges follow a chain of long, narrow lakes beginning near Nuvung
and running almost parallel with the coast through a deep gorge.
The bay is but a short distance beyond this gorge. I am not ac-
quainted with the sledge road from Nuvung to Aivillik. Rae was
visited at Fort Hope by a number of Eskimo, who came by sledges
from Nuvung in June (I, p. 169). Hall traveled with the natives in
boats, passing the narrows and following the edge of the land ice,
while the rest of the families sledged on the shore or on the land ice
(II, p. 177). The principal road across Rae Isthmus leads over North
Pole Lake and is described by Rae and Hall. The latter accompanied
the natives on two sledge roads, the one leading from Sagdlua, in
Haviland Bay, to Qariaq, in Lyon Inlet, the other crossing the land
farther south. I am not sure whether a road leading from Nebarvik
to Committee Bay connects Maluksilaq with Akugdlit. It is doubt-
ful whether the coast between Aivillik and Gore Bay is visited by
the natives.

It is remarkable that the Aivillirmiut very rarely go to Southamp-
ton Island, though they are sometimes carried across Frozen Strait
or Rowe’s Welcome by drifting ice. Scarcely ever of their own accord
do they visit the island, which they call Sagdlirn. They know that it
is inhabited, but have very little intercourse with its people.

The Kinipetu or Agutit.—The reports upon the Kinipetu or
Agutit of Chesterfield Inlet are very scanty as compared with those
of the beforementioned tribe. All authors agree that they differ
materially in their habits from the Aivillirmiut, and it has often been
affirmed that they scarcely ever descend to the sea. As there is,
however, no other tribe mentioned south of the Aivillirmiut besides
this one and as in every voyage to these shores, even far south of
Chesterfield Inlet, Eskimo are met with who frequently visit Fort
Churchill, the most northern station of the Hudson Bay Company,
there can be no doubt that they also visit the shore and the islands and
hunt seals. Probably the greater part of the tribe live inland from
July to March, hunting deer and the musk ox, and in winter only
descend to the sea in order to procure blubber and sealskins during
the season in which these are most easily obtained. It may be that
another part stay near the head of Chesterfield Inlet all the year
round or remain in the hilly country between the deep gulf and Back
River hunting the musk ox. According to all reports, they are rather
independent of the hunt of sea animals, and they do not even use their

BOAS. ] DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 451

skins for garments (Klutschak, Deutsche Rundschau fiir Geographie
und Statistik, III, p. 419). For this reason they would afford in-
teresting material for investigation, and it is unfortunate that no
trustworthy accounts of the tribe exist. Back, on his journey to the
shores of the Arctic Ocean, found traces of the Eskimo on the lakes
of Back River, ample proof that they were in the habit of visiting
this regfon every summer. He found the first traces near 107° west
longitude, and farther down, at the mouth of Baillie River. He did
not see the natives whom Anderson and Stewart met in the summer
of 1855 near McKinley River and later between Pelly and Garry
Lakes. Their clothing and even the covers of their kayaks were
made of deer and musk ox skins. They observed among these na-
tives such articles of European make as the Hudson Bay Company
used for barter and which were traded to the most southern Eskimo
tribes of Hudson Bay. Therefore it is likely that these natives be-
longed to Chesterfield Inlet. This opinion is supported by Klut-
schak’s remark that a native of the mouth of Back River knew an
overland route leading from the lakes at its upper course to Chester-
field Inlet.

The Sagdlirmiut of Southampton Island.—Before leaving the sub-
ject of the Hudson Bay Eskimo I may mention the inhabitants of
Southampton Island, a tribe which is almost unknown and the only
record of which was obtained by Captain Lyon during the few hours
which he passed among them in 1824 (Attempt to reach Repulse Bay,
p. 44). In August he found a few families on the island south of
Cape Pembroke, who were living upon salmon which had been de-
posited in stone caches and who had tents made of sealskins. A
winter house was found at the same point. About 1865 an American
whaling vessel found some natives on Manico Point living in five
tents. Kyen then they had scarcely any iron, but used the old stone
implements; this proves the want of all communication with the
natives of the mainland. Parry found traces of Eskimo in York
Bay and they have been seen on many other parts of the island. The
Hudson Bay tribes call this tribe the Sagdlirmiut, i. e., the inhab-
itants of Sagdlirn, and their knowledge about them is very scanty,
as they meet very rarely and by chance only.

The Sinimiut.—N orthwest of Hudson Bay we find a tribe in Pelly
Bay. The reports upon it are very scanty and it is difficult to find
out the extent of the district which is occupied by it. Ross did not
fall in with the tribe, and in the accounts of the Netchillirmiut on
their journey to Repulse Bay no mention is made of an intervening
tribe (II, p. 263). In April, 1847, Rae found signs of the tribe near
Helen Island, in Pelly Bay (I, p. 113). There was an abundance of
seals on the ice all around the islands (p. 111), but besides these they
had large stocks of dried musk ox and salmon (p. 124). On his second
journey he found their winter habitation on Barrow and Cameroon

452 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

Lakes (II, p. 938), and on the 20th of April he met with seventeen
natives on the mainland west of Augustus Island, among whom were
five women. In traveling farther west he fell in with a native who
had been hunting the musk ox. On the 17th of May he found twelve
natives settled in the same place and living on seal (II, p. 842).

Hall met with this tribe twice, in 1866 and in 1869. On the 28th of
April, in his first attempt to reach King William Land, he found
the Sinimiut settled near Cape Beaufort, in Committee Bay, where
they were probably sealing (II, p. 255). No further account of
this meeting is found except the remark that these natives were on
their way to Repulse Bay (p. 259). Therefore it is rather doubtful
whether the eastern shore of Simpson Peninsula belongs to their
customary district. In April, 1869, on his second visit to Pelly Bay,
Hall found their deserted winter huts on Cameroon Lake (p. 386).
In the early part of the spring they had lived on the ice south of
Augustus Island, the only place where seals could be caught, as the
rest of the bay was filled with heavy floes which had been carried
south by the northerly winds prevailing during the preceding fall.
The natives themselves were met with on the mainland west of
Augustus Island, where they were hunting the musk ox. When
Hall crossed the bay in the first days of June the natives had changed
neither their place nor their mode of subsistence.

There is a discrepancy in Nourse’s extract from Hall’s journal, for
he sometimes refers to the Pelly Bay natives as different from the
Sinimiut, while in other passages all the inhabitants of the bay are
comprised in the latter term. I think this discrepancy is occasioned
by the fact that a number of Aivillirmiut had settled in Pelly Bay
and some others were related to natives of that locality; the latter
Nourse calls the Pelly Bay men, the rest the Sinimiut. The place
Sini itself, according to a statement of Hall, is near Cape Behrens,
on the northwestern shore of the bay.

As the winter huts of the Sinimiut have been found four times on
the lakes of the isthmus of Simpson Peninsula, we may suppose that
they generally spend the winter there, living on the stores deposited
in the preceding season and occasionally angling for trout and salmon
(Rae I, p. 110) or killing a musk ox. In March they leave for the
sea in order to hunt seals and to secure a fresh supply of blubber for
their lamps. Their chief subsistence is the musk ox; besides, salmon
are caught in great numbers, for they live on dried fish until spring
(Rae I, p. 124).

BOOTHIA FELIX AND BACK RIVER.

The Netchillirmiut.—Following the shore westward we find the
interesting tribes that inhabit Boothia Felix, King William Land,
and the mouth of Back River. Among them the Netchillirmiut are
the most important. Their favorite hunting grounds seem to have

poas.] DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 453

undergone a remarkable change since they were first visited by Ross
in 1829. At that period their district occupied the southern part of
Boothia Felix, particularly the narrow isthmus and the adjoining
parts of both coasts. They were acquainted with Bellot Strait (Ike-
rasaq), which they described as the way the Victory had to take in
order to effect a passage to the western sea. A part of the tribe was
in the habit of wintering on Owutta Island; they also probably vis-
ited the eastern part of King William Land. The southwestern ter-
mination of their district cannot be exactly defined, but from their
description of the land south of Lake Willerstedt it appears that they
visited Shepherd Bay; besides, I find that in June, 1831, a number of
families lived south of Netchillik, i. e., probably in Rae Strait or on
Shepherd Bay (Ross IT, p. 537).

So far as can be gathered from Ross’s account the tribe had three
winter settlements, one on the eastern shore of the Isthmus of Boothia,
another at Lake Netchillik, and the third on Owutta Island.! As
to the first meeting of the natives with the Victory two contradic-
tory accounts are found. At first it is related (p. 252) that they came
from Akugdlit, having been on the road ten days. Later, and this
is more probable, it is said that two natives had descried the ship in
September, 1829, when passing near Victoria Harbor (p. 309). Be-
ing in great fear, they had immediately traveled to Netchillik to
communicate with their countrymen. There they met with a woman
who had been on board of Parry’s ships, and she had induced all
the natives, by her stories, to be on the lookout for the Europeans.
At the first meeting, on the 9th of January, 1830, 31 men approached
the ship. This would answer to a population of about one hundred
and twenty persons, and it is quite unprecedented that such a party
should travel for any distance and even beyond the limitations of
their own territory and of their customary migrations. Probably a
traveling party had joined the Netchillirmiut, who had lived some-
where in Lord Mayor’s Bay, and they all went to meet the ship.

From Ross we also learn that during January and February these
natives lived on seals, which were killed with harpoons (pp. 250, 255,
259), but, in addition, they had deposits of venison, seal blubber, and
fish (pp. 251, 262). Sometimes they went hunting the musk ox on
the mainland farther north, and a small party may have staid there
throughout the winter (p. 265). In the first days of March they
began to scatter all over the ice (p. 290), in order to have a better
chance of sealing and of catching young seals in the white coat (pp.
293, 295). The young sealing commenced about the 10th of March.
It is worth remarking that this is the only tribe on the continent of

‘From a rather ambiguous statement (p. 355) it would seem that Owutta belongs
to the territory of the Ugjulirmiut; but in later passages ample proof is found that
it is inhabited by the Netchillirmiut (pp. 423, 427). I myself was formerly misled by
the above passage (Zeitschr. Gesell. Erdk., p. 171, Berlin, 1883).

454 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

America which pursues the young seal; they are enabled to do this by
the extent of the land floe in the large bays. In the last days of
March some of the natives started for Sarvaq and Netchillik to
fetch their kayaks (p. 315), which they had left there the preceding
season. As they intended to hunt deer at the lakes farther north,
they were obliged to have their boats at hand at the breaking up of
the ice. The further the season advanced the more the settlements
were broken up (p. 338), and towards the end of April the first fami-
lies left for Netchillik to join the other part of the tribe (p. 323).
At this season the musk ox and the returning reindeer were fre-
quently hunted (pp. 252, 335, 349). In the first days of May some of
the natives went to Netchillik (p. 337), and another party followed a
month later (p. 383). They stopped on Middle Lake for a short time
to fish for trout (p. 384). A number of families remained near the
ship, sealing, catching salmon, and hunting the musk ox (pp. 436,
441, 450, 453) until the beginning of July, when the fishing season
ended and they went to the inland lakes to hunt deer and fish for
trout in the rapids between the lakes (p. 450). In the summer their
principal fishing stations were Lindsay River and Sarvaq.

The other part of the tribe which had lived at Lake Netchillik
were even more numerous than that of the coast, as 21 snow houses
were found which had been inhabited by them during the winter
(p. 389). The number of inhabitants of this village was about one
hundred and seventy, and, since there were a few who lived on
Owutta Island and yet others who may have been scattered in dif-
ferent parts of the country, it is probable that the whole tribe num-
bered 350 persons.

As they were seen only a few times by the expedition the reports
are rather incomplete. In the winter they lived ona plain, which was
called Okavit, on the eastern shore of Lake Netchillik (p. 315). The
exact position cannot be learned from Ross’s journal. As some men-
tion is made of blubber deposits at Netchillik (p. 388), it is probable
that they lived on stores deposited insummer. Toward theend of May
and in the beginning of June they were met with at Spence Bay and
Josephine Bay. One of their stations was on the island Inugsulik,
near Padliaq, the head of Spence Bay. Here their principal food
was codfish, which they caught in holes cut through the ice, while
the sealing was there a less important interest (pp. 391, 426). The
kayaks which were found deposited on the west shore of Boothia as
far as Josephine Bay proved that they resorted to this region in the
deer hunting season (pp. 406, 407). The families who had been at
Owutta during the winter of 1829-30 were found in June, 1831, in
Padliaq, whence they crossed the isthmus and visited Tarionitjoq
(p. 481).

Tn 1830 no natives were seen after the usual time of their departure
for the interior of the country, and it was not until April, 1831, that

BOAS. | DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 455

they were found again, They had wintered at Lake Avatutiaq, on °
the eastern shore of Boothia (p. 511), where they had lived ona large
stock of salmon caught in the fall (p. 53!) and on musk oxen which
were hunted during the entire year in the hilly country near the
lakes. Others had wintered farther south, on Lake Owen (p. 524).
A portion of these Eskimo set out for Netchillik in April (p. 522),
while the others remained in Tom’s Bay and subsisted upon cod-
fish, salmon, and seals (p. 546).

In June another party left for Netchillik, whence some of the na-
tives, who had not seen the ship before, arrived at Victoria Harbor
in July, probably having heard of her new station at this place
through the returning families (p. 577). In August the last of them
left, going west (p. 592).

Though these reports are rather imperfect, they enable us to get a
fair idea of the mode of life of this tribe.

In the large bays on the eastern side of the isthmus the natives
live just as do the southern tribes of Baffin Land, pursuing the seal
at its breathing hole during the winter. Here, as everywhere else,
the settlements were broken up early in the spring. The fishing is
commenced remarkably early, while in the east scarcely any salmon
are caught before the breaking up of the lakes. West of Melville
Peninsula the fishing is commenced in March or even earlier. On
Boothia the most important means of subsistence for the natives is
the codfish, on which they live during the spring and probably dur-
ing a part of the winter. It is also an important article of food for
the other tribes of this region, while farther east it is of no impor-
tance. The salmon fisheries of Boothia are very productive, of which
Netchillik and Padliaq in Josephine Bay, Stanley and Lord Lind-
say Rivers, Qogulortung, Angmalortuq, and Sarvaq may be consid-
ered the most important. Deer are hunted while swimming across
the numerous lakes of Boothia, and the musk ox in the granite hills
of its northern part. Here is also another winter resort of the tribe,
from which the island Tukia, north of Lake Avatutiag, is visited
in summer, to collect pyrite or native iron (p. 362), which is used for
kindling fire. The life of the western part of the tribe, as far as
we are acquainted with it, was described in the foregoing paragraph.

Neither Dease and Simpson, who visited Castor and Pollux River
in 1839, nor Rae, on his second voyage to Boothia, met the natives
themselves; the latter, however, saw their marks on the islands of
Acland Bay (II, p. 840).

The next traveler who fell in with the tribe was M’Clintock, who
visited King William Land in search of the Franklin records. In
February, 1859, he met several families near Cape Adelaide (p. 230).
They traveled during the spring all along the shore and had been
near Tasmania Islands in March and April. They were seen by him
on their return journey to Netchillik, near Cape Nicholas. They

456 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

traveled slowly south, hunting seals. They knew the coast as far as
Bellot Strait and were able to name every cape of this district. A
few families who had wintered in company with this party at Cape
Victoria had returned to Netchillik when the other parties started
north (p. 253). On the 4th of May, twenty deserted snow huts were
found on the southwest point of Matty Island (p. 257). From the
direction of the sledge tracks, M’Clintock concluded that the natives
who had formerly lived here had gone to Netchilliik. On the 7th of
May a settlement of 30 or 40 individuals was found on the eastern
coast of King William Land (p. 260). This party had not commu-
nicated with the villages on the mainland of Boothia since the pre-
ceding fall (p. 260.)

An interesting change in the territory which is inhabited by this
tribe has occurred since Ross’s visit to this country. In order to de-
scribe it more fully, I must refer to the relations of the Netchillir-
miut to the Ugjulirmiut. At this early period the intercourse be-
tween the tribes of Ugjulik and Netchillik was of little consequence.
No European had ever been in their districts, which included Ade-
laide Peninsula and the southern shore of King William Land
(Ross II, p. 317), but quite a number of persons were known to the
Netchillirmiut (p. 357), who had met them in their trading excur-
sions. In addition to this, a young single man of Ugjulik had been
adopted by a Netchillirmio who lived on the eastern coast of King
William Land and on Owutta Island (p. 355). When the Franklin
expedition perished on King William Land, in 1848, the Netchillir-
miut had not yet visited that part of the country. From Schwatka’s
inquiries we learn that the tribe that found Crozier and his fellow
sufferers did not extend its migrations beyond Adelaide Peninsula
and the southern shore of King William Land. In the summer of
1848 they attempted in vain to cross Simpson Strait, and were com-
pelled to stay on the island. They traveled all over the country as
far as Peel Inlet, opposite to Matty Island (Gilder, p. 91). Hence
it is obvious that the Netchillirmiut, up to the time of the Franklin
catastrophe, lived in their old territory, as the inhabitants of Boothia
in 1859 had only indirect news of the shipwreck.

When the Ugjulirmiut obtained an enormous stock of metals and
wood by the destruction of Franklin’s ships, the Netchillirmiut com-
menced to visit King William Land, in order to partake also of these
riches. Thus they began, by degrees, to move westward, and became
intermingled with the Ugjulirmiut. Hall mentions quite a number
of Boothians who had met Ross on the eastern shore of the isthmus,
though they were living on King William Land at that time (Hall IT,
p- 405). Besides, according to all accounts. the number of women is
much smaller among the Netchillirmiut than that of men,and these
are obliged to look for wives among the neighboring tribes, particu-
larly among the Ugjulirmiut. As these do not differ in the fashion

are

BOAS. | DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 457

of their clothing and tattooing from the Netchillirmiut, it is scarcely
possible at the present time to separate the tribes. It is worth re-
marking, however, that Gilder and Klutschak use both terms, and
therefore I conclude that the natives themselves are conscious of
belonging to different tribes.

Schwatka describes the limits of their territory as he learned them
from his observations in the summer of 1879 (Science, December 19,
1884, p. 543). He found them on the mainland opposite King Will-
iam Land and along the islands in the vicinity of Simpson Strait.
They were most numerous along the northern shores of Adelaide
Peninsula, their villages being scattered every few miles along the
coast from Montreal Island to Smith Point. On the chart accom-
panying this account the eastern shore of the Back River estuary is
included in the district inhabited by the Netchillirmiut.

It is important to compare this description with the observations
which were made by Hall in 1869. He found the first traces of natives
at the very head of Shepherd Bay, where a sledge track was observed
(p. 395). Near Point Acland several snow huts and a number of
natives were met with on the 30th of April (p. 396). Farther west
he found a village on Point Booth (p. 397), but the most interesting
fact is that in May, 1869, the party had fresh salmon from Netchil-
lik (p. 400). This statement is decisive of the question whether the
Netchillirmiut still continued their visits to the isthmus from which
they take their name.

From Klutschak’s journal a few more details may be gathered.
From it we learn that in summer the Netchillirmiut scatter, and,
while some go sealing near Montreal Island (p. 75), many others go
inland to hunt deer in the lakes of the peninsula and farther south
(p. 119). <A third party resort to King William Land, the southern
shore of which they frequent until September, while the more north-
ern parts are seldom visited (p. 79). At this season they leave the
island and all return to Adelaide Peninsula (p. 126). I suppose,
however, that this report does not refer to the whole tribe, but
that another party visited Shepherd Bay in winter. It seems to me
very improbable that in the interval between 1869 and 1879 a total
change should have occurred. In the spring they catch salmon,
which are dried and stored to be used in winter. Their stock of blub-
ber and deer meat is sufficient to last them during the greater part
of the winter. At this season they fish only in holes made through
the ice. Important winter settlements are at Point Richardson and
at the outlet of Qimuqsuq (Sherman Inlet), where all the deer needed
are caught in the fall while they are crossing the bay.

Although these statements do not altogether harmonize, it appears,
notwithstanding, that King William Land and Adelaide Peninsula,
which were not visited by the tribe in the early part of our century,
became its favorite hunting ground after the loss of the Franklin

458 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO,

expedition. Since that period the more northern parts of Boothia
may have been abandoned by the natives, though no certain proof of
this can be offered. Netchillik itself and the more southern parts
were visited up to 1869, and probably they are yet inhabited by the
Eskimo. This cannot be said with positiveness, however, for this
part of the country has not been visited since the times of Ross and
M’Chintock. The migration of the natives was caused, without doubt
and as we have already remarked, by the profusion of metals and
wood obtained from the wrecks and the starved traveling parties.

The Ugjulirmiut.—Several important facts regarding the Ugju-
lirmiut are mentioned above. Dease and Simpson found their first
traces on the western shore of Adelaide Peninsula. From Ross’s
account (I, p. 427) it appears that their territory was the same at that
period as it is now, and M’Clintock’s meeting with them on the shore
of King William Land may be adduced as a proof of this. Their oid
country is now inhabited by both Ugjulirmiut and Netchillirmiut.
Therefore their mode of life is identical and requires no comment.
Visits to the northern parts of King William Land have been very
rare, but it was on one of these that Franklin’s ships were discov-
ered (Klutschak). They rarely went hunting beyond Cape Herschel,
but looked for driftwood on the northern shore of the island.

The Ukusiksalirmiut.—The last tribe of the Central Eskimo, the
Ukusiksalirmiut, inhabit the estuary of Back River. They were
met by Back and by Anderson and Stewart. Recently Schwatka and
his party communicated with them on their visit to King William
Land. Klutschak affirms that they are the remains of a strong tribe
which formerly inhabited Adelaide Peninsula but was supplanted by
the Netchillirmiut and the Ugjulirmiut. Klutschak calls them Uku-
siksalik; Gilder, sometimes Ukusiksalik, sometimes Ugjulik. The
latter author relates that a single family living on Hayes River
(Kugnuaq) had formerly had its station on Adelaide Peninsula, but
had retired to this country when the warlike Netchillirmiut began to
visit King William Land and Adelaide Peninsula. Schwatka could
identify the same man with one of those whom Back had seen in the
estuary of the river in 1833 (Gilder, p. 78). Therefore they must
have lived in this district a long time before the Netchillirmiut began
to move westward. According to Back the party with which he fell
in did not know the land beyond the estuary of Back River, which
indicates that they were neither from Ugjulik nor Netchilik. As
the Ugjulirmiut lived on Adelaide Peninsula when Ross wintered in
Boothia, I do not consider it probable that the Ukusiksalirmiut ever
lived in that part of the country, and I cannot agree with Klutschak.
I may add Parry’s remark, that beyond Ukusiksalik (Wager River)
another Ukusiksalik (Back River) was known to the natives of Winter
Island.

‘
;
1

Boas.] DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 459

The reports on their mode of life are very deficient. They were
met by Schwatka a little above the great bend of Hayes River in
May, 1879; he also met another party in December at the Dangerous
Rapids of Back River. Schwatka counted seven families at the
former and nine at the latter place. Their principal food consisted
of fish, which are caught in abundance in Back River (Klutschak,
p. 164). Itis said that they have no fuel during the winter. Un-
doubtedly they use some kind of fuel, and I rather doubt the im-
plication that they do not hunt seals at all. The musk ox and
fish, however, are their main food, according to both Klutschak and
Gilder. It is very remarkable that all the natives west of Boothia
depend much more on fish than do any other tribes of the Central
Eskimo.

A word in regard to the roads used in the intercourse between the
tribes. From Akugdlit a road leads over the lakes of Simpson
Peninsula to Pelly Bay. Rae and Hall traveled over it on their
journeys to the northwest and it was used by the Sinimiut when they
visited Repulse Bay in 1866. From Pelly Bay two roads lead to
Netchillik and the estuary of Back River, the one following the east
shore of the Boothia, the other running to Lake Simpson, whence
the valley of Murchison River facilitates the access to Inglis Bay.
The Isthmus of Boothia is crossed by the two chains of lakes discoy-
ered by Ross. In visiting the northeastern part of the peninsula the
natives ascend Stanley River and cross the lakes farther north. Be-
tween Netchillik and Ugjulik the Eskimo pass by Owutta Island to
Peel Inlet, whence they travel overland to the south shore of King
William Land and cross Simpson Strait. Another road leads from
Cape Colville to Matheson Point, following the south shore of King
William Land. In traveling from Ugjulik to Back River they use
Sherman Inlet and the adjoining isthmus. It is probable that Back
River is visited by natives belonging to Wager River. The exist-
ence of a communication between Back River and Chesterfield Inlet
is proved by Anderson and Stewart. who found Eskimo at Lake Garry,
and by aremark of Klutschak (p. 170), who learned from a native of
Back River that Chesterfield Inlet could be reached from the upper
part of that river. It is quite probable that thus an immediate though
limited intercourse is kept up between the Kinipetu and the Ukusik-
salirmiut.

SMITH SOUND.

The natives of Ellesmere Land.—Uast of all I have to mention
the natives of Ellesmere Land and those of North Greenland. Al-
though the latter are not generally considered as belonging to the
central tribes, I find that their habits and their implements resemble
those of the Central Eskimo rather than those of the Greenlanders,

460 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

and therefore a brief mention of them will not be inappropriate. The
inhabitants of Umingman Nuna (Ellesmere Land) probably live on
the southern shore, near the western part of Jones Sound, and, accord-
ing to Bessels’s and my own inquiries, they travel all around this
island, passing by Hayes Sound.

The North Greenlanders.—The North Greenlanders live in the
sounds of the peninsula between Melville Bay and Kane Basin, hunt-
ing seals on the smooth floes of the bays and pursuing walrus at the
floe edges. They make large deposits of the blubber and meat ob-
tained in the fall, on which they live during the winter. They also
pursue seals in winter with the harpoon. In summer they hunt rein-
deer on the mountains adjoining the inland ice.

INFLUENCE OF GEOGRAPHICAL CONDITIONS UPON THE DISTRI-
BUTION OF THE SETTLEMENTS.

In considering the distribution of the tribes it is evident that they
are settled wherever extensive floes afford a good sealing ground dur-
ing the winter. The Sikosuilarmiut live on the large bay east of
King Cape, which is sheltered by numerous islands. The Akuliar-
miut are settled near Lesseps and North Bays. Iam unable to say
whether there is a floe near the winter settlement of the Qaumauang-
miut, as there are no reports upon the subject. Probably ice is formed
in the sound, which is protected by the Middle Savage Islands, and
besides it may be that the natives move to North Bay. The important
tribe of Nugumiut lives on Frobisher Bay and the adjoining Grinnell
and Field Bays. On the largest floe of this part of the country, in
Cumberland Sound, including Lake Nettilling, the largest tribe is
settled: the Oqomiut. On Davis Strait ice floes are formed between
Cape Mickleham and Cape Mercy, in Exeter Sound, and between
Okan and Bylot Island. The tribes are distributed accordingly : the
Saumingmiut of Ukiadliving, the inhabitants of Qarmaqdjuin with
their winter settlement in Exeter Sound, and the Padlimiut and the
Akudnirmiut farther north. The immense land floe of Davis Strait
is not so valuable a hunting ground for the Eskimo as Cumberland
Sound, the ice being very rough a few miles from the coast and at
some places even close inshore. When the sea begins to freeze in
the fall the newly formed ice is broken up by severe gales and by the
currents and is piled up into high hummocks before it consolidates.
The sealing on rough ice during the winter is very difficult and un-
successful, as it is hard to find the breathing holes and the traveling
is very laborious. It is only in the northern parts of Home Bay and
in the large fjords that smooth ice is formed. Thesettlements of the
natives are manifestly distributed in accordance with these facts. In
every place where smooth ice is formed we find that natives either
are settled or have been settled. Agqbirtijung, River Clyde, Ijellir-

BOAS.] DISTRIBUTION OF THE TRIBES. 461

tung, Home Bay, Brodie Bay, Merchant Bay, and Padli are the only
places along the shore of Davis Strait where smooth ice occurs. On
the long shores between them, which are unsheltered from winds
and currents, the ice is always very hummocky, and, therefore, the
natives do not settle upon them in the winter. In the far north,
extensive floes of smooth ice are formed in Eclipse Sound and Ad-
miralty Inlet. :

Concerning the country farther west the reports are rather scanty.
The southwest shore of Baffin Land and the eastern entrance of Fury
and Hecla Strait are always frozen over and afford a good hunting
ground. On the mainland, the large floes of Repulse Bay and Wager
River, Chesterfield Inlet and the bights all around it, Pelly Bay and
the narrow bays adjoining Boothia Peninsula, and the mouth of Back
River are important places for the distribution of the Eskimo.

There are only a few districts where the proximity of open water
favors walrus hunting during the winter, and all of these have
neighboring floes on which seals may be hunted with the harpoon.
These places are Sikosuilaq, Akuliaq, Frobisher Bay, Iglulik, the west
shore of Hudson Bay,and Smith Sound. As to the remainder the
Eskimo live altogether independent of the open water during the
winter.

Generally speaking, two conditions are required for winter settle-
ments, viz, the existence of an extensive floe and smooth ice.

The different mode of hunting in the spring causes a different dis-
tribution of the settlements. During this season those regions which
had been deserted during the winter are most visited by the hunters.
On light dog sledges they travel over the rough ice and along the
shores of the fjords and islands. |The natives who lived in large set-
tlements during the winter are spread over the whole country, in
order that every one may have a better chance of traveling over his
own hunting ground. In afew places the young sealing induces the
Eskimo to leave the winter settlements ; in other places the kayaks
are prepared for visiting the floe edge, and bears and the returning
birds are hunted.

Though the greater variety of food which is to be obtained and the
difference in the methods of hunting in the spring require the disper-
sion over a wide area of the families which had kept together during
the winter, the selection of places for the new settlements remains
wholly dependent upon the state of the ice.

After the ice breaks up, the distribution of the deer regulates the
location of the summer settlements. While during the winter the
state of the ice is of decisive importance, the orography of the land
comes now into consideration.

Wherever deep valleys give access to an extensive area, wherever
practicable roads enable the natives to ascend the plateaus, summer
settlements are established. The heads of the fjords are favorite

462 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

places, as they abound with salmon. The adjoining valleys and the
peninsulas which they form give the best chances for a successful
deer hunt. These facts are most apparent on the coast of the steep
highland of Nugumiut, over which numerous herds of deer roam.

A great influence is also exerted by the extensive plains of the
western part of Baffin Land, which abound in deer. We observe
that a number of tribes visit these districts, though their winter sta-
tions are at a great distance. The Akuliarmiut of Hudson Strait
and the Nugumiut travel to Lake Amaqdjuaq, the Oqomiut stay on
Lake Nettilling, and the Akudnirmiut visit Majoraridjen. In the
same way all the tribes of Hudson Bay visit the land farther west,
which is frequented by herds of the musk ox, and they go even as
far as Back River. This important fact shows the attraction which
is exerted by a rich country on all the tribes of the neighboring
districts.

TRADE AND INTERCOURSE BETWEEN THE TRIBES.

In treating of the single tribes, the routes were mentioned which
are followed by the natives as they travel from shore to shore and
from settlement to settlement. These routes are established by tra-
dition and the Eskimo never stray from them. In order to obtain
a more thorough understanding of the migrations of single indi-
viduals and of families, the relations between the tribes and the set-
tlements must be discussed.

By the lively intercourse which is always kept up between the
settlements, it cannot fail that marriages between members of dif-
ferent tribes should be of frequent occurrence and that many ties
of affinity and consanguinity should thus be created. These rela-
tions, however, as distances increase, quickly become less common.
For instance, in Cumberland Sound three people are found belong-
ing to Tununirn, about ten belongmg to Akudnirn, and quite a
number coming from Padli. Also, two Sikosuilarmiut live there, a
few natives of Akuliaq and Qaumauang, and very many Nugumiut.
Hall’s accounts concerning the Nugumiut and the Aivillirmiut prove
a similar proportion of strange natives among these tribes. Every
tribe may be said to bring together its immediate neighbors, as it is
closely related to them, while those which are separated by the tribe
itself are strangers to one another. The importance of this mediate
position is regulated by the strength of the tribe, by the significance
of the country in reference to its produce, and by the routes crossing it.

Thus, the Sikosuilarmiut and the Nuratamiut are closely connected,
and may be considered as forming one group with the Akuliarmiut.
The Sikosuilarmiut have intercourse with the Igdlumiut, the inhab-
itants of the northern shore of Labrador. According to Lucien M.
Turner, three tribes may be distinguished there as inhabiting the

wea

BOAS.] TRADE AND INTERCOURSE. 463

shores of Ungayva Bay and the eastern shore of Hudson Bay. This
report differs somewhat from the accounts of the Moravian mission-
aries who have intercourse with the inhabitants of Ungava Bay near
Cape Chidleigh. From their reports four tribes may be distinguished:
the Kangivamiut of George River, the Kouksoarmiut of Big River,
the Ungavamiut of Hope Advance Bay (which is properly named
Ungava), and the Itivimiut of Hudson Bay. I am rather undecided
whether Ungava is a bay or a large strait separating Cape Wolsten-
holme and the adjacent land from the continent, as the name Ungava
is also reported south of Cape Wolstenholme. The inhabitants of
this shore are the Itivimiut of the Labrador Eskimo and the Igdlu-
miut of the natives of Baffin Land. Probably the intercourse be-
tween Sikosuilaq and Cape Wolstenholme is of no great importance.
The Sikosuilarmiut visit Trinity Islands (Nannuragassain) in skin
boats to hunt walrus and cross by the three islands Tudjaraaq’djung,
Akugdlirn, and Tudjaqdjuara’lung to the opposite shore of Hudson
Strait. The passage across the strait is considered very dangerous,
and therefore is rarely undertaken. The natives do not utter a single
word during the long passage; they believe a destructive gale might
be conjured up if they did. Only once have natives been met with
on Salisbury Island (Lyon, Attempt to reach Repulse Bay, p. 128),
but it is doubtful whether they belonged to the northern or to the
southern shore of the strait. As for the rest, the passage is only
known to me by reports I received in Cumberland Sound, which were
confirmed by the whalers visiting the northern shore of Hudson
Strait. I donot know whether any intercourse exists between Siko-
suilaq and Southampton Island. It is worth remarking that on
Mansfield Island numerous ruins of Eskimo habitations have been
found (Gordon, Report on the Hudson’s Bay Expedition, 1884, p. 38).

The Qaumauangmiut are connected with the Nugumiut in the
same manner as with'the Akuliarmiut, and many are said to win-
ter near North Bay, which is also visited by the Akuliarmiut. From
Hall’s reports it would appear that many are settled in Frobisher Bay.

At present the intercourse between the Nugumiut and the Oqomiut
is of no significance, as many years may pass without a journey being
made from one tribe to the other. Formerly, when many whalers
visited Cumberland Sound and Field Bay, a number of Nugumiut
immigrated to the sound, and consequently almost half of the Eskimo
now settled on the western shore of Cumberland Sound were born in
Nuguminut or Ukadliq. At the same time many Oqomiut settled
among the Nugumiut. That period was doubtless an exceptional
one; at any rate, the long stretch of uninhabited shore between the
settlements of the two tribes is not favorable to intimate intercourse.
Indeed, even now the Nugumiut are considered strangers in the
sound, and, notwithstanding the existence of many intermarriages
between the tribes, a number of families are not at all acquainted

464 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

with one another. It is remarkable that the number of natives born
in Nugumiut is much larger on the western shore than on the eastern.
They seem to have joined their nearest neighbors, the southern
Talirpingmiut, perhaps for the reason that in their district the geo-
graphic character of the land is most similar to that of Frobisher
Bay. The number of Nugumiut settled among the inhabitants of
Nettilling Fjord and among the Kingnaitmiut is far less.) Among
the Saumingmiut there is no one who has traveled beyond Nauja-
teling, and in Padli or farther north there are very few individuals
who have been south of Cumberland Sound. It is only by careful
consideration of the birthplace of the different individuals who are
members of the settlements of Cumberland Sound that it is possible
at the present time to detect the former division of the Oqomiut into
subtribes. The inhabitants of the eastern shore are related to the
Padlimiut and the Akudnirmiut; those of the western shore, to the
Nugumiut. In 1840 a brisk intercourse existed between Padli and
the sound (Eenoolooapik, p. 81), and probably sledges crossed the
peninsula every winter. Though the intercourse is not so intimate
to-day as it is between the settlements of the sound, it is yet active.
The Kingnaitmiut form the medium of the regular intercourse be-
tween Saumia and Padli, while families removing to Akudnirn travel
along the shore of Davis Strait. Among the subtribes of the Oqo-
miut the Saumingmiut are most nearly related to the Padlimiut and
extend their migrations farthest to the north.

The Akudnirmiut, who are closely connected with the Padlimiut,
are considered strangers by the Oqomiut. The intercourse between
the Akudnirmiut and the Aggomiut is not very frequent, and seems
to be maintained as irregularly as that between the Nugumiut and
the Oqomiut.

The inhabitants of the northern sounds and of Fury and Hecla
Strait frequently visit one another. Parry mentions a number of
journeys in each direction (II, p. 436). Hall found natives of Tunu-
nirn and Tununirusirn settled in Iglulik (II, p. 356). I myself found
two Iglulirmiut among the Akudnirmiut. The intercourse seems to
have been always very active, and consequently those tribes may be
considered as one group. z

The inhabitants of North Devon belong to the Tununirusirmiut, a
few families of this tribe sometimes settling on the island and after
a few years’ absence returning to their former home.

From Parry’s, Hall’s, and Schwatka’s reports it appears that the
Aivillirmiut are closely related to the Iglulirmiut, while the Eskimo
of Chesterfield Inlet, the Agutit or Kinipetu, form a separate group.

It is remarkable that between the tribes of Hudson Bay and the
more western ones a deep distrust exists, which prevents a frequent
and unlimited intercourse. The Sinimiut and Netchillirmiut are

Boas. ] TRADE AND INTERCOURSE. 465

feared by the Aivillirmiut, though intermarriages and removals from
one tribe to the other are not rare. No doubt they are less closely
related than are the neighboring tribes hitherto mentioned. Unfortu-
nately, too little is known of the western tribes to admit of a decided
opinion whether or not there exists an important difference in cus-
toms and habits. The Sinimiut, the Netchillirmiut, and the Ugju-
lirmiut may be comprised in one group, for they all hold frequent
intercourse with one another and the last two even inhabit the same
region at the present time. The change which the relations between
these tribes have undergone since 1833 has already been referred to,
as has their intercourse with the Ukusiksalirmiut. Schwatka (Sci-
ence, Vol. IV, p. 543) states that they occasionally meet the Qidneliq
of Coronation Bay, but that both tribes distrust each other. Our
knowledge about the migrations from North Deyon to Ellesmere
Land and North Greenland is very scanty, but it is necessary to
mention its existence.

Between tribes that are strangers to one another ceremonies of greet-
ing are customary which are not adapted to facilitate intercourse.
The ceremonies will be described further on (see p. 609). For the
present it will be sufficient to say that duels, with varying details, are
common between a stranger and a man of the tribe, and these some-
times result in the death of the former.

Among neighboring tribes these ceremonies are dispensed with, for
instance, between the Padlimiut and Oqomiut, Padlimiut and Akud-
nirmiut, while a Nugumio or an Akudnirmio unknown in Oqgo has
there to go through the whole of the performance. The exception in
favor of the former tribes is doubtless due to the frequent intermar-
riages with those tribes, whereby a constant acquaintance is kept up.

Real wars or fights between settlements, I believe, have never hap-
pened, but contests have always been confined to single families.
The last instance of a feud which has come to my knowledge occurred
about seventy yearsago. At that time a great numberof Eskimo lived
at Niutang, in Kingnait Fjord, and many men of this settlement had
been murdered by a Qinguamio of Anarnitung. For this reason the
men of Niutang united in a sledge journey to Anarnitung to revenge
the death of their companions. They hid themselves behind the
ground ice and killed the returning hunter with their arrows. All
hostilities have probably been of a similar character.

One tradition only refers to a real fight between the tribes. On the
steep island Sagdluaqdjung, near Naujateling, ruins of huts are found
on the level summit. They are said to have been built by Eskimo
who lived by the seashore and were attacked by a hostile tribe of in-
landers. The tradition says that they defended themselves with bows
and arrows, and with bowlders which they rolled down upon the
enemy. The occurrence of huts upon the top of an island is very
unusual, and this tradition is the only one referring to any kind of
fights or wars. Even the tradition of the expulsion of the Tornit a

6 ETH 30

466 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

fabulous tribe said to have lived with the Eskimo on these shores,
does not refer toacombat. The details of this tradition will be found
in a subsequent chapter.

I wish to state here that my inquiries and my understanding of
the facts as they have been reported by other travelers do not agree
with the opinions given by Klutschak (Deutsche Rundschau fiir Geo-
graphie und Statistik, III, p. 418), who claims for the Eskimo of the
west shore of Hudson Bay reservations which are limited by precise
lines of demarkation. In comparing this statement with his own and
with Gilder’s narratives Iam led to believe that the relations be-
tween the tribes are the same in these regions as they are farther
east. This opinion is strengthened by Dall’s remarks on the Alaska
tribes (Science, p. 228, 1885).

The reasons for the frequent removals of individual Eskimo to
strange tribes are to be looked for in the customs of the natives. I
can only mention here that intermarriage, adoption, and the fear of
blood vengeance are the principal ones.

It is peculiar to the migratory habits of the Eskimo that almost
without exception the old man returns to the country of his youth,
and consequently by far the greater part of the old people live in
their native districts.

During the last decades the most important inducement to removals
has been the presence of the whalers in certain parts of the country.
Since the beginning of our century their fleets have visited the west
shore of Baffin Bay and Davis Strait, and thus Huropean manufactures
have found their way to the inhospitable shores of the Arctic Sea. The
most valuable objects which were bartered were metals and wood.
The value of the former may be seen in its economical application
for knives and harpoon heads. By means of this trade the Akudnir-
miut and the Tununirmiut became far superior to the Oqomiut and
the Iglulirmiut, with whom they traded extensively in dogs, skins,
&c. The Akuliarmiut and the Qaumauangmiut also enjoyed the
advantages which accrued from trade with the ships of the Hudson
Bay Company.

When the whalers became better acquainted with the natives and
the peculiar jargon which is still in use was developed, the traffic
became very active, and reached its height after Cumberland Sound
was rediscovered by Penny. As soon as the whalers began to winter
in the sound and to employ the natives the latter received firearms
and European boats in exchange for their wares, and then their
modes of living became materially changed. The immense quantity
of European manufactured articles which thus came into the pos-
session of the natives induced the removal of many families to the
favored region. Particularly did the Nugumiut and the Akudnir-
miut migrate during that period. When in the course of time the

——_

BOAS.] TRADE AND INTERCOURSE. AGT

Bay of Nugumiut was visited by the whalers removals of members
of this tribe became less frequent.

After the Eskimo had become acquainted with the advantages of
firearms the natives of Davis Strait also began to trade bearskins for
guns and ammunition, having learned how highly they were prized
in Cumberland Sound. Besides, they received, in exchange for seals
and walrus blubber put up for the whalers, tobacco, pipes, coffee,
boxes, &c. In a similar way the Saumingmiut barter with the
whalers of Cumberland Sound, whom they visit during the winter,
carrying heavy loads of bearskins to the stations.

A brief sketch of the way in which the whaling and the trade with
the Eskimo in Cumberland Sound are carried on may be of interest
at this point. Two of the whaling stations are still kept up. They
are situated on Qeqerten, the settlement of the Kingnaitmiut. When
the Eskimo who have spent the summer inland return at the begin-
ning of October they eagerly offer their services at the stations, for
they receive in payment fora half year’s work a gun, a harmonium
or something of that nature, and a ration of provisions for their
families, with tobacco every week. Every Saturday the women
come into the house of the station, at the blowing of the horn, to re-
ceive their bread, coffee, sirup, and the precious tobacco. In return
the Eskimo is expected to deliver in the kitchen of the station a
piece of every seal he catches.

The time for the fall fishing commences as soon as the ice begins
to form. If the weather, which is generally stormy, permits it, the
boats leave the harbor to look out for the whales which pass along
the east shore of the sound toward the north. During the last few
years the catch has been very unprofitable, only a few whales hav-
ing been seen. As the ice forms quickly the boats must be brought
back about the end of October or the beginning of November. Since
the whale fishery has become unprofitable the stations have followed
the business of collecting seal blubber and skins, which they buy
from the Eskimo. (See Appendix, Note 1.)

A lively traffic springs up as soon as the ice becomes strong enough
to allow sledges to pass from shore to shore. The sledges of the sta-
tions are sent from one settlement to another to exchange tobacco,
matches, coffee, bread, &c. for skins and the spare blubber which
the Eskimo have carefully saved up. On the other hand, those na-
tives who require useful articles, such as cooking pots, lamps, &c.,
collect quantities of hides and blubber and go to Qeqerten to supply
their wants. The winter passes quickly amid the stir of business,
till everything comes to a stop at the end of March, when the young
sealing season fairly opens. '

When the sun has reached such a height that the snow begins
to melt in favored spots, a new life begins at the stations. The skins
which have been collected in the winter and become frozen are

468 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

brought out of the store room and exposed to the sun’s rays. Some
of the women busy themselves, with their crescent shaped knives, in
cutting the blubber from the skins and putting it away in casks.
Others clean and salt the skins, which are likewise packed away. The
men also find enough work to do after the young sealing is over, for
the whale boats must be got ready for the spring fishing. Strangers
whose services have been engaged by the station for the next few
months arrive daily with their families and all their goods to take up
their abode on Qeqerten. The boats are dug out of the deep snow,
the oars and sails are looked after, the harpoons are cleaned up and
sharpened, and everything is in busy preparation. The boats are
made as comfortable as possible with awnings and level floors, for
the crews are not to come to the shore for about six weeks.

By the beginning of May, the arrangements having been com-
pleted, the boats are put upon the sledges, which, under the direction
of native drivers, are drawn by dog teams, with their crews, to the
floe edge. The sledges being heavily laden and food for the dogs
having to be provided by hunting, each day’s stage is rather short.
Arriving at the floe edge the sledges are unloaded and the boats are
launched. Seals and birds of all kinds are now found in profusion
and the chase is opened without delay upon everything that is useful
and can be shot. Sledges are regularly sent back to Qeqerten with
skins and meat for the families of the Eskimo, while the blubber
is packed in casks, which are kept ready on the spot.

The most important object of the expedition is the whale. Har-
poons and lines are always in readiness for the contest with the
mighty monster. The boats return to the north with the breaking
up of the ice and the fishing ends in July. The Eskimo are paid
off and dismissed and resume their reindeer hunting, while the whites
are glad to enjoy some rest after the weeks of exhausting labor.

The constant contact between the Eskimo and the whalers has
effected a perfect revolution in the trade between the Eskimo tribes.
As the whale catch in Cumberland Sound has fallen off during the
past fifteen years, a remigration of the population of Davis Strait
has occurred, ships visiting these shores every fall and a regular
traffic being kept up. Therefore many Oqomiut now travel as far
as Qivitung in order to trade there. As Nugumiut is still frequently
visited by whalers, there is no inducement for theinhabitants to leave
their country.

Within a few years the Akuliarmiut also have become amply pro-
vided with firearms and European products in general by means of
a new whaling station which has been established in their vicinity.

As to the Iglulirmiut, the importation of European manufactures
at Pond Bay makes the trade with that region even more important
than formerly.

The Aiyillirmiut and the Kinipetu have immediate intercourse

‘
! »
;
>

‘s — ee

poas.] TRADE AND INTERCOURSE. 469

with the whalers frequenting the western shore of Hudson Bay. Be-
sides, the southern tribes trade with the stations of the Hudson Bay
Company.

The more western tribes of Boothia and its environs are dependent
on the mediation of the Aivillirmiut for their supply of goods, as
they themselves have no chance of communicating with the whites.

Finally, I shall describe the old trading routes which existed be-
tween these tribes before matters were totally changed by the in-
fluence of the Europeans. Two desiderata formed the principal in-
ducement to long journeys, which sometimes lasted even several
years: wood and soapstone. The shores of Davis Strait and Cum-
berland Sound are almost destitute of driftwood, and consequently
the natives were obliged to visit distant regions to obtain that neces-
sary material. Tudjaqdjuaq in particular was the objective point
of their expeditions. Their boats took a southerly course, and, as
the wood was gathered, a portion of it was immediately manufact-
ured into boat ribs and sledge runners, which were carried back on
the return journey; another portion was used for bows, though these
were also made of deer’s horns ingeniously lashed together. A por-
tion of the trade in wood seems to have been in the hands of the
Nugumiut, who collected it on Tudjaqdjuag and took it north. An-
other necessary and important article of trade, soapstone, is manu-
factured into lamps and pots. It is found in a few places only, and
very rarely in pieces large enough for the manufacture of the arti-
cles named. Among the places visited by the natives for the pur-
pose of obtaining it may be mentioned Kautaq, east of Naujatel-
ing; Qeqertelung, near the former place; Qarmaqdjuin (Exeter Bay),
and Committee Bay. The visitors come from every part of the
country, the soapstone being dug or ** traded” from the rocks by de-
positing some trifles in exchange. In addition to wood and soap-
stone, metals, which were extremely rare in old times, have formed
an important object of trade. They were brought to Baffin Bay
either by the Aivillirmiut, who had obtained them from the Hudson
Bay Company and the Kinipetu, or by the Akuliarmiut. Even
when Frobisher visited the Nugumiut in 1577 he found them in
possession of some iron (Frobisher).

The occurrence of flint, which was the material for arrowheads,
may have given some importance to places where it occurs. For-
merly an important trade existed between the Netchillirmiut and
the neighboring tribes. As the district of the former is destitute of
driftwood and potstone they are compelled to buy both articles from
their neighbors. In Ross’s time they got the necessary wood from
Ugjulik, the potstone from Aivillik. They exchanged these articles
for native iron (or pyrite), which they found on the eastern shore of
Boothia and which was used for striking fire. After having col-
lected a sufficient stock of it during several years, they traveled te

ATO THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

the neighboring tribes. For reasons which have been mentioned this
trade is now essentially changed. According to Schwatka there is a
mutual distrust between the Ugjulirmiut and the Netchillirmiut on
one side and the Qidnelik on the other, for which reason the inter-
course between these tribes is very limited.

LIST OF THE CENTRAL ESKIMO TRIBES.

The following list gives the tribes of the Central Eskimo and their
geographical distribution:
I. Northern coast of Labrador:
(1) Kangivamiut (George River).
(2) Kouksoarmiut (Big River).
(8) Ungavamiut (Hope Advance Bay).
(4) Itivimiut (Cape Wolstenholme),
II. Northern shore of Hudson Strait:
(5) Sikosuilarmiut (King Cape).
(6) Akuliarmiut (North Bluff).
(7) Qaumauangmiut (Middle Savage Islands).
Ill. Davis Strait:
(8) Nugumiut (Frobisher Bay).
(9) Ogomiut (Cumberland Sound):
a. Talirpingmiut (west shore of Cumberland Sound and Nettilling).
b. Qinguamiut (head of Cumberland Sound).
c. Kingnaitmiut (Qeqerten and environs).
d. Saumingmiut (southern part of Cumberland Peninsula).
(10) Akudnirmiut (Davis Strait).
a. Padlimiut (Padli Fjord).
b. Akudnirmiut (Home Bay).
IV. Northern part of Baffin Land, North Devon, and Ellesmere Land:
(11) Aggomiut.
a. Tununirmiut (Eclipse Sound).
b. Tununirusirmiut (Admiralty Inlet and North Devon).
(12) Inhabitants of Umingman Nuna (Ellesmere Land).
V. Melville Peninsula, Wager River, and Southampton Island:
(13) a. Ighalirmiut (Fury and Hecla Strait).
b. Amitormiut (eastern coast of Melville Peninsula).
(14) a. Pilingmiut (eastern coast of Fox Basin).
b. Sagdlirmiut (islands of Fox Basin).
(15) Aivillirmiut (Repulse Bay and Wager River).
(16) Sagdlirmiut (Southampton Island):
VI. (17) Kinipetu (Chesterfield Inlet).
VII. Boothia Felix and King William Land:
(18) Sinimiut (Pelly Bay).
(19) Netchillirmiut (Boothia Felix and King William Land).
(20) Ugjulirmiut (King William Land and Adelaide Peninsula).
(21) Ukusiksalirmiut (estuary of Back River). =
VILL. Qidnelik (coast west of Adelaide Peninsula).
1X. Inhabitants of North Greenland.

poas.| SEAL HUNTING. 471
HUNTING AND FISHING.’
SEAL, WALRUS, AND WHALE HUNTING.

The staple food of the Central Eskimo is the seal, particularly
Pagomys fetidus. The methods of hunting this animal differ mate-
rially at different seasons, as its mode of life depends on the state of
the ice.

In the winter it takes to the smooth parts of the floe a few miles
from the coast, where it scratches breathing holes through the ice, in
which it rises to blow. It shuns hummocky ice and floes of more
than one year’s age. Wherever the edge of the ice is at a great dis-
tance from the settlements, the only way of procuring seals is by
watching for them at these holes. For the pursuit a light harpoon
is used, called unang. The shape of this weapon has been somewhat
changed since the introduction of rod iron. Formerly it consisted
of ashaft having at one end an ivory point firmly attached by thongs
and rivets, the point tapering toward the end. The point was slant-
ing on one side so as to form almost an oblique cone. Thus it facili-
tated the separation of the harpoon head from the unang. On the
opposite end of the shaft another piece of ivory was attached, gener-
ally forming a knob, The material used in making the shaft was
wood, bone, or ivory, according to the region in which it was manu-
factured. In Iglulik andin Aggo the narwhal’s horn was the favor-
ite material for the whole implement, a single horn being sufficient
to make a whole shaft. Wherever wood could be procured small
pieces were ingeniously lashed together. As the shaft is apt to be
broken by the struggles of the animal when struck by the weapon,
it was strengthened by a stout thong running along the whole length
of the shaft. In all other respects the old design corresponds to the
modern one. Unfortunately I have seen no specimen of this descrip-
tion, but a figure may be seen in Ross II, p. 272, in the hand of one
of the natives. In Alaska a similar harpoon is in use, a specimen
of which is represented in Fig. 390. It consists of a wooden shaft,
witha stoutivory point at the lower end and another at the upper end.
Both are fastened to the shaft by whalebone strings. In the upper
end a slanting ivory point is inserted, which serves for attaching the
harpoon head to it. The whole shaft is strengthened by a seal line,
as shown in the figure. ;

The unang now in use in Baffin Land and on the western shore
of Hudson Bay (Fig. 391) consists of a wooden shaft into which an
iron rod (unartenga) is sunk. The latter is pointed at the end (see,
also, Fig. 393) in about the same way as the old ivory implement.
The socket is secured by a small ivory ring (unaqiuta) or a string
wound around the end of the shaft. In the socket close to the iron rod

'A glossary of the Eskimo words used throughout this paper will be found on
p. 699.

A472 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

a bent nail is inserted, forming a narrow eye (tagusiarbing). Near
the center of the whole implement a small piece of ivory (tikagung;
see, also, Fig. 418) is fastened to the shaft, forming a support for the
hand when throwing the weapon. At the lower end of the shaft a

Fic. 390. harpoon from Alaska. (Ameri- Fic. 391. Modern unang or sealing harpoon.
can Museum of Natural History, New York.) (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin. IV A 6729.)

string of deer sinews or a thong is fastened, forming aloop (nabiring)
which passes through a hole drilled through the shaft. A stout iron
point is also attached to the lower end of the shaft (tounga).

BOAS. SEAL HUNTING.

The natives carry this implement on all their
winter excursions, as it is serviceable for numer-
ous purposes. It is always kept within reach on
the sledge, as the strong iron point is useful for
cutting down hummocks, should any obstruct the
passage of the sledges, or for cutting holes through
the ice, or it takes the place of a hatchet in break-
ing the frozen meat which is carried along for
dogs’ food. The long iron rod is extremely useful
in trying the strength of the ice or the depth of
the snow. By taking precautionary measures of
this kind the natives pass over extensive floes of
weak ice. Tia. 392. Old style nau

The head belonging to the unang is called nau- eee
lang. Since iron has been introduced in Baffin ge, Bertin. Iva 6692.) }
Land and Hudson Bay, the natives file their har-
poon heads out of it, but adhere almost exactly to
the old pattern. The old naulang was cut out of
bone or more frequently out of ivory (Fig. 392).
It was one inch to two inches long and had a piece
of metal inserted into the slit at the top. Through
the middle of the instrument a hole was drilled
parallel to the plane of the blade. The harpoon
line passed through the hole, and as soon as the
point struck an animal and a strain was put upon
the line it turned at a right angle to the latter,
thus acting as a toggle. The effect was increased
by two points at the lower end of the naulang,
called uming (beard). These pressed into the flesh
or the skin of the animal and prevented the har-
poon head from slipping back.

The modern naulang (Fig. 393) is about the same
length as the old one, but much more slender,
While the back of the old pattern was straight,
the points of the iron one are bent outward and
backward in order to increase its effect.

The naulang is fastened to the harpoon line
(iparang). This part of the instrument is much
longer than the unang, as it must allow for the
struggles of the diving seal. The end of the line
passes through the hole of the naulang and a loop
is formed and secured by deer sinew or arranged as
may be seen in Fig. 393. Ata distance equal to the
length of the iron rod of the unang a small thong — Frie.393. Modernnaulang
(taguta) is attached to the line and serves to fasten °F harpoon head. (Mue

seum fiir Voélkerkunde,

it to the shaft (see Fig. 391). It is drawn through pertin. tv a 6729.) 3

474 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

the eye formed by the tagusiarbing. As soon as a strain is put upon
the naulang the line parts from the shaft, as the taguta is only squeezed
into the eye and is easily detached. The harpoon line passes through
the nabiring or is fastened by a slipping hitch to the shaft of the

unang.

If the unang has a nabiring the line passes through this loop. A
few feet below it a small piece of ivory (akparaiktung) is attached to
the line, acting as a hook after it hasrunout. It catches the nabiring
and drags the harpoon along, thus impeding the movements of the
animal (see Fig. 391).

Fic. 394. Qilertuang or leather strap and clasps for holding coiled up harpoon lines. a, ¢ (National
Museum, Washington. a, 34128 ; ¢, 34132.) b (Museum fiir VOlkerkunde, Berlin.) }

The rest of the line is coiled up and held by the hunter. The end
is doubled so as to form a loop which serves as a handle when the line
runs out with the diving seal. Generally, a small piece of leather
(Fig. 394) with two slits at one end and an ivory clasp (qilertuang)
at the other is fastened to this loop; it serves to hold the bights to-
gether when the line is detached from the harpoon and rolled up,
Some art is bestowed on the manufacture of this clasp (Fig. 394).
Usually it represents a seal, the head of which forms a hook on which
the slits can be fastened. The clasp is either tied or otherwise se-
cured to the leather strap. Some specimens in the British Museum,
which are about one hundred and fifty years old, show that these im-
plements have not undergone any change during that time.

Parry describes another harpoon head used by the [glulirmiut for
the unang. He calls it a siatko (Fig. 395). Imyself have not seen
any of a similar pattern, but Kumlien gives a sketch of one found
in a grave at Exeter Sound (Fig. 396). The principal difference be-
tween the naulang and the siatko is that the edge of the former is
parallel to the hole through which the line passes, while in the latter
their directions are vertical to each other. The head of the whaling
harpoon (see Fig. 436) acts on the same principle.

BOAS. ] SEAL HUNTING. ATS

When the day begins to dawn the Eskimo prepares for the hunt.
The dogs are harnessed to the sledge and the hunting implements are
fitted up. The harpoon line and the snow knife are hung over the
deer’s antlers, which are attached-to the hind part of the sledge, a seal
or bear skin is lashed upon the bottom, and the spear secured under
the lashing. The hunter takes up the whip and the dogs set off for the
hunting ground. When near the place where he expects to find seals,
the hunter stops the team and takes the implements from the sledge,
which is then turned upsidedown. The points of the runners and the
short brow antler are pressed into the snow in order to prevent the
dogs from running away. A dog with a good scent is then taken
from the team and the Eskimo follows his guidance until a seal’s hole
is found. In winter it is entirely covered with snow, but generally a
very small elevation indicates the situation. The dog is led back to
the sledge and the hunter examines the hole to make sure that it is
still visited by the seal. Cautiously he cuts a hole through the snow
covering and peeps into the excavation. If the water is covered
with a new coat of ice the seal has left the hole and it would be in
vain to expect its return. The hunter must look for a new hole
promising better results.

Fig. 395. Siatko or harpoon head of the Iglulir- Fig. 396. Siatko found at ExeterSound. (From a
miut. (From Parry I, p. 550.) drawing by L. Kumlien.)

If he is sure that the seal has recently visited a hole he marks its
exact center on the top of the snow and then fills up his peep hole
with small blocks of snow. All these preparations must be made
with the utmost precaution, as any change in the appearance of the
snow would frighten away the seal. The Eskimo take particular

ATG THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

care that no hairs from their clothing fall into the hole or remain
sticking in the snow, for they believe that the smell would scare
away theanimal. The center of the breathing hole must be marked,
as the game remains invisible and only a stroke into the center will
be likely to hit it. If the snow covering is very thick and strong it
is cut down, but is replaced with loose snow, which is heaped around
the end of the harpoon, the latter being placed upon the central point.

Fie. 397. Eskimo in the act of striking a seal. (From a photograph.)

After the harpoon has been extracted a hole remains which forms the
mark for the harpooner. If the Eskimo expects the early return of
the seal, he spreads a small piece of skin, generally that of a young
seal, close to the hole and places hisfeet upon it, thus keeping them
warm. He fastens the naulang to the harpoon shaft, while the lower

Boas.] : SEAL HUNTING. ATT

end of the line is folded up in a coil, which he holds in the left hand.
The unang is held in both hands, and thus the hunter sometimes
remains for hours, occasionally stooping and listening, until he hears
the blowing of the seal. Then, all of a sudden, he stands upright,
and, with all his strength, sends the harpoon straight downward into
the hole, paying out the line at the same time, but keeping a firm hold
of the loop at its end (Fig. 397). Generally the seal is struck near the
head. If the line is fastened to the shaft by a slipping hitch it is at
once detached and the harpoon either remains sticking in the snow or
falls down by the hole. If the line runs through the nabiring, the
harpoon is dragged into the water and impedes the movements of the
animal. The hunter then begins at once to cut down the snow cov-
ering with his knife, which has been left within easy reach, and hauls
in the line. As soon as the seal comes to the surface to breathe it is
easily dispatched and drawn up on the ice.

The arrangements at the seal hole are more elaborate if the sealer
expects to wait a long time. If only a few men go out hunting and
famine is impending, he sometimes waits for a whole day or even
longer, though it be cold and the wind rage over the icy fields. He
builds up a semicircular wall of snow blocks to keep off the piercing
wind and makes a seat in the center of it. A skin is spread under
his feet and his legs are tied together with a thong, which is fastened
by a peculiar kind of buckle (tutareang) with two holes (Fig. 398).

Fic. 398. Tutareang or buckle. (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin. IV A 6710.) 1

One end of the thong is firmly tied to the buckle, passing through
one of the holes, while the opposite end passes tightly through the
second hole. Thethong may be quickly opened by a strong effort on
the part of the hunter, while it helps to keep him quiet. At his right
hand (Fig. 399; in this drawing it appears on the left) the snow knife
is stuck into the snow, while to the left the unang is placed upon
two pegs. The coil of the line lies in his lap. His left arm is drawn
out of his sleeve, that he may more easily keep warm. Both sleeves
are generally held together by a piece of deer’s horn with a branch
on each side which serves asa hook. Thus the hunter waits until
he hears the breathing of the seal. As it usually stays for several
minutes he is in no hurry to get ready. Cautiously he places his
left arm into the sleeve, having first disengaged it from the hook.

478 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

He then takes hold of the coil, picks up his unang, and, having risen,
strikes the center of the hole.

Fic. 399. Eskimo awaiting return of seal to blowhole. (From a photograph.)

Ross (II, p. 268) and Rae (I, p. 123) state that the sealing at the hole is
more difficult in daylight than in thedark. Isuppose, however, that
when the snow is deep there is no difference; at least the Eskimo
of Davis Strait never complain about being annoyed by the daylight.

Sometimes a small instrument is used in the hunt to indicate the
approach of the seal. 1t is called qipekutang and consists of avery
thin rod with a knob or a knot at one end (Parry II, p. 550, Fig. 20).
It is stuck through the snow, the end passing into the water, the knob
resting on the snow. As soon as the seal rises to blow, it strikes the
rod, which, by its movements, warns the Eskimo, Generally it is

BOAS.] SEAL HUNTING. 479

made of whalebone. Sometimes a string is attached to the knob
and fastened by a pin to the snow, as its movements are more easily
detected than those of the knob. The natives are somewhat averse
to using this implement, as it frequently scares the seals.

a b c d e

Fig. 400. Tuputang or ivory plugs for closing wounds. e(Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin. TV A
6706.) b,c, d (National Museum, Washington. 6, 10192; c, 10390; d, 9836.) }

After the carcass of the animal has been drawn out of the water,
the wounds are closed with ivory plugs (tuputang) (Fig. 400), which
are carried in a wooden or leathern case (Fig. 401) and are either
triangular or square. The plug is pushed under the skin, which is
closely tied to its head. Another form of plug which, however, is

480 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

rarely used, is represented in Fig. 402. The skin is drawn over the
plug and tied over one of the threads of the screw cut into the wood.

Fic. 401, Wooden ease for plugs. (Museum Fie. 402. Another form of plug. (Museum
fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin.) } fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin.) 3
After the dead animal’s wounds are closed, a hole is cut through the
flesh beneath the lower jaw and a thong is passed through this hole :
and the mouth. A small implement called qanging is used for fast-
ening it to the seal. It usually forms a toggle and prevents the line
from slipping through the hole. The patterns represented in Fig.
403 are very effective. The hole drilled through the center of the

Fig. 403. Qanging for fastening thong to jaw of seal. a(Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin. IV A
6825.) b,c (National Museum, Washington. 0, 34126; c, 34129.) }

ee ay nes Coke ggw®, haiti

BoAS.] SEAL HUNTING. 481

instrument is wider at the lower end than elsewhere, thus furnishing
arest for a knot at the end of the thong. The points are pressed
into the flesh of the seal, and thus a firm hold is secured for the whole
implement. The Eskimo display some art in the manufacture of this
implement, and frequently give it the shape of seals and the like
(Fig. 404). Fig. 405 represents a small button, which is much less

a ; b
Fic. 404. Qanging in form of a seal. (Museum fiir V6lkerkunde, Berlin. IV A 6825.) }
effective than the other patterns. A very few specimens consist
merely of rude pieces of ivory with holes drilled through them.
Fig. 406 shows one of these attachments serving for both toggle and
handle.

Fic. 405. Qanging in
form of a button. (Na-
tional Museum, Washing Fria. 406. Qanging serving for both toggle and handle. (National Museum,
ton. 34130.) ¢ Washington. 10400.) 4

In order to prevent the line from getting out of order, a whirl
(qidjarung) is sometimes used. Fig. 407 represents one brought

a
Fic. 407. Qidjarung or whirl for harpoon line. (National Fig. 408. Simpler form of whirl, (Mu-
Museum, Washington, $4121.) } seum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin.) }
6 ETH dl

48? THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

from Cumberland Sound by Kumlien, and is described by him (p.
38). There was a ball in the hollow body of this instrument, which
could not be pulled through any of the openings. One line was
fastened to this ball, passing through the central hole, and another
one to the top of the whirl. A simpler pattern is represented in
Fig. 408.

On its capture, the seal is dragged to the sledge and after being
covered with the bearskin is firmly secured by the lashing. It
freezes quickly and the hunter sits down on top of it. If the seal
happens to blow soon after the arrival of the hunter, a second one
may be procured, but generally the day is far spent when the first seal
is killed.

Wherever water holes are found they are frequently visited during
the winter by the Eskimo, especially by those who have firearms.
They lie in wait at the lower side of the hole, i. e., the side to which
the tide sets, and when the seal blows they shoot him, securing him
with the harpoon after he has drifted to the edge of the ice. These
holes can only be visited at spring tides, as in the intervals a treach-
erous floe partly covers the opening and is not destroyed until the
next spring tide.

In March, when the seal brings forth its young, the same way of
hunting is continued, besides which young seals are eagerly pursued.
The pregnant females make an excavation from five to ten feet in
length under the snow, the diving hole being at one end. They pre-.
fer snowbanks and rough ice or the cracks and cavities of grounded
ice for this purpose, and pup in these holes. The Eskimo set out on
light sledges dragged by a few dogs, which quickly take up the scent
of the seals. The dogs hurry at the utmost speed to the place of the
hole, where they stop at once. The hunter jumps from the sledge
and breaks down the roof of the excavation as quickly as possible,
cutting off the retreat of the seal through its hole if he can. Gener-
ally the mother escapes, but the awkward pup is taken by surprise,
or, if very young, cannot get into the water. The Eskimo draws it
out by means of a hook (niksiang) and kills it by firmly stepping
on the poor beast’s breast. An old pattern of the hook used is rep-
resented according to Kumlien’s drawing in Fig. 409; another, made
from a bear’s claw, in Fig. 410; the modern pattern, in Fig. 411.

Sometimes the natives try to catch the old seal in a most cruel way,
by using the love of the dam for her pup to lure her to the surface of
the hole. They tie a thong to the hind flipper of the pup and throw
it into the hole. Tt dives at once, erying pitifully. When it comes
up to breathe the hunter pushes it back, and frequently the dam
returns to her young and attempts to draw it away. As soon as she
is seen the harpoon is plunged into her body and she is quickly
drawn out of the water and killed.

BOAS.] SEAL HUNTING. 483

The young seal is also pursued by foxes, which drag it from the
excavation and leave nothing but the skin, which becomes a wel-
come find for the Eskimo.

Fic. 409, Old pattern of hook Fic. 410. Seal hook of bear's claw. Fig. 411. Modern form of
for drawing out captured seal Actual size, 3 feet. (Museum fiir seal hook. (From a draw-
Volkerkunde, Berlin. IV A 6728.) ing by Kumlien.)

As the season advances and the rays of the sun become warmer
the seals break down the snow roofs and are seen basking beside
their holes. The young ones remain with their dams until late in
June.

At this season a new method of hunting is practiced, by which seals
are caught with greater ease than in winter. The hunter approaches

484 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

the animal from the windward side until he is within seventy or
eighty yards of it. He then lies down, after having fastened a piece
of skin under his left arm, upon which he reclines. The skin protects
him from the melting snow, facilitates speed, and diminishes the noise
as he creeps. He moves on toward the seal, resting on his left arm
and side and pushing himself forward with his right foot and left
arm (Fig. 412). The seal frequently raises his head and gazes around

Fic. 412. Eskimo approaching seal. (From a photograph.)

to make sure that no danger threatens. As long as the seal is look-
ing around the hunter lies flat and keeps perfectly still, or, if he is
somewhat close to the animal, imitates its movements by raising his
head and rolling and playing with his hands and feet as a seal does
with its flippers. Some natives will utter sounds similar to those of
a blowing seal or use a small sledge with a white screen to conceal
themselves from view. The sealskin clothing makes man and seal
look so extremely alike that it is difficult to distinguish one from
the other at some distance. If the hunter succeeds in deceiving the
animal it lies down again to sleep and he pushes himself on. As the
naps of the seal last but a few moments, the Eskimo approaches very
slowly. At last he is near enough. He levels his gun and tries to
hit the animal’s head, as it must be killed by the first shot, else it
jumps into the hole and escapes. If the snow is hard and water has
not yet appeared on the top of the ice,a seal may be killed in this
way in twenty or thirty minutes. If the snow is very soft and deep
it is almost impossible to get near enough, as it is extremely difficult
to push one’s self along. The approach israther easy through rough
ice, which conceals the hunter, but the seals seldom frequent such
places. Sometimes they are found at the edges of rough ice or near
the shore and are easily caught when in this position.

Formerly the harpoon was used instead of the gun, and is even
now preferred by some hunters. The hunter gets near enough to
reach the seal with the harpoon, and having struck his prey has a
better chance of securing it, as the weapon prevents its escape. ,

After the shot has been fired or the harpoon thrown, the Eskimo at
once jumps to his feet in order to prevent the escape of the animal

BOAS.] SEAL HUNTING. A845

to its hole, to which it takes if only wounded. An expert hunter can
kill from ten to fifteen seals in one day.

Rae, in describing the method of hunting, states (I, p. 170) that
the women at Repulse Bay are very skillful, and when they have no
harpoon frequently use a small wooden club, with which they strike
the seal on the nose, killing it.

Generally two men go sealing together. They set out early in the
morning on one sledge, and while one creeps toward the seals the
other keeps the dogs quiet. A single hunter cannot hunt successfully
at this season with a sledge, for when he leaves it the dogs will
either follow him or, if made fast to the ice, raise such a howling
that the seal is put uponits guard. Therefore it is necessary that
a continuous watch be kept on the dogs. When the shot is fired and
they perceive that the seal is killed, no amount of whipping will
restrain them; they rush forward, until they have reached the victim,
which is then lashed on the sledge.

The hunters go on in search of a second seal, at the sight of which
the. dogs are again stopped. Whenthe Eskimo intend to remain out
only a few hours they leave the dead animals at their holes and load
them on the sledge on the return journey. <A single hunter cannot
leave the settlement for a long distance, but is limited to sealing near
the village and killing no more animals than he can drag to it him-
self. Sometimes it happens that the seals are fast asleep. Then the
hunter can go up to them without any precaution and kill them im-
mediately, and even a dog team running at full speed can take them
by surprise. In winter a similar method of hunting is followed when-
ever the edge of the floe is close to the land. In such places all kinds
of seals lie on the ice, even in the midst of winter, and are pursued
in the way which has been already described.

A strange method of hunting is reported by Ross (II, p. 451) as
practiced by the Netchillirmiut. Eight men slowly approached the
basking seal until it raised its head, when those in front stopped
and shouted as loud as they could; on which three others ran up
with incredible swiftness and the leader struck it with the spear.

Still later in the season, when the snow is all gone, a very suc-
cessful method of hunting is practiced. All the inhabitants of the
settlements set out at once, men, women, and children, and occupy
every seal hole over a large area. The men keep their harpoons
ready to strike the animal when it comes up to blow, while the
women and children are provided with sticks only, with which they
frighten away the seals whenever they rise where they are standing.
The animals are compelled to rise somewhere, as otherwise they
would be drowned, and thus an ample supply is secured in a short
time.

After the breaking up of the ice the natives take to their kayaks
and the summer hunt is started. As at this season the methods of

486 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

catching all kinds of seal and walrus are almost identical, I shall
describe them together; and, first, the most important part of the
hunting gear, the kayak and its belongings.

The kayak (qajaq) is almost exclusively used for hunting by all
Hskimo tribes from Greenland to Alaska. According to Bessels the
Ita natives do not know its use, though they have retained the word.
As a connection exists between this tribe and those of Baffin Land,
I have no doubt that they are acquainted with the use of the boat,
though it may be of little avail in that ice encumbered region, When
I first visited the tribes of Davis Strait no kayak was to be found
between Cape Mercy and Cape Raper, nor had there been any for
several years. In the summer of 1884, however, two boats were built
by these natives.

The general principles of their construction are well known. The
kayak of the Nugumiut, Oqomiut, and Akudnirmiut is bulky as com-
pared with that of Greenland and Hudson Bay. It is from twenty-
five to twenty-seven feet long and weighs from eighty to one hundred
pounds, while the Iglulik boats, according to Lyon (p. 322), range
from fifty to sixty pounds in weight. It may be that the Repulse
Bay boats are even lighter still. According to Hall they are not
heavier than twenty-five pounds (II, p. 216).

Fic, 413. Frame of a kayak or hunting boat. (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin.)

The frame of the kayak (Fig. 413) consists, first, of two flat pieces
of wood which form the gunwale (apumang). From ten to twenty
beams (ajang) keep this frame on a stretch above. The greatest
width between them is a little behind the cock pit (p. 487). A strong
piece of wood runs from the cross piece before the hole (masing) to
the stem, and another from the cross piece abaft the hole (itirbing) to
the stern (tuniqdjung). The proportion of the bow end to the stern
end, measured from the center of the hole, is 4 to 3. The former has
a projection measuring one-fourth of its whole length. Setting aside
the projection, the hole lies in the very center of the body of the
kayak. A large number of ribs (tikping), from thirty to sixty, are
fastened to the gunwales and kept steady by a keel (kujang), which
runs from stem to stern, and by two lateral strips of wood (siadnit),
which are fastened between gunwale and keel. The stem projection
(usujang), which rises gradually, begins at a strong beam (niutang)
and its rib (qaning). The extreme end of the stern (aqojang) is bent
upward. The bottom of the boat is partly formed by the keel,partly
by the side supports. The stern projection has a keel, but in the
body of the boat the side supports are bent down to the depth of the
keel, thus forming a flat bottom. Rising again gradually they ter-

Boas. | CONSTRUCTION OF KAYAKS, A487

minate close to the stern. Between the masing and the itirbing is
the hole (pa) of the kayak, the rim of which is formed by a flat
piece of wood or whalebone bent into a hoop. It is flattened abaft
and sharply bent at the fore part. The masing sometimes rests
upon a stud.

Fic. 414. Kayak with covering of skin. (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin.)

The whole frame is covered with skins (aming) tightly sewed to-
gether and almost waterproof (Fig. 414). Usually the cover consists
of three or four skins of Pagomys foetidus. When put upon the
frame it is thoroughly wetted and stretched as much as possible so
as to fit tightly. It is tied by thongs to the rim of the hole. A small
piece of ivory is attached to each side of the niutang and serves to
fasten a thong which holds the kayak implements. Two more thongs
are sewed to the skin just before the hole, another one behind it, and
two smaller ones near the stern.

The differences between this boat and that of the Iglulirmiut may
be seen from Lyon’s description (page 320). Their kayak has a long
peak at the stern, which turns somewhat upward. The rim round
the hole is higher in front than at the back, whereas that of the
former has the rim of an equal height all around. AtSavage Islands
Lyon saw the rims very neatly edged with ivory. The bow and the
stern of the Iglulik kayaks were equally sharp and they had from
sixty to seventy ribs. While the kayaks of the Oqomiut have only
in exceptional cases two lateral supports between keel and gunwale,
Lyon found in the boats of these natives seven siadnit, but no keel
at all. These boats are well represented in Parry’s engravings (II,
pp. 271 and 508). Instead of the thongs, ivory or wooden holders are
fastened abaft to prevent the weapons from slipping down.

If the drawing in Lyon’s book (p. 14) be correct, the kayak of
the Qaumauangmiut (Savage Islands) has a very long prow ending
in a sharp peak, the proportion tothe stern being 2 tol. Its stern is
much shorter and steeper than that of the northern boats and car-
ries the same holders as that of the Iglulirmiut.

Fig. 415. Model of a Repulse Bay kayak. (National Museum, Washington. 68126.)

The model of a Repulse Bay kayak is represented in Fig. 415.
The rim of the hole is in the same position as in the Iglulik kayak,
the fore part resting on a rib bent like a hoop, whereas in the others

488 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

it rests on a beam. -The stern resembles closely that of the Cumber-
land Sound boats, while the head is less peaked, the keel having a
sharper bend at the beginning of the projection, which does not turn
upward. Early in the spring and in the autumn, when ice is still
forming, a scraper (sitmijaung) (Fig. 416) is always carried in the

Fia. 416, Sirmijaung or scraper for kayak. (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin.) $

ce dt

Fie. 417. Large kayak harpoon for sea_ Fig. 418. Tikagung or support for the hand. a, b, e (Na-
and walrus. Actuallength, 6} feet. (Mu- tional Museum, Washington, a, 30000; b, 30005; c, 30004.)
seum fiir Volkerkunde, Berlin.) d (Museum fiir V6lkerkunde, Berlin.)

BOAS.] IMPLEMENTS USED IN SEAL HUNTING. 489

kayak for removing the sleet which forms on the skin. When the
boat has been pulled on shore, it is turned upside down and the
whole bottom is cleaned with this implement. A double bladed
paddle (pauting) is used with the boat. It has a narrow handle
(akudnang), which fits the hand of the boatman and widens to about
four inches at the thin blades (maling), which are edged with ivory.
Between each blade and the handle there is a ring (qudluqsiuta).

The kayak gear consists of the large harpoon and its line (to which
the sealskin float is attached), the receptacle for this line, the bird
spear (with its throwing board), and two lances.

Fig. 419. Qatirn or ivory head Fic. 420. Manner of at- Fig. 421. Tokangor harpoon point
of harpoon shaft. (National Mu- taching the two principal in sheath. (In the possession of Cap-
seum, Washington. 34101.) 3 parts of the harpoon. tain John O. Spicer, Groton, Conn,} ¢

The large harpoon (Fig. 417) is used for hunting seals and walrus
from the kayak. The shaft (qijuqtenga) consists of a stout pole from
four and a half to five feet in length, to which an ivory knob is fast-
ened at the lower end. At its center of gravity a small piece of
ivory (tikagung) is attached, which serves to support the hand in
throwing the weapon. A remarkable pattern of thistikagung, which
nicely fits the hand of the hunter, is represented in the first of the
series of Fig. 418, and another one, which differs only in size from

49() THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

that of the unang, in the second. At right angles to the tikagung a
small ivory knob is inserted in the shaft and serves to hold the har-
poon line. At this part the shaft is greatly flattened and the cross
section becomes oblong or rhombic. At the top it is tenoned, to be
inserted into the mortice of the ivory head (qatirn). The latter fits
so closely on the tenon that it sticks without being either riveted or
tied together. The gatirn is represented in Fig. 419. Into the cavity
at its top a walrus tusk is inserted and forms with it a ball and socket
joint (igimang). .

The tusk and the qatirn are fastened to each other in a most in-
genious way, which may be readily made out from the engraving
(Fig. 420). The principal effect of this arrangement of the holes and
the thong is that the tusk is kept steady by two parallel thongs
that prevent it from tipping over and only allow a movement in
the plane of the flattening of the shaft as soon as any considerable
force is applied to the tusk.

The harpoon head used in connection with this weapon is the to-
kang. To prevent it from being injured,
it is carried in a wooden sheath (Fig. 421).
The iron point is secured by a string of
whalebone or sealskin; the lower part is
fastened to the sheath as indicated in the
figure. The tokang differs from the naulang
in that it is larger and stouter. In some
cases great care is bestowed upon the finish-
ing of this important weapon.

An interesting specimen of this variety of
harpoon head was found by Kumlien in
Cumberland Sound (Fig. 422). It was taken
from a whale and differs from the device of
that country. The back is bent similar to
that of the iron naulang and the barbs have
two points each instead of one. The front
part is sharply ridged. The specimen is
very nicely finished. A few very old har-

Mia. 42. Tokang or harpoon poon heads of the same pattern are depos-
head taken from a whaleimCum- ited in the British Museum and were of
berland Sound. (National Muse- .
um, Washington, 34069.) 2 Hudson Strait manufacture; therefore I

conclude that Kumilien’s specimen is from
the same part of the country.

Fig. 423 represents an ancient harpoon head of the same style, the
locality of which is unfortunately unknown. The specimen is of
particular interest, as it shows the method of fastening the stone to
the ivory part. A similar specimen is in the collections of the British
Museum; it formed part of the Sloane collection. Both these speci-
mens show perforations at the lower end of the harpoon head which

BOAS. } IMPLEMENTS USED IN SEAL HUNTING. 49]

are not found in the modern ones. Probably these served for hold-
ing the harpoon head to the shaft by means of a thin line, in order to
prevent the head from coming off before the seal or walrus was
struck. These holesaresimilarto the ones shown in Figs. 395 and 436,

Fie. 423. Ancient tokang or harpoon head. (In A. Sturgis’s collection, New York.)

The harpoon line (alirn) is attached to the tokang in the same way
as the iparang is to the naulang. When it is fastened to the igimang,
the bend of the tusk facilitates the disengagement of the harpoon
head, which turns its back to that of the tusk. Attached to the line
at the level of the ivory knob which has been mentioned is the teliq-
bing (Fig. 424), into the hole of which the knob fits closely. As the
line from the tokang to the teliqbing is just long enough to allow it
to be pulled down far enough to reach the knob, it holds shaft and
head firmly together so long as the tusk remains in its position. As
soon as a lateral strain is put upon the tusk the distance between the
head and the knob is diminished and the teliqbing slips off, thus
disengaging the line with the harpoon head from the shaft. Some-
times the teliqbing has two holes, one being used when the line is wet
and longer, the other when it is dry and shorter.

492 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

In Ieglulik the spear is called qatilik (Fig. 425). In pattern it is
the same as that of Akudnirn and Oqo, the only difference, accord-

Fic. 424. Teliqbing, which is fastened to harpoon line. Fig. 425. Qatilik orspear from Iglulik
National Museum, Washington. 34123.) } (From Parry IT, p. 550.)

ing to Parry’s description, being that the toung (the tusk) is straight
and has a notch near its socket (see Fig. 425), while the harpoon head
which belongs to it has only a single point at its lower end.

Fia. 426. Avautang or sealskin float. (National Museum, Washington. 30009.)

This harpoon is placed on the right side of the prow of the kayak,
with the point directed towards its head. The harpoon line, with
the tokang, lies just before the hunter in a flat receptacle (asedlun),
which consists of a wooden ring with a handle, held by thongs before
the hole of the kayak. The receptacle rests on the skin cover, having
no feet, as has the Greenland one. In Hudson Strait it is secured
upon holders. The harpoon line is rolled up in a coil, but its end is
fastened to the seal float, which lies behind the hunter and is held
in place by a thong. The line passes along the right side of the
kayak hole. The float (avautang) (Fig. 426) consists of a whole
sealskin which had been removed from the animal dexterously, its

BOAS. | IMPLEMENTS USED IN SEAL HUNTING. 493

entire body being pulled through the mouth, which is enlarged by
means of a cut along the throat. The nails of the flippers are fre-
quently extracted and the openings sewed up, the hind flippers and the
tail being cut off and firmly tied together by a thong, thus forming a
neck (atauta), to which the harpoon line is attached. At the head a
pipe for blowing up the skin (poviutang) is inserted (Fig. 427); the
skin is firmly tied to the ring of the pipe, on which the stopper is
secured as soon as the skin is sufficiently inflated. This device is a
very convenient one, for it is difficult to inflate the skin without
some kind of mouthpiece. If there are any holes in the float they
are closed by a button similar to the one shown in Fig. 427 a, which,
however, is without a hole.

Fic. 427. Different styles of poviutang or pipe for inflating the float. (National Museum, Washing-
ton. a, 29986; b, 34118; ¢, 34119; d, 34120.)

If the harpoon is to be used for hunting large animals, such as
walrus or whales, a very ingenious contrivance is sometimes inserted
between the line and the float in the shape of a wooden hoop witha
seal or deer skin stretched over it (niutang) (see Fig. 437). Three or
four thongs of equal length are fastened to the hoop at equal distances
and bound together. At their point of union they are attached to
the line. As soon as a walrus is struck and starts to swim away, the
hoop is thrown at right angles to the stretched line and exerts a
strong resistance when dragged along, thus diminishing the speed of
the animal and quickly exhausting its strength. The float prevents
its escape, as it is too buoyant to be drawn under water. The animal
cannot dive, and thus the hunter does not lose sight of his prey.

For small seals a similar weapon is used, the agdliaq (Fig. 428),

494 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

the main difference being that it is much smaller and has a seal
bladder for a float attached to the shaft. I have not seen this weapon
myself, but Kumlien has brought away parts of it. Fig. 429 shows
that its point differs only in size from the large igimang. The head
(probably the naulang) is tied to the shaft, which acts as a drag.

The points are fastened to the shaft in almost the same way as
the former, the only difference being that they are straight; the
drill holes do not cross one another. Fig. 430 represents the heads
belonging to this spear; Fig. 431, a large one which is used with the
large harpoon. As the lines in all these run as is represented in
Fig. 429 b, they cannot act as harpoons. I had no opportunity. of
seeing any of these weapons myself.

ah b} ch dt
Fig. 428. Agdliag or spear for small Fie. 429. Agdliaq points. (National Museum, Washington.
seals. (From Parry I, p. 550.) a, 90165 ; b, 2991; ec, 34998 ; d, 34063.)

In hunting walrus a lance (anguvigang) (Fig. 432) is used which
is similar to the igimang. The shaft and the joint are alike in
both, only the knob for the teliqbing being absent. The head is
made of bone or the straight part of a walrus tusk and has an iron

poas.] IMPLEMENTS USED IN SEAL HUNTING. 495

blade on the top. The lance serves to dispatch the animal after it
has been harpooned with the igimang.

The joint prevents the shaft from being broken by the struggles
of the animal. Its place is behind the hunter on the right side of
the kayak, the point being directed toward the stern. Generally a
second lance is carried on the left side of the boat parallel with the
other. It is either of the same kind or a slender shaft with a long
point firmly inserted in it (kapun, ipun). The point is about one
and one-third of a foot to one and one-half feet long. This weapon,
however, is more particularly in use for hunting deer in the lakes
and ponds.

i
i
{\

‘i i

ah bt
Fie. 430. Spear heads. (National Museum, Washington. Fig. 431. Largespear head, (National
a, 34076: b, 34068.) Museum, Washington. 10136.) 4

The last implement in the kayak gear to be described is the bird
spear, nuirn (Fig. 433), with its throwing board, nuqsang (Fig. 434).
It has a shaft of about four feet in length, flattened at the lower end.
Among the natives on the east and southeast of Baffin Land it has
an iron prong at its point, whereas in Iglulik it has two points of
unequal length, with double barbs. Three double barbed prongs
are attached to the center of the shaft. They have a sharp bend at
their lower part, the points running parallel to the shaft. The
prongs of the Greenland dart are straight and diverge from the shaft.
The lower end of the bird spear fits into the groove of the throwing
board. Therefore the end of the shaft is squared. The ivory knob
at the end of the spear contains a small hole for the insertion of the

496 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

spike which is in the end of the groove. When the board is used it
is held firmly in the right hand, the first finger passing through the
hole by the side of the groove, the thumb clasping the notch on the
left side (Fig. 434 6), the other fingers those on the right side. The
shaft is held by the points of the fingers. When the spear is hurled

a b
Fic. 432. Anguvigang or ‘Fie. 433. Nuirn or Fig. 434. Nuqsang or throwing board, (a front
lance. Museum fiir V6l- bird spear. (Muse- and (b back view. | National Museum, Washing-

kerkunde, Berlin. : um fiir Vélker- ton. 30013.
kunde, Berlin.)

the posterior point of the groove describes a wide circle and the
fingers let go the shaft, which, remaining in its first position, is
driven forward by the spike with great violence, and thus it attains
considerable velocity.

EOAS.] HUNTING SEALS AND WALRUS. 497

I will now give a description of the methods of hunting seals and
walrus during the summer. As long as ice cakes are drifting in the
bays the natives do not use their seal floats, which would be severed
from the line and easily torn to pieces. They paddle to a small
cake, on which they lift their kayaks, and cautiously move the cake
towards another one on which a seal or walrus is asleep. After
they have come within range of their game they shoot it. As au
abundance of all kinds of seals and walrus are basking on the ice
plenty of food can be obtained.

An ingenious way of walrusing during this season is described by
Lyon (p. 330):

When the hunters, in their canoes, perceive a large herd sleeping on the floating
ice, as is their custom, they paddle to some other piece near them, which is small
enough to be moved. On this they lift their canoes,and then bore several holes,
through which they fasten their tough lines, and when everything is ready, they
silently paddle the hummock towards their prey, each man sitting by his own line
and spear. In this manner they reach the ice on which the walruses are lying
snoring; and if they please, each man may strike an animal, though, in general, two
persons attack the same beast. The wounded and startled walrus rolls instantly to
the water, but the siatko, or harpoon, being well fixed, he cannot escape from the
hummock on which the Eskimo have fastened the line. When the animal becomes
a little weary, the hunter launches his canoe, and lying out of his reach, spears him
to death.

When the ice is gone seals are shot or harpooned with the igimang
and the agdliaq. The float prevents their escape and they are killed
with the anguvigang or the qapun. Later in summer, when they
begin to shed their fur, they lose almost all their blubber and sink
when shot; therefore they must be hunted with the harpoon and
the float. As the walrus is a dangerous foe should it turn upon
the hunters in their light boats, the harpoon is thrown from a great
distance, and the animal is not attacked at close quarters until it is
well nigh exhausted by dragging the float and the niutang and by
loss of blood. A great number of walrus are shot or harpooned
while basking on the low islands and rocks.

There are a few shoals and narrow inlets in Frobisher Bay and
Cumberland Sound in which great numbers of seals are caught
during the summer. In hunting them at those places some of the
Eskimo in kayaks occupy the shallow entrance of the inlet, while
others scare the seals from its head. As the seals approach its outlet
they are speared by those who are lying in wait for them. Since the
natives have procured firearms seals are shot from the boats, and in
whale boats they even attack the walrus, though they prefer to have
drifting ice near at hand in case the fierce animal should turn upon
them and tear the boat with its powerful tusks. This method of
hunting is very successful in openings which intersect the land floe
in spring. To these places an enormous number of seals and walrus

6 BTH—-32

498 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

resort, and they are shot either when basking at the edge of the
water or when blowing.

In the fall, when the small bays are covered with ice and newly
formed floes drift to and fro in the open sea, the natives go sealing
at the edge of the land ice (Fig. 435). The seals are shot on the
drifting ice or in the water and are secured by means of the unang,
in the following manner: The hunter jumps upon a small cake,
which he pushes on with his spear until he is near the body of the
animal, and then drags it upon the land floe with the harpoon line.
This method is almost the same as the one used in sealing and wal-
rusing during the winter.wherever the open water is close to the
shore.

Fic. 435. Sealing at the edge of the ice. (From a photograph.

This hunt is described by Gilder in the following words (pp.
182-184):
Usually there are two hunters who approach the walrus, one hiding behind the

other, so that the two appear but as one. When the spear is thrown, both hold on to
the line, which is wound around their arms so as to cause as much friction as possible,

BOAS.] HUNTING SEALS AND WALRUS. 499

in order to exhaust the animal speedily. * * * When the line is nearly run out the
end of the spear shaft is passed through a loop in the end of the line and held firmly
by digging a little hole in the ice for the end of the spear to rest in, the foot resting
upon the line and against the spear to steady it. This gives the hunter an immense
advantage over his powerful game, and if he is fortunate enough to secure this hold
there is no escape for the walrus except that the line may cut on the edge of the sharp
ice, or the thin ice break off, and hunter, line, and all be precipitated into the water—
a not unusual experience in walrus hunting. Another cause of misfortune is for
the line to become entangled around the arm of the hunter so that he cannot cast it
off, in which case he is most assuredly drawn into the sea, and in nine cases out
of ten drowned, for his knife is seldom at hand for an emergency and no amount
of experience will ever induce an Inung [Eskimo] to provide against danger.

Sometimes the hunter isalone when he strikes a walrus, and in that case it requires
considerable dexterity to secure the spear hold in the ice; or if he fails to get that
he may sit down and brace his feet against a small hummock, when it comes to
a sheer contest of muscle between the hunter and the walrus. In these contests
victory generally perches upon the banner of the walrus, though the Inung [Eskimo]
will never give up until the last extremity is reached. Often he is dragged to the
very edge of the ice before he finds a protuberance against which to brace his feet,
and often he is drawn down under the ice before he will relinquish his hold. He
is very tenacious under such circumstances, for he knows that when he loses the
walrus he loses his line and harpoon also.

Hall (1, p. 459) describes the hunt, according to his observations in
Frobisher Bay, as follows:

The line is coiled, and hung about the neck of the hunter: thus prepared he
hides himself among the broken drifting ice, and awaits the moment for striking
his game. The spear is then thrown and the hunter at once slips the coil of line
off his head, fastens the end to the ice by driving a spear through a loop in it, and
waits till the walrus comes to the surface of the water, into which he has plunged
on feeling the stroke of the harpoon; then the animal is quickly despatched by
the use of a long lance.

Sometimes the walrus when swimming under an extensive floe of
new ice are drowned by being frightened down every time they try
to come up to blow.

Formerly whaling was one of the favorite hunts of the Central
Eskimoand in some places it is even continued to this day. Whales
are either pursued in kayaks or in skin boats. If the kayak is used,
they are harpooned in the same way as the walrus, a very large float
(avautapaq’) being attached to the harpoon head. The whale is pur-
sued by a great number of kayaks and every boatman endeavors to
drive his harpoon into the animal, which, by the loss of blood and
the resistance of the niutang and floats, is tired out and killed with
lances.

More frequently it is pursued in skin boats (p. 527), which for the
purpose are propelled by means of paddles (angun). In this case the
crew consists entirely of men, although on other occasions the rowing
falls to the women’s share; a skillful boatman steers the boat and the
harpooner stands in the bow watching his opportunity to strike the
whale. The implement used in this pursuit is represented in Fig.
436. I could not procure the weapon itself (sakurpang’, i. e., the

500 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

largest weapon), but had a model made by an Akudnirmio, of which
the figure is a drawing. The shaftis said to be very long and heavy,
measuring from ten to twelve feet. To this shaft a bone point taper-
ing towards the end is firmly attached. The harpoon head consists
of two pieces similar to the siatko of the Iglulirmiut (see Fig. 395).
The ivon edge is inserted into a flat piece of bone, which fits into the
slit of alarge head. The latter is made from the jawbone of a whale
and is extremely heavy. When the whale is struck, both parts, the
head and the edge, are disengaged from the shaft and separated from
each other, but both enter the flesh of the whale and work in the
same way as the tokang,

Fic. 436. Model of sakur- Fic. 437. Niutang, with floats.
pang’ or whaling harpoon.

The long harpoon line is coiled up on the first thwart of the boat.
On the second one the niutang and five large floats (Fig. 437), which
were fastened to the line, are kept ready and heaved overboard as
soon as the harpoon is fast to a whale. The buoys and the niutang
tire it out quickly and the boat can easily follow it up. It is lanced
with the kalugiang whenever it comes up to blow. This lance con-
sists of a heavy handle with a long point of rod iron; formerly bone
or narwhal ivory, with an iron edge inserted into its point, was used
for this purpose.

Boas. | HUNTING OF LAND ANIMALS. 5O.L

The narwhal and the white whale are hunted in the same way as
the walrus and the right whale. There are a few shallow bays to
which the white whale resorts in the summer. If a shoal of them
has entered such a bay, the Eskimo take to their boats and kayaks,
and by throwing stones frighten them into the shallowest part, where
they are easily harpooned.

DEER, MUSK OX, AND BEAR HUNTING

When the snow has melted and the short summer is at hand the
Eskimo start for the deer hunt. The tribes possessed of firearms can
easily procure deer all the year round, particularly where uneven land
facilitates their approach toward the herd; but in summer the hunt
is most important, as it is the only season in which deerskins are fit
for clothing.

The favorite method of hunting is to attack the deer in the ponds
when swimming from one side to the other. In many places the deer
in their migrations are in the habit of crossing the narrow parts of
lakes, and here the natives liein ambush with their kayaks. In other
places they are driven into the water by the Eskimo and attacked by
the drivers or by hunters stationed on the lake. Favorite places for
such a chase are narrow peninsulas, generally called nedlung. The
Eskimo deploy into a skirmish line and slowly drive the herd to the
point of the peninsula, whence the deer, the retreat being cut off, take
to the water.

If the shore be too straight to permit this method of hunting,
they drive the deer to a hill stretching to the lake. A line of cairns
(inugsung) is erected on the top, intended to deceive the deer, which
believe them a new line of hunters approaching from the opposite
side. They take to the water, as they see no retreat. If there are
no hills a line of cairns is erected in some part of the plain. Such
monuments are found all over the country, most of them having the
appearance of being very old.

As soon as the deer are in the water the natives pursue them in their
kayaks, and as their boats are propelled much more swiftly than the
animals canswim they are quickly overtaken and killed with the spear
(kapun). Sometimes the wounded deer will turn upon the boat, in
which cases the hunter must make his escape with the utmost speed,
else he will be capsized or the skin of the boat will be torn to pieces
by the animal’s antlers.

In some of the narrow valleys with steep faces on both sides the
deer are driven toward the hunters. As there is no chance for escape
on either side they are killed by the men whe lie in ambush. A
remarkable tradition referring to the deer hunts of a fabulous tribe
in these passes is frequently told by the Eskimo (see p. 635).

Some places are particularly favorable to these methods of hunt-

502 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

ing. The herds when traveling north in spring and south in autumn
take the same course every year, passing rivers, lakes, and valleys at
the deer passes. Here the Eskimo stay during the migrations of the
deer, as they are sure to fall in with them and to secure plenty of
meat and skins during the season. In spring the rivers and lakes are
not yet freed from their icy fetters and the pursuit is more difficult;
in the autumn, however, they are easily captured in the water. Some
important stations of this kind are the island Qeqertome itoq tudlirn,
south of Lake Nettilling; the outlet of this lake, Koukdjuaq, particu- -
larly the peninsula formed by the river and thesouth shore of the lake;
the country about Qudjitariaq, farther north, and the narrow valley
between Piling and Itirbilung: on the continent, the lakes of Rae
Isthmus, particularly North Pole Lake; some passes in the hills north
of Chesterfield Inlet; the isthmus of Boothia; the entrance of Qimuq-
suq, on Adelaide Peninsula; and Simpson Strait.

Referring to the last, Klutschak describes an interesting method of
hunting deer which is in vogue in that locality (p. 130). The narrow
strait which separates Ita Island from King William Land freezes
up early in the season, and the reindeer in trying to cross the strait
frequently gather on this island. The Eskimo deploy over the icy
bridge and makeaterrtble noise, frightening the reindeer, which are
gradually driven toward a place the ice of which is treacherous at
this time of the year. Here they break through and, being able to
move only with great difficulty, are easily killed.

When the deer have scattered over the country they must be
stalked, and, wherever the natives have no firearms, bows and
arrows are used. ;

Fie. 489. Wooden bow from Cumberland Sound, (National Museum, Washington.)

They have two kinds of bows (pitiqse) : a wooden one (Figs. 438 and
439) and another made of reindeer antlers (Figs. 440 and 441). Parry
gives a very good description of the former (IT, p. 510) :

One of the best of their bows was made of a single piece of fir, four feet eight
inches in length, flat on the inner side and rounded on the outer, being five inches
in girth about the middle where, however, it is strengthened on the concave side,
when strung, by a piece of bone ten inches long, firmly secured by tree-nails of the
same material. At each end of the bow is a knob of bone, or sometimes of wood
covered with leather, with a deep notch for the reception of the string. The only
wood which they can procure, not possessing sufficient elasticity combined with

BoAS. ] WEAPONS USED IN HUNTING LAND ANIMALS. 503

strength, they ingeniously remedy the defect by securing to the back of the bow,
and to the knobs at each end, a quantity of small lines, each composed of a plat or
“sinnet” of three sinews. The number of lines thus reaching from end to end is
generally about thirty; but besides these, several others are fastened with hitches
round the bow, in pairs, commencing eight inches from one end, and again united
at the same distance from the other, making the whole number of strings in the
middle of the bow sometimes amount to sixty. These being put on with the bow
somewhat bent the contrary way, produce a spring so strong as to require consider-
able force as well as knack in stringing it, and giving the requisite velocity to the
arrow. The bowiscompleted by a woolding round the middle and a wedge or two
here and there, driven in to tighten it.

Fie. 440. Bows of reindeer antlers. ‘National Museum, Washington. «a, 34053; b, 34055.)

The bow represented in Fig. 439 is from Cumberland Sound and
resembles the Iglulik pattern. The fastening of the sinew lines is
different and the piece of bone giving additional strength to the
central part is wanting. In Cumberland Sound and farther south
wooden bows each made of a single piece were not very rare; the
wood necessary for their manufacture was found in abundance on
Tudjan (Resolution Island), whence it was brought to the more
northern districts.

Fic. 441. Bow of antlers, with central part cut off straight, from Pelly Bay. (National Museum,
Washington. 10270,

The bows which are made of antlers generally consist of three
pieces, a stout central one slanted on both sides and two side pieces
riveted to it. The central part is either below or above the side ones,
as represented in Fig. 440. These bows arestrengthened by plaited
sinews in the same way as the wooden ones and generally the joints
are secured by strong strings wound around them. A remarkable
bow made of antlers is represented in Fig. 441. The central part is
not slanted, but cut off straight. The joint is effected by two addi-
tional pieces on each side, a short stout one outside. a long thin one
inside. These are firmly tied together with sinews. The short piece
prevents the parts from breaking apart. the long one gives a power-
ful spring. The specimen here represented was brought home by
Hall from the Sinimiut of Pelly Bay, and a similar one was brought
by Collinson from Victoria Land and has been deposited in the
British Museum. The strings are attached to these bows in the
same way as to the wooden ones,

504 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO,

The arrows (qaqdjung) are made of round pieces of wood generally
tapering a little towards the lower end, to which two feathers of
an owl or some other bird are attached. The bone heads of these

a bh at

Fig. 442. Arrows with bone heads. (National Wie. 443. Arrows with metal heads. a, b (National
Museum, Washington. «, 34054; b, 10270.) Museum, Washington. a, 30056; 6.34056.) ¢ (Museum
fiir Volkerkunde, Berlin, IV A 6707.)

BOAS. | WEAPONS USED IN HUNTING LAND ANIMALS. 5O5

arrows are joined tothe shaft as represented in Fig. 442, while metal
heads are inserted as shown in Fig. 443. The difference in the
methods used by the Mackenzie and the central tribes in fastening

a b
Fia. 444. Arrowhead from Boothia. (Na- Fia. 445. Showing attachment of arrowhead vertically
tional Museum, Washington. 10205.) 4 and parallel] to shank. (National Museum, Washington.

b, 10137.) 3
the point to the shaft is very striking. The arrow point of the for-
mer and of the western tribes is pointed and inserted in the shaft
(Fig. 444),‘ while that of the latter is always slanted and lashed to
it (Figs. 442 and 443). The direction of the slant is either parallel
or vertical to the edge (Fig. 445). Other forms of arrows are shown
in Fig. 446. <A similar difference between the fastenings of the
socket to the spear handle exists in the two localities. The western
tribes give its base the form of a wedge (Fig. 447), which is inserted
in the shaft, while the Central Eskimo use a mortise.

1 According to the Museum catalogue, the point represented in this figure is from
Victoria Island, Boothia, from Hall’s collection ; however, it is a typical western
arrow.

506 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

Formerly slate heads were in general use (Fig. 448); now the heads
are almost everywhere made of iron or tin, riveted or tied to the

Gh e f g
Fic. 446, Various forms of arrowhead. National Museum, Washington. a, 29993 ; e, 10213.) 4

Fic. 447. Soeket of spear handle from Alaska.

(National Museum, Washington, 36060.) 4

Fic. 448. Slate arrowhead.
Washington. 10403.) }

(National Museum,

BOAS. | IMPLEMENTS USED IN HUNTING LAND ANIMALS, 507

Fiq. 449. Flint arrowheads from old graves. (National Museum, Washington. c, 30109; d, 34138.) }

Fia. 450. Various styles of quiver. a, b Two views of a quiver from Cumberland Sound, (National
Museum, Washington. 30015.) ec Quiver from Iglulik (from Parry II, p. 550)

508 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

point (Fig. 446). In ancient graves flint heads are frequently found,
some of which are represented in Fig. 449. On Southampton Island
stone heads are in use even at the present time. Fig. 423 probably
shows how they were attached to the shank.

The quiver (Fig. 450) is made of sealskin, the hair of which is
removed. It comprises three divisions, a larger one containing the
bow and a smaller one containing four or six arrows, the head
directed toward the lower end of the case. When extracted from
the quiver they are ready for use. Between the two compartments
there is also a small pouch, in which tools and extra arrowheads are
carried.

Fig. 451. Quiver handles. (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin. a, b, TV A 6843.)

When traveling the Eskimo carry the quiver by an ivory handle;
when in use it is hung over the left shoulder. Fig. 451 represents
quiver handles, the first being fashioned in imitation of an ermine.

If the deer cannot be driven into the water the Eskimo either stalk
them or shoot them froma stand. In a plain where the hunter can-
not hide himself it is easier to approach the herd if two men hunt
together. They advance, the second man hiding behind the first
one by stooping a little. The bows or the guns are carried on the
shoulders so as to resemble the antlers of a deer. The men imitate
their grunting and approach slowly, now stopping and stooping, now
advancing. If the deer look about suspiciously they sit down, the
second man lying almost flat on the ground, and both, at some
distance off, greatly resemble the animals themselves. Ross (IT, p.
252) states that the inhabitants of Boothia imitate the appearance of
the deer, the foremost of two men stalking a herd bearing a deer’s
head upon his own.

It is somewhat difficult to approach the deer near enough to get
within range, especially if they are hunted with bow and arrow.
Generally it is not necessary to get quite near them, for when feed-
ing the herd moves on in the same direction for some time, and the
hunter can hide behind a stone lying in that direction and wait until
they are within range. After the first shot has been fired they do not
take to flight at once, but stand for a few seconds, struck with sur-

BoAS.| HUNTING OF LARGE GAME. 509

prise, and a clever hunter may kill two or three before they run away.
If the country is very level the Eskimo raise heaps of stones or build
circular or semicircular walls to conceal themselves and allure the
animals by grunting. As the deer possess a very fine scent they must
always be approached from the lee side.

An interesting method of hunting is described by Parry (II, p. 512)
and confirmed by Hall (II, p. 178). Parry writes:

Two men walk directly from the deer they wish to kill, when the animal almost
always follows them. As soon as they arrive at a large stone, one of the men hides
behind it with his bow, while the other continuing to walk on soon leads the deer
within range of his companion’s arrows.

Hall says that one hunter hides himself behind a stone while the
other utters grunting sounds to attract it.

In winter deer are sometimes caught in traps made by digging
holes in the snow and covering them with slabs of the same material.
Sometimes urine is poured upon and around the trap or salt water
ice is placed upon it, in order to allure the deer (Klutschak, p. 131).
Having been attracted to the trap they fall through the roof and are
speared in the hole.

Wherever the musk ox is found it is eagerly pursued by the Es-
kimo. Though dogs are of no use in the chase of the nimble deer,
they are of great help in hunting this animal. When a track is
found the dogs are let loose and soon overtake the herd. The latter
form a circle of defense in which they are kept at bay until the
hunter approaches. While the dogs continue attacking and dodg-
ing, the musk oxen try to hit them with their horns and do not heed
the Eskimo, who assails them at close quarters with a lance to which
a thong is frequently attached. When an ox is wounded it makes
an impetuous attack on the hunter, who dodges to one side. The
dogs being at hand again immediately keep it at bay, thus enabling
the hunter to let fly another arrow or throw his lance again. Thus
the struggle continues until the greater part of the herd is killed.
In rare instances an ox dashes out of the circle and escapes from the
pack.

Polar bears are hunted in about the same manner as the musk ox.
The Eskimo pursue them in light sledges, and when they are near
the pursued animal the traces of the most reliable dogs in the team
are cut, when they dash forward and bring the bear to bay. As the
hunter gets sufficiently near, the last dogs are let loose and the bear
is killed with a spear or with bow and arrow. The best season for
bear hunting is in March and April, when the bears come up the
fjords and bays in pursuit of the young seals. At this season the she
bear is accompanied by the cub which was born in February or March.
Its skin and flesh are highly prized by the Eskimo. At some places,
for instance at Cape Raper and at Cape Kater on Davis Strait, the
she bears dig holes in the snow banks, in which they sleep during

510 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

the winter. The natives seek these holes and kill the bear before it
awakes.

The chase of the musk ox and that of the bear have become much
easier since the introduction of firearms in Arctic America, and the
Eskimo can kill their game without encountering the same dangers
as formerly.

HUNTING OF SMALL GAME.

Lastly, I mention the methods used in catching smaller animals,
such as wolves, foxes, and hares. Wolves are only pursued when
they become too troublesome. Frequently they linger about the
villages in winter, and when everybody is asleep they attack the
store rooms or the dogs, which have the greatest fear of this voracious
animal; for, although dogs will brave the bear, they do not venture
to resist a single wolf. If a pack of these beasts linger about the
village for"weeks preying upon the native stores, traps are finally
built or the Eskimo lie in ambush near a bait to kill them. The
wolf trap is similar to the one used to catch deer. The hole dug in
the snow is about eight or nine feet deep and is covered with a
slab of snow, on the center of which a bait is laid. A wall is built
around it which compels the wolf to leap across it before he can
reach the bait. By so doing he breaks through the roof and, as the
bottom of the pit is too narrow to afford him jumping room, he is
caught and killed there (Rae I, p. 135). ;

A remarkable method of killing wolves has been described by
Klutschak (p. 192) and confirmed by the Eskimo of Cumberland
Sound. A sharp knife is smeared with deer’s blood and sunk into
the snow, the edge only protruding. The wolves lick the knife and
cut their tongues so severely as to bleed to death. Another method
is toroll a strip of whalebone, about two feet long, in a coil, which
is tied up with sinews. At each end asmall metal edge is attached to
the whalebone. This strip, wrapped in a piece of blubber or meat,
is gulped down by the hungry wolf. As it is digested the sinews
are dissolved and the elastic strap is opened and tears the stomach
of the animal. A very ingenious trap is described by Parry (II, p.
514):

It consists of a small house built of ice, at one end of which a door, made of the
same plentiful material, is fitted to slide up and down in a groove; to the upper part
of this a line is attached and, passing over the roof, is led down into the trap at the
inner end, and there held by slipping an eye in the end of it over a peg of ice left for
the purpose. Over the peg, however, is previously placed a loose grummet, to which
the bait is fastened, and a false roof placed over all to hide the line. The moment
the animal drags at the bait the grummet slips off the peg, bringing with it the —
line that held up the door, and this falling down closes the trap and secures him.

Foxes are usually caught in traps. An ice house about six feet
high is built of hummocks, which are cut down with the point of
the spear. It is covered with ice slabs, only a hole in the center

BOAS.] HUNTING OF SMALL GAME, Al

being left. Blocks of snow and slabs of ice are piled up around the
building so as to permit easy access to the roof. Some blood is
sprinkled round the hole to attract the fox and a larger bait is placed
upon the floor of the house. The fox jumps down and, as the only
exit is in the center of the roof, cannot escape. Another trap has a
slab of ice erected in such a manner as to fall and kill the fox when
he touches the bait.

A third trap, similar to the one above mentioned, has been de-
scribed by Lyon, p. 339:

Tt is like a small lime kiln in form, having a hole near the top, within which the
bait is placed, and the foxes (for these animals alone are thus taken) are obliged to
advance to it over a piece of whalebone, which, bending beneath their weight, lets
them into prison, and then resumes its former position: thus a great number of them
are sometimes caught ina night. Inthe summer they are but rarely taken, and it
isthen by means of a trap of stones, formed like the ice trap, with a falling door.

Hares are either killed with small shot or with arrows or caught
in whalebone snares, as are ermines and lemmings.

Waterfowl of all descriptions are caught in abundance in whale-
bone nooses (Fig. 452) fastened to a long whalebone line or to a thong.

Fic. 452. Whalebone nooses for catching waterfowl. (In the possession of Captain Spicer, of Groton,
Conn.)

The line is set along the edge of a lake, particularly near nesting
places. In shallow lakes these lines are placed across the water to
catch the diving and swimming birds, which are drawn to the shore
with the line. On the low egg islands, which are inhabited by in-
numerable ducks, snares are set on the nests, and great numbers
are caught in a short time. Swans and geese are procured in the
sameway. Other birds, and particularly partridges, are killed with
arrows and with small shot,

512 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

Large flocks of ducks and other kinds of birds fly through certain
valleys in the fall and in spring when migrating. Great numbers
are caught here without any difficulty, as they can be killed with
sticks.

A favorite method of catching gulls is by building a flat snow
house. One block of the roof is translucent and so thin as to permit
the hunter, who is hidden in the house, to push his hand through it.
A bait is placed on this block, and as soon as a bird alights to feed it
is pulled through the roof into the hut.

Pig. 453. Kakivang or salmon spear. (National Museum, Washington. a, 34087; b, 34086.) }

By far the greater number of birds are caught during the molt-
ing season. Partridges can be caught with the hand and waterfowl
are pursued with the kayak. The waterfowl dive as soon as the boat
comes near them and being frightened down again as soon as they
rise they are eventually drowned. One species of goose (kango)

ves

BOAS.] SALMON FISHING. 513

which frequents the lakes of the country is caught in a remarkable
way. A circular wall of stones is raised, with a single entrance.
The Eskimo drive a flock of these birds towards the building, one
man, whom the stupid creatures follow, leading the way. As soon
as they have entered the wall the entrance is shut up and they are
slaughtered. If they happen to be met with on the water they are
encircled by kayaks and driven towards the shore, one boat leading.
Then they are driven within the stone wall as already described.

Fic. 454. Ivory fish used as bait in spearing salmon. a From Repulse Bay. a, c.d (National Muse-
um, Washington. «a, 10400; c, 34109; d, 34124.) } 6 (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin, IV A 6830.) }

FISHING.

The most important fish is the salmon, which is caught in abun-
dance during the summer. When the lakes begin to break up the
salmon descead to the sea, following the narrow lead between the

6 ETH——33

514 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

land floe and the water. In some places they are so plentiful as to
fill the water completely. Here they are speared with the kakivang
(Fig. 453). This instrument consists of a handle which widens
towards the end; in the center it has a prong of bone or iron, and two
larger ones at the sides, made of deer antlers or musk ox horn. These
latter diverge and are furnished with a bone or iron nail on the inner
side. The elasticity of these side prongs is increased by thongs or
strings holding them tightly together. If the salmon are very plen-
tiful no bait is needed and the natives cannot spear them as quickly
as they swim along. When the ice is gone they are caught in the
shallow rivers falling from the lakes into the sea. The natives stand
on the bank or step into the water. A small ivory fish (Fig. 454)
(eyalujang), tied by two or three holes in the back to a plaited string
of deer sinews, is used asa bait. Frequently bear’s teeth are used
for bait. They are attached to a separate line which the hunter
continually moves up and down to attract the attention of the fish.
When the salmon comes near the bait it is speared with the kakivang.
In the left hand the fisherman holds an instrument for stringing the
fish (quqartaun), some illustrations of which are given in Fig. 455.

as bs C3
Fic. 455. Quqartaun for stringing fish. ¢ (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin. IV A 6831.)
It is made of ivory. A thong fastened to the hole of the instrument

has a thick knot at the opposite end. As soonas a salmon is caught
it is taken out of the nippers (kakivang) and the point of the

BOAS.] SALMON FISHING. 515

quqartaun is pushed into the gills and brought out again at the
mouth; thus the fish remains sticking until it is dead. Sometimes
it is killed by pushing the ivory point of the instrument into its
neck. When dead it is pushed on the thong.

At some places wears are built, above which the fish are caught.
These consist of dikes or stones about one and a half or two feet high,
which are piled across a creek some distance below high water mark.
The salmon cross the wall at high water, but are cut off from the
sea at half tide and are speared while there. In other places the
forks of rivers are shut off by dikes, above which the salmon gather.

In autumn salmon are caught when ascending the rivers. Some-
times they linger too long in small ponds and, as the rivers quickly
dry up at this season, are prevented from getting out of the pools.
Here they are caught until late in the season. Some of these ponds
freeze to the bottom in winter, and the natives, when visiting them
in the spring, cut holes in the ice and take out the frozen fish.

Fie. 456. Salmon hook. (National Museum, Fie. 457. Salmon hook. (Museum fiir Volker-
Washington, 10142.) } kunde, Berlin. 6847.) }

In the early part of the spring salmon are caught with hooks
(kakliokia, Iglulik; niksiartaung, Oqo), holes being cut through the
ice of the lake. Formerly the hooks were made of deer antlers.
Another device consists of a nail, crooked and pointed at one end,
the other being let into a piece of ivory or bone (Fig. 456). A third
one is represented in Fig. 457.

The fishing line is made of plaited deer sinews and is either held in
the hand or tied to a short rod. Along with these hooks baits are
used similar to those mentioned in the foregoing description. If the

516 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO,

carving represented in Fig. 458 is used, the hook is tied to it by means
of two holes on the lower side of the fish, while the line passes through
its back. The fish, in coming near the bait, is generally caught by
the hook in the back or side. In this manner salmon, trout, and all
kinds of sea fish are caught.

Fic. 458. Bait used in fishing with hooks. (National Museum, Washington. 34108.) }

I myself have never seen any nets for fishing, but Klutschak
found them in use among the Utkusiksalik tribe, and Petitot (Les
grands Esquimaux, p. 278), among the natives of Anderson River.
The Labrador Eskimo also use nets.

MANUFACTURES.
MAKING LEATHER AND PREPARING SKINS.

Most of the implements of the Eskimo are made of some part of
the animals which they pursue. The skins are used for clothing, for
building purposes, and for covering the frames of boats. Many im-
plements are made of bone, others of walrus tusks or narwhal horn.
As wood is extremely scarce, bone or other parts of animals must
make up the deficiency. JI shall here describe the methods of prepar-
ing these materials.

Fic. 459. Butcher’s knife with bone handle. (National Museum, Washington. 34090.) }

The skin of the seal (Pagomys fetidus) is dressed in different ways,
according to the purpose for which it is intended. In skinning the
animal a longitudinal cut is made across the belly with a common
butcher’s knife (saving). Most natives have procured this useful
instrument and even in olden times a considerable number had
found their way from Hudson Bay territory to their countries. The
large knives of their own manufacture (pilaut) are of similar form, a
metal edge being inserted into an ivory blade. Figure 459 is a more
modern knife, an iron blade being fastened to a bone handle.

ei li telat peat

BOAS. } PREPARATION OF SEALSKINS. 517

The skin, with the blubber, is cut from the flesh with the same
knife, or still more easily with the pana, the old device of which is
represented in Fig. 460 a (Parry II, p. 550). This knife is about one
foot and a half long (Parry II, p. 503). The use of the small prongs
near the blade was not explained by Parry. In Fig. 460 bis presented
a pana from the eastern coast of Hudson Bay, collected by Dr. R.
Bell; the handle is made of bone, the blade of iron. The flippers are

- cut off at the joints, and thus the whole skin is drawn off in a single

piece. In dressing the animal the natives open the belly and first
scoop out the blood, then the entrails are taken out, the ribs are
separated from the breast bone and from the vertebra, the fore
flippers (with the shoulders and the hind flippers) are taken out, the
only part remaining being the head, the spinal column, and the rump
bone. Generally these are not eaten, but are used for dogs’ food.

a b
Fia. 460. Pana or knife for dissecting game. a (From Parry II, p. 548.) 6b (American Museum of
Natural History.)
The knife (ulo) used by the women serves to clean and prepare the
skins. This implement, with which almost all the cutting is done,
is shaped like a crescent, the handle being attached to the center, and

518 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO,

greatly resembles a mincing knife. Fig. 461 represents the form
which is now in use. Fig. 462 is a very old ulo handle from a stone
circle on Qeqertuqdjuaq (Cape Broughton). It is made of bone and
has a slit for the slate blade. It is worth remarking that this blade
had not been riveted to the handle, but fastened with a kind of glue

Fic. 461. Form of ulo now in use. (Museum Fie. 462. Old ulo with top of handle broken off

fiir V6lkerkunde, Berlin. IV A 6733.) 2 from Cape Broughton, Davis Strait. (Museum fiir
Volkerkunde, Berlin.) }

(see p. 526). There area few arrow and harpoon heads the blades
of which are inserted in the same manner; the bone is heated and
the blade is inserted while it is hot. As it is cooling the slit becomes
narrower and the blade is firmly squeezed into the bone handle. Part
of a slate blade, which had been riveted to the handle, is shown
in Fig. 463. Fig. 464 represents a handle from a recent grave.

Fic. 463. Fragment of an ulo blade of slate. (Mu- Fic. 464, Ulo handle from recent grave.
seum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin. IV A 6714.) } (National Museum, Washington. 34127:)

In preparing the skin the women spread it over a piece of whale-
bone (asimautang), a small board, or a flat stone, and sit down before
it, resting on their knees. the feet bent under the thighs. They hold
the skin at the nearest edge and, pushing the ulo forward, remove
the blubber from it and deposit the latter in a small tub which stands
near the board. As they proceed to the opposite end of the skin, the
finished part is rolled up and held in the left hand.

BOAS. | PREPARATION OF SEALSKINS. 519

If the skin is to be used with the hair on it, the tough membrane
(mami) which covers the inner side is removed in the same way
as the blubber and, after it has been carefully patched up and holes
have been cut all around the edge, is stretched over a gravelly
place or on snow by means of long pegs (pauktun), which hold it a
few inches above the ground, thus allowing the air to circulate
underneath it. The skin itself is washed and rubbed with gravel,
snow, or ice and every hole made by the bullet or by the spear or in
preparing it is sewed up. It very seldom happens that the women
in preparing it damage the skin or even the thin mami. It is par-
ticularly difficult to split the skin near a hole. First they finish
the work all around it and then carefully sever the membrane at its
edge. The skin is dried in the same way as the membrane. In the
early part of spring, though it may still be very cold, a few choice
young sealskins are dried on snow walls which face to the south.

Fic. 465. Modern tesirqun or scraper. (Mu- Fig. 466, Old style of tesirqun or scraper.

seum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin. TV A 6734.) (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin.)

In order thoroughly to dry a sealskin one fine warm spring day is
needed. If the Eskimo are greatly in need of skins they dry them in
winter over the lamps. A frame is made of four poles, lashed to-
gether, according to the size of the skin. <A thong passes through
the slits along its edge and around the frame, keeping the skin well
stretched. Thus it is placed over the lamps or near the roof of the
hut. However, it is disagreeable work to dry the skins inside the
huts, and, as they are much inferior to those which are dried on
the ground, the Eskimo avoid it if they can. When so prepared the
sealskins are only fit for covering tents, making bags, &c.; they are
far too hard to be used for clothing, for which purpose the skin of
yearlings is almost exclusively used. The young seals, having shed

520 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

for the first time, have a very handsome coat, the hair being of a fine
texture and much longer than in older animals. From the middle
of May until late in summer their skins are most suitable for the
manufacture of summer clothing, but it is necessary to protect the
carcasses of the killed animals from the burning rays of the sun as
soon as possible or the skin would be quickly spoiled.

After being dried they are cleaned with the sharp scraper (tesir-
qun), the modern device of which is represented in Fig. 465. It con-
sists of a handle having a round back and a flat front, with two
grooves for the knuckles of the first and second fingers, while the
thumb and the other fingers clasp the handle. The scraper itself
consists of a rounded piece of tin riveted to the handle. The old
scraper (Fig. 466) was made of a deer’s shoulder or of some other
bone. I have never seen any that were made of a thigh bone, simi-
lar to those found by Lucien M. Turner in Ungava Bay. {

After being scraped the skin is soaked in salt water and washed
again. As soon as it is dry it is softened with the straight scraper
(seligoung) (Fig. 467).

Fig. 467. Seligoung or scraper used for softening skins. (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin. TV A 6697.)

Fig. 468 shows some very old stone scrapers found in graves. As
the stones are sharpened it is probable that they were used for clean-
ing the skins. The hole in the right side of the handle is used for
the second finger, the grooves on the back for the third and fourth.
The bone is fastened to the handle by whalebone straps or thongs.

Skins of Phoca annellata, Phoca cristata,and Phoca grenlandica
are prepared in the same way.

Those which are intended for kayak covers, boots, mittens, quivers,
&c. are prepared in a different way. They are either put into hot
water or laid in a brook for a few days until the hair begins to
loosen. Then both sides are worked with the ulo, in order to clean
and shave them. When the hair is removed they are dried and made
pliable in the same way as has been described. If it is intended to
make the skin as soft as possible itis allowed to become putrid be-
fore it is cleansed. Then the hair and the blubber are removed, and
afterwards it is left to hang in the sun for a few days until it acquires
a light color.

The large ground seal (Phoca barbata) is skinned in a different
manner. Its skin is very thick, thicker even than sole leather, and
therefore extremely durable and suitable for all sorts of lines, par-
ticularly traces, lashings, and harpoon lines, and for solés, drinking

BOAS.] PREPARATION OF SEALSKINS. 521

cups, and boat covers. Thisseal is very large, sometimes attaining a
length of ten feet. The skin of the back and of the breast dries un-
equally, and therefore a piece covering the throat and breast is taken

Fig. 468. Old stone scrapers found in graves. (National Museum, Washington. a, b, 34083: ¢,
34084 ; d, 34085.) 4
out before the rest is skinned, and the parts are dried separately. If
it is to be used for lines it is cut by making girdles about six inches in
width around the body. The hair and the blubber are removed from

522 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

these cylindrical rings, from which lines are made by cutting spi-
rally, a strip seventy or eighty feet long being thus obtained. This
line is stretched as taut as possible between two rocks, and while
drying it undergoes an enormous tension. Before being taken from
the rocks the edges are rounded and cleaned with a knife.

Walrus hide is always cut up before being prepared. As soon as
the walrus is killed it is cut into as many parts as there are partners
in the hunt, every part being rolled up in a piece of skin and carried
home in it. Sometimes the skin is used for making boats, but gen-
erally it is cut into lines. . Both kinds of hide, that of the walrus and
that of the ground seal, are as stiff asa board when dried and require
much work before being fit for use. They are chewed by the natives
until they become thin and pliable. The whole skin must be chewed
in this way before it can be used for soles and boat covers. After-
wards it is scraped with the tesirqun and softened with the straight
scraper. The new thongs, after being dried between the rocks, must
also be chewed until they become sufliciently pliable, after which
they are straightened by a stretcher that is held with the feet (Fig.
469). Frequently they are only pulled over the sole of the boot for
this purpose, the man taking hold of the line at two points and pull-
ing the intermediate part by turns to the right and to the left over
the sole of the foot.

Fic. 469. Stretcher for lines. (National Museum, Washington. 9836.) }

Another kind of line is cut from the hide of the white whale, which
is Skinned in the same way as the ground seal, but, as it must be
slit on the spinal column, the single pieces of line are much shorter,
and they cannot be used to the same extent as seal lines. Some lines
are cut from the skins of Pagomys fatidus, but these are weak and
greatly inferior to lines of ground seal hide.

Deerskins are dried in summer and dressed after the ice has formed.
Like all other kinds of skins they are not tanned, but curried. They
are hung up among the rafters of the hut, and the workers— in Oqo
and Akudnirn the women, in Hudson Bay the men—take off their
jackets and begin preparing them with the sharp scraper. After
being cleaned in this way they are thoroughly dried, either by hang-
ing them near the roof of the hut or, according to Gilder, by wrap-
ping them around the upper part of the body next to the skin, after

BOAS. | ESKIMO SEWING IMPLEMENTS. 523

which they are again scraped with the tesirqun. This done, the flesh
side is wetted, the skin is wrapped up for half a day or a day, and
afterwards undergoes anew scraping. Then it is chewed, rubbed, and
scraped all over, thus acquiring its pliability, softness, and light color.

In the spring the skins of bears and of seals are sometimes dried
on large frames which are exposed to the sun, the skins being tied to
the frames with thongs. Smaller quadrupeds, as foxes and ermines,
are skinned by stripping the entire animal through its mouth with-
out making a single cut in the skin. Birds are opened at the breast
and the body is taken out through this small hole, the head, wings,
and legs being cut off at the neck and the other joints. Ducks are
frequently skinned by cutting the skin around the head and the
outer joints of the wings and legs and stripping it off. The skins
are cleaned by sucking out the fat and chewing them.

Skins of salmon are used for water proof bags; intestines of seals,
particularly those of ground seals, are carefully dried and after being
sewed together are used for sails, windows, and kayak jackets.

Fie. 471. Ivory nee-

Fic. 470. Ivory nee- dle case from Cumber-
dle, (National Mu- land Sound. (Museum
seum, Washington. fiir Vélkerkunde,Ber- Fic. 472. Common pattern of needle case Iglulik.
34135.) } lin. 6832.) 4 (From Parry I, p. 548.)

SUNDRY IMPLEMENTS.

The sewing is done with thread made of deer or white whale
sinews. Particularly are those sinews at the back dried and when
intended for use they can easily be split as thin as required. At present
steel needles are in general use. Wherever they are wanting ivory
ones of the same pattern are used (Fig. 470). The thread is fastened

524A. THE CENTRAL ESKIMO. *

to the eyehole by a kind of loop, the short end being twisted around
the longer one. Kumlien described a needle of a very different
device (p. 25):

This tool was almost exactly like an awl in shape, but had an eye near the point.
They must have had to thread this instrument for each stitch. The needle part was
apparently of deer horn and the handle of walrus ivory.

Probably it was used like a packing needle for sewing tent covers,
&c. The needles (mirqun) are kept in ivory needle cases (umi’/u-
jang). The case represented in Fig. 471 is from a grave in Cumber-
land Sound. The grooves on both sides are evidently intended for
a leather strap whichis to be tied around it. This specimen is closed
at the bottom and had a stopper for closing the mouth. Fig. 472 is
a more common pattern. The ivory piece forms a tube through
which a leather strap passes. The needles are stuck into the leather
and drawn into the tube. Small ivory implements and ornaments
are attached to both ends of the strap.

Fie. 473. Tikiq or thimble. (National Museum, Washington. 10181.) }

Thimbles (tikiq) (Fig. 473) are made of an oblong piece of ground
sealskin, fitting to the point of the first finger. A rim is cut around
half of its cireumference and thus it can be drawn over the finger.
The women sew by pulling the thread toward them and making an
overcast seam.

Whalebone is used for making elastic thongs and in the place of
wood; for example, for kayak ribs, for the rim of the kayak hole,
boxes, &c. It requires no particular preparation, being easily split
and shaped so as to fit any purpose. If wood is to be bent into hoops
or deer horn is to be straightened, it is made pliable by being put
into boiling water for some time. Bones of whales and other large
animals and the penis bone of the walrus are used instead of poles.
In olden times, when iron was extremely rare and an effective saw
could not be procured, they split the bone by drilling many holes,
one close to the other, afterwards breaking the pieces asunder.

Small pieces of bone, used for arrows &c., were straightened, after
being steamed, with the implement represented in Fig. 474.

The drill (Fig. 475) is the most important implement for working
in ivory and bone. It consists of three parts : the bow with its string

BOAS.] ESKIMO DRILLS. 525

(niuqtung), the drill (qaivun), and the mouthpiece (qingmiaq). The
string of the bow is twisted around the shaft of the drill, the mouth-

Fic. 474. Instrument for straightening bones.

piece (which is made of wood or of bone) is taken into the mouth,
and the rounded end of the drill is placed in its hole. Then the
whole implement is put firmly against the place to be perforated
and is set in motion by moving the bow. Instead of the latter, a
string is sometimes used with a handle at each end. For one man,
however, the first device is handier. The string of the second form
is usually pulled by one man while the other holds the mouthpiece.

Fie, 475. Drill for working in ivory and bone. (National Museum, Washington. 34114.) 2

The same instrument is sometimes used for making fire. Instead
of the iron,a piece of hard wood (ground willow) is put into the

526 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO,

mouthpiece and placed upon a piece of driftwood cut to the shape
represented in Fig. 476. The wooden drill turns rapidly in a hole of
the driftwood until it begins to glow. » A little moss is applied to the
glowing wood and gently blown until it begins to burn. Wherever
flint and pyrite are to be had these are used for striking fire. Moss
or the wool-like hair of Hryophorwn serves for tinder.

Fig. 476. Driftwood used in kindling fire from Nugumiut. (National Museum, Washington. 10258.) +

Ivory implements are cut out of the tusks with strong knives and
are shaped by chipping pieces from the blocks until they acquire the
desired forms. In olden times it must have been an extremely
troublesome work to cut them out, the old knives being very poor
and ineffective. They are finished with the file, which on this ac-
count is an important tool for the natives ; it is also used for sharp-
ening knives and harpoons. The women’s knives are cut, by means
of files, from old saw blades; the seal harpoons, from Scotch whale
harpoons. If files are not obtainable, whetstones are used for sharp-
ening the iron and stone implements.

Fic. 477. Eskimo graver’s tool. (National Museum, Washington. 34105.) +

Engravings in bone and ivory are made with the implement rep-
resented in Fig. 477. An iron point is inserted in a wooden handle:
formerly a quartz point was used. The notch which separates the
head from the handle serves as a hold for the points of the fingers.
The designs are scratched into the ivory with the iron pin.

Stone implements were made of flint, slate, or soapstone. Flint
was worked with a squeezing tool, generally made of bone. Small
pieces were thus split off until the stone acquired the desired form.
Slate was first roughly formed and then finished with the drill and
the whetstone. The soft soapstone is now chiseled out with iron
tools. If large blocks of soapstone cannot be obtained, fragments are
cemented together by means of a mixture of seal’s blood, a kind of
clay, and dog’s hair. This is applied to the joint, the vessel being
heated over a lamp until the cement is dry. According to Lyon
(p. 320) it is fancied that the hair of a bitch would spoil the com-
position and prevent it from sticking.

LoAs.] CONSTRUCTION OF SKIN BOATS. 527

TRANSPORTATION BY BOATS AND SLEDGES.
THE BOAT (UMIAQ).

The main part of the frame of a boat is a timber which runs from
stem to stern (Fig. 478). It is the most solid part and is made of
driftwood, which is procured in Hudson Strait, Hudson Bay, and on

|
if

Mi
|

———

Fig. 478. Framework of Eskimo boat

the northern shore of King William Land. In Iglulik, and probably
in Pond Bay, boats are rarely used and never made, as wood is
wanting. The central part of this timber is made a little narrower
than the ends, which form stout heads. A mortise is cut into each
of the latter, into which posts (kiglo) are tenoned for the bow and for
the stern. The shape of this part will best be seen from the engray-
ing (Fig. 479). A strong piece of wood is fitted to the top of these
uprights and the gunwales are fastened to them with heavy thongs.

Fic. 479. Kiglo or post.

The gunwales and two curved strips of wood (akuk), which run
along each side of the bottom of the boat from stem to stern, deter-
mine its form. These strips are steadied by from seven to ten cross
pieces, which are firmly tied to them and to the central piece. From
this pair of strips to the gunwales run a number of ribs, which stand
somewhat close together at the bow and the stern, but are separated
by intervals of greater distance in the center of the boat. The cross
pieces along the bottom are arranged similarly to the ribs. Be-
tween the gunwale and the bottom two or three pairs of strips also
run along the sides of the boat and steady its whole frame. The up-
permost pair (which is called tuving) lies near the gunwale and
serves as a fastening for the cover of the boat. The thwarts, three

HIS THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

or four in number, are fastened between the gunwale and these lateral
strips. All these pieces are tied together with thongs, rivets not
being used at all.

Fie. 480. Umiaq or skin boat.

b
Fic. 481. Umiaq or skin boat.

The frame is covered with skins of ground seals (Figs. 480, 481).
It requires three of these skins to cover a medium sized boat ; five to
cover a large one. If ground seals cannot be procured, skins of harp
or small seals are used, as many as twelve of the latter being required.
The cover is drawn tightly over the gunwale and, after being wetted,
is secured by thongs to the lateral strip which is close to the gun-
wale. The wooden pieces at both ends are perforated and the thongs
for fastening the cover are pulled through these holes.

The boat is propelled by two large oars. The rowlocks are a
very ingenious device. A piece of bone is tied upon the skin in order

BOAS.] CONSTRUCTION OF THE SLEDGE. 529

to protect it from the friction of the oar, which would quickly wear
it through (Fig. 481 a). On each side of the bone a thong is fast-
ened to the tuving, forming a loop. Both loops cross each other like
two rings of achain. The oar is drawn through both loops, which
are twisted by toggles until they become tight. Then the toggles are
secured between the gunwale and the tuving.

The oar (ipun) consists of a long shaft and an oval or round blade
fastened to the shaft by thongs. Two grooves and the tapering end
serve for handles in pulling. Generally three or four women work
at each oar.

For steering, a paddle is used of the same kind asthat used in whal-
ing (see p. 499). A rudder is rarely found (Fig. 480), and when used
most probably is made in imitation of European devices.

If the wind permits, a sail is set; but the bulky vessel can only run
with the wind. The mast is set in the stem, a mortise being cut in
the forehead of the main timber, with a notch in the wooden piece
above it tosteady it. A stout thong, which passes through two holes
on each side of the notch, secures the mast to the wooden head piece.
The sail, which is made of seal intestines carefully sewed together, is
squared and fastened by loops to a yard (sadniriaq) which is trimmed
with straps of deerskin. It is hoisted by arope made of sealskin and
passing over a sheave in the top of the mast. This rope is tied to the
thwart farthest abaft, while the sheets are fastened to the foremost
one.

THE SLEDGE AND DOGS.

During the greater part of the year the only passable road is that
afforded by the ice and snow; therefore sledges (qamuting) of dif-
ferent constructions are used in traveling.

The best model is made by the tribes of Hudson Strait and Davis
Strait, for the driftwood which they can obtain in abundance admits
the use of long wooden runners. Their sledges (Fig. 482) have two
runners, from five to fifteen feet long and from twenty inches to two

6 ETH——34

530 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO,

and a half feet apart. They are connected by cross bars of wood or
bone and the back is formed by deer’s antlers with the skull attached.
The bottom of the runners (qamun) is curved at the head (uinirn) and
cut off at right angles behind, It is shod with whalebone, ivory, or
the jawbones of a whale. In long sledges the shoeing (pirqang) is
broadest near the head and narrowest behind. This device is very
well adapted for sledging in soft snow; for, while the weight of the
load is distributed over the entire length of the sledge, the fore part,
which is most apt to break through, has a broad face, which presses
down the snow and enables the hind part to glide over it without
sinking in too deeply.

Fia. 488. Sledge shoe. (National Museum, Washington. 34096.) 4

The shoe (Fig. 483) is either tied or riveted tothe runner. If tied,
the lashing passes through sunken drill holes to avoid any friction
in moving over the snow. The right and left sides of a whale’s jaw
are frequently used for shoes, as they are of the proper size and per-
mit the shoe to be of a single piece. Ivory is cut into flat pieces and
riveted to the runner with long treenails. The points are frequently
covered with bone on both the lower and upper sides, as they are
easily injured by striking hard against hummocks or snowdrifts.
Sometimes whalebone is used for the shoes.

The cross bars (napun) project over the runners on each side and
have notches which form a kind of neck. These necks serve to fasten
the thongs when a load is lashed on the sledge. The bars are fastened
to the runners by thongs which pass through two pairs of holes in
the bars and through corresponding ones in the runners. If these
fastenings should become loose, they are tightened by winding a
small thong round them and thus drawing the opposite parts of the
thong tightly together. If this proves insufficient, a small wedge is
driven between the thong and the runner.

The antlers attached to the back of the sledge have the branches
removed and the points slanted so as to fit to the runners. Only the
brow antlers are left, the right one being cut down to about three
inches in length, the left one to one anda half inches. This back
forms a very convenient handle for steering the sledge past hum-
mocks or rocks, for drawing it back when the points have struck a
snowdrift, &c. Besides, the lashing for holding the load is tied to
the right brow antler and the snow knife and the harpoon line are
hung upon it.

Under the foremost cross bar a hole is drilled through each runner.
A very stout thong (pitu) consisting of two separate parts passes
through the holes and serves to fasten the dogs’ traces to the sledge.

—*

poas.] THE DOG HARNESS. 531

A button at each end of this thong prevents it from slipping through
the hole of the runner. The thong consists of two parts, the one
ending in a loop, the other in a peculiar kind of clasp (partirang).

Fic. 484. Clasp for fastening traces to sledge. (National Museum, Washington. 34110.) 4

Fig 484 represents the form commonly used. The end of one part
of the thong is fastened to the hole of the clasp, which, when closed,
is stuck through the loop of the opposite end (see Fig. 482). A more
artistic design is shown in Fig. 485. One end of the line is tied to
the hole in the under side of this implement. When it is in use the
loop of the other end is stuck through another hole in the center and
hung over the nozzle. The whole represents the head of an animal
with a gaping mouth. The dogs’ traces are strung upon this line by
means of the uqsirn, an ivory implement with a large and a small
eyelet (Fig. 486). The trace is tied to the former, while the latter is
strung upon the pitu.

Fig. 485. Artistic form of clasp for fastening traces to sledge. (Museum fiir VOlkerkunde, Berlin.) }

The dogs have harnesses (ano) made of sealskin (Fig. 487) or some-
times of deerskin, consisting of two bights passing under the fore
legs. They are joined by two straps, one passing over the breast,
the other over the neck. The ends are tied together on the back,
whence the trace runs tothesledge. According to Parry (II, p. 517),

532 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

the Iglulik harnesses consisted of three bights, one passing over the
breast and shoulder and two under the fore legs.

Fic. 486. Ugqsirn, for fastening traces to pitu. a (National Museum, Washington, 34122.) } 6 (Mu-
seum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin.) }

It was mentioned at another place (p. 475) that in sealing a dog
is taken out of the sledge to lead the hunter to the breathing hole.

Fic. 487. Ano or dog harness. (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin, IV A 6730.)

For this purpose the traces of some harnesses are made of two pieces,
which are united by the sadniriaq, a clasp similar to that of the
pitu (Figs. 487, 488). If the dog is to be taken from the sledge the
fore part of the trace is unbuttoned.

Fic, 488. Sadniriaq or clasp. (National Museum, Washington.) }

BOAS. | THE DOG TEAM. 533

Besides this form of sledge a great number of others are in use.
Whenever whales are caught their bone is sawed or cut into large
pieces, which are shod with the same material. If large bones are
not to be had, a substitute is found in walrus skins or rolls of seal-
skins, which are wetted and sewed up in a bag. This bag is given
the desired form and after being frozen to a solid mass is as service-
able as the best plank. In Boothia frozen salmonare used in the same
way and after having served this purpose in winter are eaten in the
spring. Other sledges are made of slabs of fresh water ice, which are
cut and allowed to freeze together, or of a large ice block hollowed
out in the center. AI] these are clumsy and heavy and much inferior
to the large sledge just described.

Parry (II, p. 515) states that at Iglulik the antlers are detached from
the sledge in winter when the natives gosealing. The tribes of Davis
Strait do not practice this custom, but use scarcely any pledee without
a pair of antlers

As to the See eance of the dogs I would refer to Parry (II, p. 515)
and other writers and confine my remarks to a description of their
use by the Eskimo.

As the traces are strung upon a thong, as just described, the dogs
all pull at one point ; for that reason they may seem, at first sight,
to be harnessed together without order or regularity ; but they are
arranged with great care. The strongest and most spirited dog has
the longest trace and is allowed to run a few feet in advance of the
rest as a leader; its sex is indifferent, the choice being made chiefly
with regard to strength. Next to the leader follow two or three
strong dogs with traces of equal length, and the weaker and less
manageable the dogs the nearer they run to the sledge. A team is
almost unmanageable ‘if the dogs are not accustomed to one another.
They must know their leader, who brings them to terms whenever
there is a quarrel. In a good team the leader must be the acknowl-
edged chief, else the rest will fall into disorder and refuse to follow
him. His authority is almost unlimited. When the dogs are fed,
he takes the choice morsels; when two of them quarrel, he bites both
and thus brings them to terms.

Generally there is a second dog which is inferior only to the leader,
but is feared by all the others. Though the authority of the leader
is not disputed by his own team, dogs of another team will not sub-
mit to him. But when two teams are accustomed to travel in com-
pany the dogs in each will have some regard for the leader of the
other, though continuous rivalry and quarrels go on between the two
leaders. Almost any dog which is harnessed into a strange team will
at first be unwilling to draw, and it is only when he is thoroughly
accustomed to all his neighbors and has found out his friends and his
enemies that he will do his work satisfactorily. Some dogs when put
into a strange team will throw themselves down and struggle and

53 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

howl. They will endure the severest lashing and allow themselves
to be dragged along over rough ice without being induced to rise and
run along with the others. Particularly if their own team is in sight
will they turn back and try to get toit. Others, again, are quite will-
ing to work with strange dogs.

Partly on this account and partly from attachment to their masters,
dogs sold out of one team frequently return to their old homes, and
I know of instances in which they even ran from thirty to sixty miles
to reach it. Sometimes they do so when a sledge is traveling for a
few days from one settlement to another, the dogs not having left
home for a long time before. In such cases when the Eskimo go to
harness their team in the morning they find that some of them have
run away, particularly those which were lent from another team for
the journey. In order to prevent this the left fore leg is sometimes
tied up by a loop which passes over the neck. When one is ona
journey it is well to do so every night, as some of the dogs are rather
unwilling to be harnessed in the morning, thus causing a great loss
of time before they are caught. In fact such animals are custom-
arily tied up at night, while the others are allowed to run loose.

Sometimes the harnesses are not taken off at night. As some dogs
are in the habit of stripping off their harness, it is fastened by tying
the trace around the body. Though all these peculiarities of the dogs
give a great deal of trouble to the driver, he must take care not to
punish them too severely, as bate will then become frightened and
for fear of the whip will not work at all.

Before putting the dogs to the sledge it must be prepared and
loaded. In winter the shoes of the runners are covered with a thick
coat of ice, which diminishes the friction on the snow. If the shoes
are of good bone, ivory, or whalebone, the icing is done with water
only, the driver taking a mouthful and carefully letting it run over
the shoe until a smooth cover of about one third of an inch in thick-
ness is produced. The icicles made by the water which runs down
the side of the runner are carefully removed with the snow knife,
and the bottom is smoothed with the same implement and afterward
somewhat polished with the mitten. Skin runners and others which
have poor shoes are first covered with a mixture of moss and water
or clay and water. This being frozen, the whole is iced, as has been
described. Instead of pure water, a mixture of blood and water or
of urine and water is frequently used, as this sticks better to the bone
shoe than the former.

This done, the sledge is turned right side up and loaded. In winter,
when the snow is hard, small sledges with narrow shoes are the best.
In loading, the bulk of the weight is placed behind. When the snow
is soft or there are wide cracks in the floe, long sledges with broad
shoes are by far the best. In such cases the heaviest part of the
load is placed on the middle of the sledge or even nearer the head.

BOAS.] TRAVELING BY SLEDGE. 535

Particularly in crossing cracks the weight must be as near the head
as possible, for if the jamp should be unsuccessful a heavy weight
at the hind part would draw the sledge and the dogs into the water.
The load is fastened to the sledge by a long lashing (naqetarun).
This is tied to the first cross bar and after passing over the load is
drawn over the notch of the next bar, and so on from one notch, over
the load, to a notch on the opposite side. After having been fastened
in this way it is tightened. Two men are required for the work, one
pulling the lashing over the notch, the other pressing down the load
and lifting and lowering the thong in order to diminish the friction,
thus making the pulling of the other man more effective. The end
is fastened to the brow antler. Implements which are used in tray-
eling are hung upon the antlers at the back of the sledge. In spring,
when the snow is melting and water is found under it, the travelers
frequently carry in their pouch a tube for drinking (Fig. 489).

Fig. 489. Tube for drinking. (National Museum, Washington. 10383.) +

When the sledge has been loaded the dogs are hitched to it and
the driver takes up the whip and is ready for starting. The handle
of the whip is about a foot or afoot and a half in length. It is
made of wood, bone, or whalebone and has a lash of from twenty
to twenty-five feet in length. The lash is made of walrus or ground
seal hide, the lower end being broad and stiff, thus giving it greater
weight and a slight springiness near the handle, which facilitates
its use. A broad piece of skin clasps the handle, to which it is tied
with seal thongs. Another way of making the lower part heavy is
by plaiting ground seal lines for a length of a foot or a foot and a half.

When starting the driver utters a whistling guttural sound which
sounds like h! h!, but cannot exactly be expressed by letters, as there
is no vowel in it, and yet on account of the whistling noise in the
throat it is audible at a considerable distance. The dogs, if well
rested and strong, Jump to their feet and start at once. If they are
lazy it requires a great deal of stimulating and lashing before they
make a start. If the load is heavy it is difficult to start it and the
Eskimo must use some strategy to get them allto pull at once. The
sledge is moved backward and forward for about a foot, so as to
make a short track in which it moves easily. Then the driver
sings out to the dogs, at the same time drawing the traces tight
with his hands and pulling at the sledge. The dogs, feeling a
weight at the traces, begin to draw, and when the driver suddenly
lets go the traces the sledge receives a sudden pull and begins to
move. If assistance is at hand the sledge may be pushed forward
until it gets under way.

536 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO,

It is extremely hard work to travel with a heavy load, particularly
in rough ice or on soft snow. The dogs require constant stimulating;
for this purpose a great number of exclamations are in use and almost
every Eskimo has his own favorite words for driving. The general
exclamation used for stimulating is the above mentioned h! h! or
aq! aq! which is pressed out from the depths of the breast and the
palate, the vowel being very indistinct. Others are: djua! the a
being drawn very long and almost sung in a high key, or ah! pro-
nounced in the same way; 1atit! or jauksa koksa! and smacking with
the tongue. If a seal is seen basking on the ice or if the sledge
happens to pass a deserted snow hut, the driver says, Ha! Do you see
the seal? Ai! A seal! a seal! (Ha! Takuviuk? Ai! Uto! uto!) and
Ai! There is a house; a small house! (Ai! Iglu; igluaqdjung!) or,
Now we go home! (Sarpoq! Sarpoq!) The latter, however, are only
used when the dogs are going at a good rate.

For directing the sledge the following words are used: Aua, aua!
Aua! ja aua! for turning to the right; yoiayoi! ja yoia! for turning
to the left. In addition the whip lash is thrown to the opposite
side of the dogs. The leader is the first to obey the order, but a
turn ismade very slowly and by a long curve. If the driver wants
to make a sharper turn he must jump up and run to the opposite
side of the sledge, throwing the whip lash at the same time toward
the team. For stopping the dogs the word Ohoha! pronounced in
a deep key, is used.

If the traveling is difficult the driver must walk along at the right
side of the sledge and wherever hummocks obstruct the passage he
must direct it around them either by pushing its head aside or by
pulling at the deer’s skull at the back. But notwithstanding all this
stimulating and all the pulling the sledge is frequently stopped by
striking a piece of ice or by sinking into soft snow. As soon as it
sinks down to the cross bars it must be lifted out, and when the load
is heavy the only means of getting on is by unloading and afterwards
reloading. In the same way it must be lifted across hummocks
through which aroad is cut with the end of the spear, which, for this
purpose, is always lashed in a place where it is handy for use, gener-
ally on the right side of the bottom of the sledge. The difficulties of
traveling across heavy ice which has been subjected to heavy press-
ures have frequently been described. When the sledge stops the
dogs immediately lie down, and if they cannot start again, though
pulling with all their strength, the leader frequently looks around
pitifully, as if to say, We cannot do more!

Traveling with alight sledge and strong dogs is quite different.
Then the team is almost unmanageable and as soon as it is hitched
up it is off at full speed. The driver sits down on the fore part and
lets the whip trail along, always ready for use. Now the dogs have
time enough for playing and quarreling with one another. Though

:
-

Boas.] TRAVELING BY SLEDGE. 537

they generally keep their proper place in the team, some will occa-
sionally jump over the traces of their neighbors or crawl underneath
them; thus the lines become quickly entangled, and it is necessary to
clear them almost every hour.

If any dog of the team is lazy the driver calls out his name and he
is lashed; but it is necessary to hit the dog called, forif another is
struck he feels wronged and will turn upon the dog whose name has
been called; the leader enters into the quarrel, and soon the whole
pack is huddled up in one howling and biting mass, and no amount of
lashing and beating will separate the fighting team. The only thing
one can do is to wait until their wrath has abated and to clear the
traces. It is necessary, however, to lay the mittens and the whip
carefully upon the sledge, for the leader, being on the lookout for
the traces to be strung, may give a start when the driver is scarcely
ready, and off the team will go again before the driver can fairly get
hold of the sledge. If anything has dropped from it he must drive
in a wide circle to the same place before he can stop the team and
pick it up. On an old track it is very difficult to stop them at all.
When attempting to do so the driver digs his heels into the snow to
obstruct their progress and eventually comes to a stop. Then he
stands in front of the sled and makes the dogs lie down by lashing
their heads gently. Should the dogs start off he would be thrown
upon the sledge instead of being left behind, which might easily
happen should he stand alongside.

The sledge is steered with the legs, usually with the right foot of
the driver, or, if it must be pulled aside from a large hummock, by
pulling the head aside or by means of the deer’s antlers. If two
persons are on the sledge—and usually two join for a long drive —
they must not speak to each other, for as soon as the dogs hear them
they will stop, turn around, sit down, and listen to the conversation.
It has frequently been said that the method of harnessing is incon-
venient, as the dogs cannot use their strength to the best advantage;
but whoever has driven a sledge himself will understand that any
other method would be even more troublesome and less effective.
On smooth ice and hard snow any method of harnessing could be
used; but, on rough ice, by any other method every cross piece would
quickly break on attempting to cross the hummocks. Frequently
the traces catch a projecting point and the dogs are then pulled back
and thrown against the ice or under the sledge if the trace does not
break. If for any reason a dog should hang back and the trace should
trail over the snow the driver must lift it up to prevent it from
being caught by the sledge runner, else the dog will be dragged in
the same way as if the trace were caught by ahummock. Many dogs
are able in such cases to strip off their harnesses and thus escape
being dragged along, as the team cannot be stopped quickly enough
to prevent this. Besides the driver must see to it that the dogs do

538 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

not step across their traces, which in such cases would run between
their hind legs, for should this happen the skin might be severely
chafed. If the driver sees a trace in this position he runs forward
and puts it back without stopping the team. Particular attention
must be paid to this matter when the dogs rise just before starting.

The sledges are not used until the ice is well covered with snow, as
the salt crystals formed on the top of the ice in the autumn hurt the
dogs’ feet and cause sores that heal slowly. Late in the spring, when
the snow has melted and sharp ice needles project everywhere, the
feet of the dogs are covered with small pieces of leather, with holes
for the nails, which are tied to the leg. As they are frequently lost
and the putting on of these shoes takes a long time, their use is very
inconvenient.

At this season numerous cracks run through the floe. They are
either crossed on narrow snow bridges which join the edges at con-
venient places or on a drifting piece of ice by floating across.

A few more words in conclusion concerning the training of the
dogs. The Eskimo rarely brings up more than three or four dogs at
the same time. If the litter is larger than this number the rest are
sold or given away. The young dogs are carefully nursed and in
winter they are even allowed to lie on the couch or are hung up over
the lamp in a piece of skin. When about four months old they are
first put to the sledge and gradually become accustomed to pull along
with the others. They undergo a good deal of lashing and whipping
before they are as useful as the old ones.

If food is plentiful the dogs are fed every other day, and then their
share is by no means a large one. In winter they are fed with the
heads, entrails, bones, and skins of seals, and they are so vora-
cious at this time of the year that nothing is secure from their
appetite. Any kind of leather, particularly boots, harnesses, and
thongs, is eaten whenever they can get at it. In the spring they are
better fed and in the early part of summer they grow quite fat. In
traveling, however, it sometimes happens at this time of the year,
as well as in winter, that they have no food for five or six days. In
Cumberland Sound, Hudson Strait, and Hudson Bay, where the rise
and fall of the tide are considerable, they are carried in summer to
small islands where they live upon what they can find upon the
beach, clams, codfish, &c. If at liberty they are entirely able to
provide for themselves. I remember two runaway dogs which had
lived on their own account from April until August and then re-
turned quite fat.

The Eskimo of all these regions are very much troubled with the
well known dog’s disease of the Arctic regions. The only places
where it seems to be unknown are Davis Strait and Aggo. Here
every man has a team of from six to twelve dogs, while in Cumber-
land Sound, in some winters, scarcely any have been left. (See
Appendix, Note 2.)

€6%e

Boas. | CONSTRUCTION OF THE SNOW HOUSE. 539

HABITATIONS AND DRESS.
THE HOUSE.

The houses of the Eskimo differ according to the season. All the
tribes from Smith Sound to Labrador and from Davis Strait to
Victoria Land are in the habit of building snow houses in winter.
Though they erect another more durable kind of winter house, these
aremore frequently inuse. The principles of construction are the same
everywhere. <A level place is selected for erecting the snow house.

a c

Fic. 490. Various styles of snow knife. (National Museum, Washington. a, 10386 ; b, 10385.)

To be suitable for cutting into blocks the snowbank must have been
formed by a single storm, for blocks which are cut from drifts com-
posed of several layers break when cut. It must be very fine grained,
but not so hard that it cannot be readily cut with the saw or the snow
knife. The whole building is constructed of blocks of about three
feet or four feet in length, two feet in height, and from six inches to

eight inches in thickness. They are cut with snow knives or dove-
tail saws, which for this reason are much in demand. The old snow
knife (sulung) was made of ivory and had a slight curve (Fig. 490).

540 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO,

The blocks are cut either vertically or horizontally, the former way
being more convenient if the snowdrift is deep. Two parallel cuts
of the breadth and the depth of the blocks are made through the
drift, and after having removed a small block the Eskimo go on cut-
ting or sawing parallel tothe surface. A cross cut is then made and
the block is loosened with the point of the foot and lifted out of the
bank. Vertical blocks are more easily detached from the snowdrift
than horizontal ones.

Two men unite in building a house, the one cutting the blocks,
the other building. At first arow of blocks is put up in a circle, the
single pieces being slanted so as to fit closely together. Then the
first block is cut down to the ground and the top of the row is slanted
so as to form one thread of a spiral line. The builder places the first
block of the second row with its narrow side upon the first block and
pushes it with his left hand to the right so that it touches the last
block of the first row. Thus the snow block, which is inclined a
little inward, hasa support on twosides. The vertical joint is slanted
with the snow knife and tightly pressed together, the new block rest-
ing on the oblique side of the former. In building on in this way
the blocks receive the shape of almost regular trapezoids. Every
block is inclined a little more inward than the previous one, and as
the angle to the vertical becomes greater the blocks are only kept in
their places by the neighboring ones. In order to give them a good
support the edges are the more slanted as their angle is greater.

This method of building is very ingenious, as it affords the possi-
bility of building a vault without ascaffold. Ifthe blocks were placed
in parallel rows, the first block of a new row would have no support,
while by this method each reclines on the previous one. When the
house has reached a considerable height the man who cuts the blocks
outside must place them upon the last row. The builder supports
them with his head and pushes them to their proper places. The
key block and those which are next to it are either cut inside or
pushed into the house through a small door cut for the purpose. The
key block is generally shaped irregularly, as it is fitted into the hole
which remains; usually the last two blocks are triangular. When
the vault is finished the joints between the blocks are closed up by
cutting down the edges and pressing the scraps into the joints.
Larger openings are closed with snow blocks and filled up with loose
snow pressed into the fissures. Thus the whole building becomes a
tight vault, without any holes through which the warm air inside
may escape. Such a snow house, about five feet high and seven
feet in diameter, is used as acamp in winter journeys. It takes about
two lours for two skilled men to build and finish it. For winter
quarters the vaults are built from ten to twelve feet high and twelve
to fifteen feet in diameter. In order to reach this height the builder

Boas. ] CONSTRUCTION OF THE SNOW HOUSE. 541

makes a bench on which he steps while finishing the upper part of
the building.

The plan of a snow house of the Davis Strait tribes is a little dif-
ferent from that of the Hudson Bay and the Iglulik tribes.

IT shall first describe the former according to my own observations
(Figs. 491 »nd 492).

The entrance to the main building
is formed by two, or less frequently
by three, small vaults. The first one
(uadling) is a small dome about six
feet in height, with a door two anda
half feet in height; the second one
is a long passage of equal height
formed by an elliptical vault (igdlu-
ling). Its roof is generally arched,
but sometimes the top is cut off
evenly and covered with slabs of
snow. Both vaults together form
the entrance and are called toqsung.
A door about three feet high leads
into the main room, the floor of
which is about nine inches above
that of the former. Two very small
vaults are always attached to the
whole building (Fig. 491). One is
situated alongside of the uadling and
the igdluling, and serves as a store-
room for clothing and harness (sir-
dloang). It is not connected with the
interior of the hut, but one of the
blocks of the vault can be taken out
and is made to serve asa lid. On
the left side of the entrance of the Heb Sa
main building is another small vault, 4%. Ground plan of snow house of

5 5 = 5 Davis Strait tribes.

(igdluarn), which is accessible from

the main building. It serves for keeping spare meat and blubber.
Frequently there is a second igdluarn on the opposite side, and some-
times even a third one in the igdluling. Another appendix of the
main building is frequently used, the audlitiving (Fig. 491 and
Fig. 492.¢). It is a vault similar to the sirdloang and is attached to
the back of the main room. It serves for storing up meat for future
use.

Directly over the entrance a window is cut through the wall, either
square or more frequently forming an arch, which is generally cov-
ered with the intestines of ground seals, neatly sewed together, the

542 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

seams standing vertically (Fig. 493). In the center there is a hole
(qingang) through which one can look out. In some instances a piece
of fresh water ice is inserted in the hole. According to Ross it is
always used by the Netchillirmiut (II, p. 250), who make the slab by
letting water freeze in a sealskin.

Fig. 492. Snow house of Davis Strait, sections.

In the rear half and on both sides of the door a bank of snow two
and a half feet high is raised and cut off straight, a passage trench
five feet wide and six feet long remaining. The rear half forms the
bed, the adjoining parts of the side benches are the place for the
lamps, while on both sides of the entrance meat and refuse are heaped
up. Frequently the snowbank on which the hut is built is deep

BOAS.] CONSTRUCTION OF THE SNOW HOUSE. 543

enough so that the bed needs very little raising, and the passage is
cut into the bank. As this is much more convenient in building,
the huts are generally erected on a sloping face, the entrance lying
on the lower part, which faces the beach.

Fig. 493. Section and interior of snow house.

Before the bed is arranged and the hut furnished the vault is lined
with skins, frequently with the cover of the summer hut. The lining
(ilupiqang) is fastened to the roof by small ropes (nirtsun), which
are fastened by a toggle on the outside of the wall (Fig. 493). In
the lower part of the building the lining les close to the wall; in
the upper part it forms a flat roof about two or three feet below the
top of the vault. The effect of this arrangement is to prevent the
warm air inside from melting the snow roof, as above the skins there
is always a layer of colder air. Close to the top of the building a
small hole (qangirn) is cut through the wall for ventilation. The
lamps require a good draught, which is secured by this hole. The
cold air enters through the door, slowly filling the passage, and after
being warmed rises to the lamps and escapes through the skin cover
and the hole. The moisture of the air forms long ice needles on the
inside of the roof. Sometimes they fall down upon the skins, and
must be immediately removed by shaking it until they glide down
at the sides, else they melt and wet the room thoroughly. Frequently
a high ice funnel forms around the hole from the freezing moisture
of the escaping air.

The southern and western tribes rarely line the snow house.
The continuous dropping from the roof, however, causes great incon-
venience, and, besides, the temperature cannot be raised higher than
two or three degrees centigrade above the freezing point, while in
the lined houses it is frequently from ten to twenty degrees centi-

544 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

erade, so that the latter are much more comfortable. To avoid the
dropping the natives apply a cold piece of snow to the roof before the
drop falls down, which at once freezes to it, the roof acquiring by
this repeated process a stalactitic appearance. The eastern tribes use
the lining in their permanent houses without any exception. The
western and southern tribes, who leave the walls bare, heap a thick
layer of loose snow over the whole building, almost covering it
up, the window and the ventilating hole alone excepted. For this
purpose snow shovels are used.

The edge of the bed is formed by along pole. The surface of the
snowbank which forms the foundation for the bed is covered with
pieces of wood, oars, paddles, tent poles, &c. These-are covered
with a thick layer of shrubs, particularly Andromeda tetragona.
Over these numerous heavy deerskins are spread, and thus a very
comfortable bed is made.

According to Parry the arrangement in Iglulik is as follows (II,
p- 501):

The beds are arranged by first covering the snow with a quantity of small stones,
over which are laid their paddles, tent poles, and some blades of whalebone;
above these they place a number of little pieces of network made of thin slips of
whalebone, and lastly a quantity of twigs of birch and of the Andromeda tetragona.

* * * The birch, they say, had been procured from the southward by way

of Nuvuk. * * * There deerskins, which are very numerous, can now be
spread without risk of their touching the snow.

At night, when the Eskimo go to bed, they put their clothing, their
boots excepted, on the edge of the platform under the deerskins, thus
forming a pillow, and lie down with the head toward the entrance.
The blankets (qipiq) for their beds are made of heavy deerskins,
which are sewed together, one blanket serving for a whole family.
The edge of the blanket is trimmed with leather straps.

On the side benches in front of the bed is the fireplace, which consists
ofa stone lamp and a framework from which the pots are suspended
(see Fig. 493). The lamp (qudlirn), which is made of soapstone, is a
shallow vessel in the shape of a small segment of a circle. Sometimes
a small space is divided off at the back for gathering in the scraps of
blubber. The wick consists of hair of Eryophorwm or of dried moss
rubbed down with a little blubber so as to be inflammable. It is
always carried by the women in a small bag. The whole vessel is
filled with blubber as high as the wick, which is spread along the
straight side of the vessel. It requires constant attention to keep the
desired length burning without smoking, the length kindled being
in accordance with the heat or light required. The trimming of the
wick is done with a bit of bone, asbestus, or wood, with which the
burning moss is spread along the edge of the lamp and extinguished
or pressed down if the fire is not wanted orif itsmokes. At the same
time this stick serves to ight other lamps (or pipes), the burnt point

BOAS. ] INTERIOR OF THE SNOW HOUSE. 5Ad5

being put into the blubber and then kindled. Sometimes a long,
narrow vessel stands below the lamp, in which the oil that drops
from the edge is collected.

In winter the blubber before being used is frozen, after which it is
thoroughly beaten. This bursts the vesicles of fat and the oil comes
out as soon as it is melted. The pieces of blubber are either put
into the lamp or placed over a piece of bone or wood, which hangs
from the framework a little behind the wick. In summer the oil
must be chewed out. It is a disgusting sight to see the women and
children sitting around a large vessel all chewing blubber and _ spit-
ting the oil into it.

The frame of the fireplace consists of four poles stuck in the snow
in a square around the lamp and four crossbars connecting the poles
at the top. From those which run from the front to the back the
kettle (ukusik) is suspended by two pairs of strings or thongs. It
is made of soapstone and has a hole in each corner for the string.
The kettle which is in use among the eastern tribes has a narrow
rim and a wide bottom (Fig. 494), while that of the western ones is
just the opposite. Parry, however, found one of this description in
River Clyde (I, p. 286). When not in use it is shoved back by means
of the strings. Since whalers began to visit the country a great
number of tin pots have been introduced, which are much more
serviceable, the process of cooking being quickened.

Fic. 494. Ukusik or soapstone kettle.

On the top of the frame there is always a wood or bone hoop with
a net of thongs stretched across it (inetang). It serves to dry cloth-
ing, particularly boots, stockings, and mittens, over the fire. In the
passage near the entrance to the hut there is frequently a small lamp
(adlirn), which is very effective for warming the cold air entering
through the door, and in the remotest corner in the back of the hut
there is sometimes another (kidlulirn). When all the lamps are
lighted’ the house becomes warm and comfortable.

Two small holes are frequently cut in the snowbank which forms
the ledge, at about the middle of its height (see Fig. 492 a). They
are closed with small snow blocks, each of which has a groove for a
handle, and serve to store away anything that must be kept dry.

6 ETH 35

5AG THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

At night the entrance of the inner room is closed with a large snow
block, which stands in the passage during the day.

These huts are always occupied by two families, each woman hay-
ing her own lamp and sitting on the ledge in front of it, the one on
the right side, the other on the left side of the house. If more fam-
ilies join in building a common snow house, they make two main
rooms with one entrance. The plan of such a building is seen in
Fig. 495.

Fic. 495, Plan of double snow house.

The plans of the Tglulik and Hudson Bay houses are different from
the one described here: The difference will best be seen by compar-
ing the plans represented in Fig. 496 and Fig. 497, which have been

BOAS. | PLANS OF SNOW HOUSES. 547

reprinted from Hall and Parry, respectively, with the former ones.
Among the eastern tribes | have never seen the beds on the side of
the passage, but always at the rear of the house.

Fre. 496. Plan of Ighilik house. (From Parry II, p. 500.)

Besides these snow houses a more solid building is in use, called
qarmang. On the islands of the American Archipelago and in the
neighboring parts of the mainland numerous old stone foundations
are found, which prove that all these islands were once inhabited by
the Eskimo. It has often been said that the central tribes have for-
gotten the art of building stone houses and always live in snow huts.

Fig. 497. Plan of Hudson Bay house. (From Hall II, p. 128.)

At the present time they do not build houses, but cover the walls of
an old hut with a new roof whenever they take possession of it..
There is no need of any new buildings, as the Eskimo always locate
in the old settlements and the old buildings are quite sufficient to
satisfy all their wants,

548 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO,

Those in good condition have a long stone entrance (ka’teng) (Fig.
498), sometimes from fifteen to twenty feet long. This is made by
cutting an excavation into the slope of a hill, Its walls are covered
with large slabs of stone about two and a half feet high and three
feet wide, the space between the stone and the sides of the excava-

Fic. 498. Plan and sections of qarmang or stone house.

tion being afterwards filled up with earth. The floor of the passage
slopes upward toward the hut. The last four feet of the entrance
are covered with a very large slab and are a little higher than the
other parts of the roof of the passageway. The slab is at the same
height as the benches of the dwelling room, which is also dug out,
the walls being formed of stones and whale ribs. The plan of the
interior is the same as that of the snow house, the bed being in
the rear end of the room and the lamps on both sides of the en-
trance. The floor of the hut is about eight inches higher than that
of the passage. The roof and the window, however, differ from
those of the snow house. In the front part of the hut the rib of a
whale is put up, forming an arch. A great number of poles are
lashed to it and run toward the back of the house, where they rest
on the top of the wall, forming, as it were, the rafters. The whole
curve formed by the rib is covered with a window of seal intestines,
while the poles are covered with sealskins, which are fastened in
front to the whale rib. At the other end they are either fastened

BOAS. | PLANS OF STONE HOUSES. 549

to the ribs in the wall or, more frequently, are steadied by stones
The roof is covered with a thick layer of Andromeda, and another
skin, which is fastened in the same way, is spread over both covers.
This kind of hut is very warm, light, and comfortable. The stone
banks forming the bed are covered as already described.

IR «

,
NW,

Fia. 499. Plan of large qarmang or stone house for three families.

If three families occupy one house the whale’s rib which forms
the window is placed a few feet farther forward than in the previous
case, at the end of the large slab which forms the roof of the last part
of the passage.

Fic. 500. Plan of stone house in Anarnitung, Cumberland Sound. (From a drawing by L. Kumlien.

By means of poles and bones a small side room is built (qareang),
the ceiling of which is sewed to that of the main room (Fig. 499).
The large slab which is in front of the window (at the end of the
passage) is utilized as a storeroom for both families living on that
side of the house, a place being left open only in the middle, where
the spy hole is. In some instances this side room is inclosed in the
stone walls of the hut.

Fig. 500 and Fig. 501 present sketches of plans of some of these

550 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

houses. From such sketches it appears that several houses might
have a common entrance.

Fie. 501. Plan of group of stone houses in Pangnirtung, Cumberland Sound.

In Anarnitung I observed no passage at all for the houses, the walls
being entirely above the ground and piled up with bowlders and sod.
They are, however, covered in the same BLICR as the others and the
entrance is made of snow.

woSS +2
a =:
Yy

Fic. 502. Plan and sections of qarmang or house made of whale ribs.

A winter house built on the same plan is represented in Fig. 502.
The wall is made entirely of whale ribs, placed so that their ends
cross one another. The poles are tied over the top of the ribs and
the whole frame is covered with the double roof described above. |
A few narrow snow vaults form the entrance. The front rib forms
the door, and thus the hut becomes quite dark. Huts of this kind
are also called qarmang or qarmaujang, 1. e., similar to a qarmang.

In Ukiadliving I found, along with a great number of fine qarmat,
some very remarkable storehouses, such as are represented in Fig.
503. Structures of this kind (ikan’) consist of heavy granite pillars,
on the top of which flat slabs are piled to a height of from nine to ten
feet. In winter, blubber and meat are put away upon these pillars,
which are sufficiently high to keep them from the dogs. Sometimes
two pillars, about ten feet apart, are found near the huts. In winter
the kayak is placed upon them in order to prevent it from being cov-
ered by snowdrifts or from being torn and destroyed by the dogs.
In snow villages these pillars are made of snow.

The purpose of the long, kayak-like building figured by Kumlien
(see Fig. 500) is unknown to me. I found a similar one, consisting
of two rows of stones, scarcely one foot high but twenty feet long,

Boas. | CONSTRUCTION OF THE TENT. 551

in Pangnirtung, Cumberland Sound, but nobody could explain its
use.

Fia. 503. Storehouse in Ukiadliving. (From a sketch by the author.)

In the spring, when the rays of the sun become warmer, the roofs
of the snow houses fall down. At this season the natives build only
the lower half of a snow vault, which is covered with skins.

Fie. 504. Plan and sections of tupiq or tent of Cumberland Sound.

Still later they live in their tents (tupiq) (Fig. 504). The frame-
work consists of poles, which are frequently made of many pieces of
wood ingeniously lashed together. The plan (Fig. 504 a) is the same

552 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

as that ef the winter houses. At the edge of the bed and at the
entrance two pairs of converging poles are erected. A little below
the crossing points two cross strips are firmly attached, forming the
ridge. Behind the poles, at the edge of the bed, six or eight others
are arranged in a semicircle resting on the ground and on the cross-
ing point of those poles. The frame is covered with a large skin
roof fitting tightly. The back part, covering the bed, is made of
sealskins; the fore part, between the two pairs of poles, of the thin
membrane which is split from the skins (see p. 519), and admits the
light. The door is formed by the front part of the cover, the left
side (in entering) ending in the middle of the entrance, the right one
overlapping it, so as to prevent the wind from blowing into the hut.
The cover is steadied with heavy stones (Fig. 504 ¢). In Cumber-
land Sound and the more southern parts of Baffin Land the back of
the hut is inclined at an angle of 45°; in Davis Strait it is as steep
as 60°, orevenmore. In thesummer tent the bed and the side plat-
forms are not raised, but only separated from the passage by means
of poles.

Farther north and west, in Pond Bay, Admiralty Inlet, and Iglu-
lik, where wood is scarce, the Eskimo have a different plan of con-
struction (Fig. 505). A strong pole is set up vertically at the end of
the passage, a small cross piece being lashed to its top. The entrance
is formed by an oblique pole, the end of which les in the ridge of
the roof. The latter is formed by a stout thong which runs over the
top of both poles and is fastened to heavy stones on both sides. If
wood is wanting, then poles are made from the penis bones of the
walrus. Parry found one of these tents at River Clyde, on his first
expedition, and describes it as follows (I, p. 283):

The tents which compose their summer habitations, are principally supported by
a long pole of whalebone, 14 feet high, standing perpendicularly, with 4 or 5 feet of
it projecting above the skins which form the roof and sides. The length of the
tent is 17, and its breadth from 7 to 9 feet, the narrowest part be’ng next the door,
and widening towards the inner part, where the bed, composed of a quantity of
the small shrubby plant, the Andromeda tetragona, occupies about one-third of the
whole apartment. The pole of the tent is fixed where the bed commences, and the
latter is kept separate by some pieces of bone laid across the tent from side to side.
The door which faces the southwest, is also formed of two pieces of bone, with the
upper ends fastened together, and the skins are made to overlapin that part of
the tent, which is much lower than the inner end. The covering is fastened to the
ground by curved pieces of bone, being generally parts of the whale.

This kind of tent differs from the one described by me only in the
construction of its door.

I could not find a description of the tent of the Hudson Bay Es-
kimo. There is only one illustration in Klutschak (p. 137) and one
in Ross (II, p. 581) representing tents of the Netchillirmiut. In the
former there are a few conical tents, such as are used by the eastern
tribes before a sufficient number of skins for a large tent can be

BoAS.] CONSTRUCTION OF THE TENT. 553

procured. Thesame kind is represented in Ross’s book. The other
tent drawn by Klutschak is similar to the Iglulik one, but the ar-
rangement of the poles in the back part is invisible. The entrance
is formed by two converging poles and a rope runs over the ridge
and is tied toa rock.

Fia 505. Plan and sections of tupiq or tent of Pond Bay.
The small tents which are used in the spring are made of a few
converging poles forming a cone. They are covered with a skin
roof,

Fie. 506. Plan and sections of double winter tent, Cumberland Sound.

Some families, instead of building snow houses or stone houses in
winter, cover the summer tent with shrubs and spread over them a
second skin cover. In front of the tent snow vaults are built to pro-
tect the interior from the cold. In some instances several families
join their tents (Fig. 506). In the front part where the tents adjoin
each other the covers are taken away and replaced by a whale rib
which affords a passage from one room to the other.

The plans of the feasting houses will be found in another place
(p. 600).

THE CENTRAL ESKIMO

on
nr
ns

CLOTHING, DRESSING OF THE HAIR, AND TATTOOING.

The styles of clothing differ among the tribes of the Central Eskimo.
In summer the outer garment is always made of sealskins, though
the women wear deerskins almost the entire year. The sealskin
clothing is made from the skins of Pagomys fetidus, yearlings being
used, and also from those of Callocephalus, if they can be obtained.
The latter particularly are highly valued by the natives. The inner
garment is made either of the skin of the young seal in the white
coat or of alight deerskin. It is cut entirely with the woman’s knife
and is sewed with deer sinews.

The prettiest clothing is made by the tribes of Davis Strait. Both
men and women wear boots, trousers, and jackets. The style of
the men’s clothing may be seen from Figs. 397 and 399, which repre-
sent men in the winter clothing, and 412 and 435, which show them
in summer clothing. The summer boots are made from the hairless
skin of Pagomys fotidus, the soles from that of Phoca, the sole
reaching to the top of the foot. The leg of the boot is kept up by a
string passing through its rim and firmly tied around the leg. At
the ankle a string passes over the instep and around the foot to
prevent the heel from slipping down. On the top of the foot a knob
(qaturang) is sometimes attached to the string as an ornament (Fig.
507). The stocking is made of light deerskin. It reaches above the
knee, where it has a trimming made from the white parts of a deer-
skin, whereas the boot ends below the knee. Next to the stocking
is aslipper, which is made of birdskin, the feathers being worn next
to the foot. This is covered witha slipper of sealskin, the hair side
worn outward and the hair pointing toward the heel. The boot
finishes the footgear. In the huts the birdskin slippers are fre-
quently laid aside.

Fie. 507. Qaturang or boot ornament. (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin. IV A 6850.

The breeches of the men consist of an outside and an inside pair,
the former being worn with the hair outside; the latter, which are
made of the skins of young seals or of deer, with the hair inside.
They are fastened round the body by means of a string and reach a
little below the knee. Their make will best be seen from the figures.
Only the southern tribes trim the lower end of the trousers by sew-
ing apiece to them, the hair of which runs around the leg, while
above it runs downward. This pattern looks very pretty.

The jacket does not open in front, but is drawn over the head. It

AS) eae

Boas.] CLOTHING. 555

has a hood fitting closely to the head. The back and the front are
madeof asealskineach. Thehood ofthe Oqgomiut is sharply pointed,
while that of the Akudnirmiut is more rounded. The jackets are
cut straight and havea slitin front. Some havea short tail behind,
particularly the winter jackets. The cut of the winter clothing, which

Fie. 508. Woman’s jacket. (National Museum, Washington.)

is made of deerskin, is the same as the former, and it is frequently
trimmed with straps of deerskin. The jacket is rarely worn with the
hood down, as it is only used while hunting and traveling. It is

Fic. 509. Ivory beads for women’s jackets. a (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin. IV A 6811.) b, ¢
(National Museum, Washington. 34134.) }

never brought into the huts, but after being cleaned from the adher-
ing snow with the snowbeater (tiluqtung, as named by the eastern

556 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

tribes; arautaq, as called by Hudson Bay tribes) is kept in the store-
room outside the house.

The women’s trousers are composed of two pieces. The upper one
fits tightly and covers the upper half of thethigh. It ismade of the
skin of adeer’s belly. The other parts are, as it were, leggings, which
reach from a little below the knee to the middle of the thigh and are
kept in place by a string running to the upper part of the trousers.
The women’s jacket (Fig. 508) is much more neatly trimmed than
that of the men. It is frequently adorned with ivory or brass beads
running round the edge (Fig. 509). It has a wide and large hood
reaching down almost to the middle of the body. In front the jacket
has a short appendage; behind, a very long tail which trails along
the ground (see Fig. 508). Ifa child is carried in the hood, a leather
girdle fastened with a buckle (Fig. 510) is tied around the waist and
serves to prevent the child from slipping down. The first specimen
given in Fig. 510 is remarkable for its artistic design.

a b e d

Fia. 510. Girdle buckles. a,c,d (Museum fiir V6lkerkunde, Berlin.) 6 (National Museum, Washing-
ton. 34125.) }

Among the Akudnirmiut of Davis Strait another fashion is more
frequently in use much resembling that of Iglulik. The women
have a wider jacket with a broader hood, enormous boots with a flap
reaching up to the hip, and breeches consisting of one piece and
reaching to the knees. Unfortunately I have no drawing of this
clothing and must therefore refer to Parry’s engravings, which,
however, are not very well executed, and to the figures representing
dolls in this costume (see Fig. 528).

When children are about amonth old they are put into a jacket
made from the skin of a deer fawn and a cap of the same material,
their legs remaining bare, as they are always carried in their mother’s

BORE CLOTHING. 5D

hood. Insome places, where large boots are in use, they are said to be
carried in these. The cap isseparate and is always made of the head
of a fawn, the ears standing upright on each side of the head. The
jacket is either quite open in front or has a short slit. Children of
more than two years of age wear the same clothing, with trousers

_and boots (Hig. 511). When they are about eight years old they are
clothed like men (Fig. 512). Girls frequently wear the same kind of
dress for some time, until they are from nine to ten years old, when
they assume the clothing of the women.

Fic. 511. Infant’s clothing. (Museum Fig. 512. Child’s clothing.
fiir V6lkerkunde, Berlin.)

As to the mode of clothing of the other tribes I give the descrip-
tions of the authors.
Parry describes the dress of the Iglulirmiut as follows (IT, p. 495):

In the jacket of the women, the tail or flap behind is very broad, and so long as
almost to touch the ground; while a shorter and narrower one before reaches half-
way down the thigh. The men have also a tail in the hind part of their jackef, but
of smaller dimensions; but before, it is generally straight or ornamented by a single
scollop. The hood of the jacket * * * is much the largest in that of the
women, for the purpose of holding a child. The back of the jacket also bulges out in
the middle to give the child a footing, and a strap or girdle below this, and secured
round the waist by two large wooden buttons in front, prevents the infant from
falling through when, the hood being in use, it is necessary thus to depositit. * * *
The upper (winter) garment of the females, besides being cut according to a regular

558 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

and uniform pattern, and sewed with exceeding neatness, which is the case with all
the dresses of these people, has also the flaps ornamented in a very becoming man-
ner by a neat border of deerskin, so arranged as to display alternate breadths of
white and dark fur. This is, moreover, usually beautified by a handsome fringe,
consisting of innumerable long, narrow threads of leather hanging down from, it-
This ornament is not uncommon also in the outer jackets of the men. When seal.
hunting, they fasten up the tails of their jackets with a button behind.

The breeches and the foot gear of the men are described as being
much the same as those of the Akudnirmiut. Parry remarks (loc.
cit.) that several serpentine pieces of hide are sewed across the soles
to prevent them from wearing out:

The inner boot of the women, unlike that of the men, is loose around the leg,
coming as high as the knee joint behind, and in front carried up by a long, pointed
flap nearly to the waist and there fastened to the breeches. The upper boot, with
the hair as usual outside, corresponds with the other in shape, except that it is much
more full, especially on the outer side, where it bulges out so preposterously as to
give the women the most awkward, bow-legged appearance imaginable. * * *
Here, also, as in the jacket, considerable taste is displayed in the selection of differ-
ent parts of the deerskin, alternate strips of dark and white being placed up and
down the sides and front by way of ornament. The women also wear a mocca-
sin (itigega) overall in the winter-time.

The dress of the Aivillirmiut is similar to that of the Iglulirmiut
(Gilder, p. 139).

Traces of clothing found in old graves of Cumberland Sound and
Frobisher’s description of the dress of the Nugumiut show that the
style of clothing now used by the Iglulirmiut formerly obtained in
all parts of Baffin Land.

Allthe Eskimo wear mittens. Those used in winter are made of the
skin of young seals or of deerskin. In summer they use hairless
sealskin, and sometimes make them with two thumbs, so as to turn
the mitten round if one side should become wet.

The manner of dressing the hair practiced by the tribes of North-
eastern Baffin Land differs from that of other tribes. On Davis
Strait and in Hudson Bay the men allow it to grow to a-considerable
length, but frequently cut it short on the forehead. If all the hair
is long it is kept back by a band made of the skin of deer antlers
taken in the velvet. Sometimes these ties are very neatly finished.
Frobisher states that the Nugumiut shaved part of their heads. The
Kinipetu shave the top of the head; the Netchillirmiut wear their
hair short.

The women have two styles of dressing their hair. They always
part it on the top of the head. The back hair is wound into a bunch
protruding from the back of the head or nicely arranged in a knot.
The hair at the sides is plaited and folded over the ears, joining the
knot behind. The other way is to arrange these parts in small pig-
tails reaching a little below the ears. They are kept in order by an
ivory or brass ring (see Fig. 515).

TA o

BOAS.] PERSONAL ADORNMENT. 559

The manner in which the Iglulirmiut dress their hair is thus de-
scribed by Parry (II, p. 493):

They separate their locks into two equal parts, one of which hangs on each side
of their heads and in front of their shoulders. To stiffen and bind these they use a
narrow strap of deerskin, attached at one end toa round piece of bone, fourteen
inches long, tapered to a point, and covered over with leather. This looks like a
little whip, the handle of which is placed up and down the hair and the strap wound
round it in a number of spiral turns, making the tail, thus equipped, very much re-
semble one of those formerly worn by our seamen. The strap of this article of
dress, which is altogether called a tugliga, is so made from the deerskin as to show
when bound round the hair, alternate turns of white and dark fur, which give it a
very neat and ornamental appearance. * * * Those who are less nice dispose
* * * their hair into a loose plait on each side or have one tugliga and one plait.

Fic. 513. Ivory combs. (National Museum, Washington. 10195.) }

The natives of Southampton Island arrange their hair in a bunch
protruding from the forehead (sulubaut). The same dress is worn
at certain feasts on Davis Strait (p. 608).

For dressing the hair ivory combs are in use, two specimens of
which are represented in Fig. 513.

The clothing is frequently trimmed with straps of white deerskin,

560 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

giving it a pleasing appearance. The edge of the women’s jacket is
adorned withivory beads. Instead of these, teeth, deer’s ears, foxes’
noses, or brass bells are sometimes used.

Fic. 514. Buckles. e{From Tununirnusirn.) (National Museum, Washington. a, 10196; b, 10400;
c, 10177; d, 10196; e, 10195; f, 10207.) }

The inner jackets of the men are sometimes trimmed with beads,
feathers, or leather straps, forming a collar and figures of different
kinds on the back and on the breast. An amulet is worn in the
middle of the back (p. 592). These ornaments and the amulet are
only visible when the outer garment is taken off in the hut.

me IS

OAS PERSONAL ADORNMENT. 561

Fig. 514 represents a number of buckles serving to carry needle-
cases or similar implements at the girdle, to which the eye is tied,
the button being fastened to the implement. Head ornaments are
in frequent use and are sometimes beautifully finished. ,

ji =
Fig. 515. Manner of tattooing face and wearing hair.

The women are in the habit of adorning their faces by tattooing. It
is done, when they are about twelve years of age, by passing needle
and thread covered with soot under the skin, or by puncture, the
points of the tattooing instruments being rubbed with the same sub-
stance in both cases, which is a mixture of the juice of Mweuws and soot,
or with gunpowder, by which process they obtain a blue color. ‘The
face, arms, hands, thighs, and breasts are the parts of the body which
are generally tattooed. The patterns will be seen in Figs. 515 and 516.

Fie. 516. Manner of tattooing legs and hands.

SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS LIFE.
DOMESTIC OCCUPATIONS AND AMUSEMENTS,

It is winter and the natives are established in their warm snow
houses. At this time of the year it is necessary to make use of the
short daylight and twilight for huntmg. Long before the day be-
gins to dawn the Eskimo prepares for hunting. He rouses his house-
mates; his wife supplies the lamp with a new wick and fresh blub-

6 ETH 36

562 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

ber and the dim light which has been kept burning during the night
quickly brightens up and warms the hut. While the woman is busy
preparing breakfast the man fits up his sledge for hunting. He takes
the snow block which closes the entrance of the dwelling room during
the night out of the doorway and passes through the low passages.
Within the passage the dogs are sleeping, tired by the fatigues of
the day before. Though their long, heavy hair protects them from
the severe cold of the Arctic winter, they like to seek shelter from
the piercing winds in the entrance of the hut.

The sledge is iced, the harnesses are taken out of the storeroom by
the door, and the dogs are harnessed to the sledge. Breakfast is now
ready and after having taken a hearty meal of seal soup and frozen
and cooked seal meat the hunter lashes the spear that stands outside
of the hut upon the sledge, hangs the harpoon line, some toggles, and
his knife over the antlers, and starts for the hunting ground. Here
he waits patiently for the blowing seal, sometimes until late in the
evening.

Meanwhile the women, who stay at home, are engaged in their do-
mestic occupations, mending boots and making new clothing, or they
visit one another, taking some work with them, or pass their time
with games or in playing with the children. While sitting at their
sewing and at the same time watching their lamps and cooking the
meat, they incessantly hum their favorite tunes. About noon they
cook their dinner and usually prepare at the same time the meal for
the returning hunters. As soonas the first sledge is heard approach-
ing, the pots, which have been pushed back during the afternoon,
are placed over the fire, and when the hungry men enter the hut their
dinner is ready. While hunting they usually open the seals caught
early in the morning, to take out a piece of the flesh or liver, which
they eat raw, for lunch. The cut is then temporarily fastened until
the final dressing of the animal at home.

In the western regions particularly the hunters frequently visit the
depots of venison made in the fall, and the return is always followed
by a great feast.

After the hunters reach home they first unharness their dogs and
unstring the traces, which are carefully arranged, coiled up, and put
away in the storeroom. Then the sledge is unloaded and the spoils
are dragged through the entrance into the hut. <A religious custom
commands the women to leave off working, and not until the seal
is cut up are they allowed to resume their sewing and the prepar-
ing of skins. This custom is founded on the tradition that all kinds
of sea animals have risen from the fingers of their supreme goddess,
who must be propitiated after being offended by the murder of
her offspring (see p. 583). The spear is stuck into the snow at the
entrance of the house, the sledge is turned upside down, and the ice
coating is removed from the runners. Then it is leaned against the

‘ue

BoAS.] SOCIAL LIFE— EATING. 563

wall of the house, and at last the hunter is ready to enter. He
strips off his deerskin jacket and slips into his sealskin coat. The
former is carefully cleaned of the adhering ice and snow with the
snow beater and put into the storeroom outside the house,

This done, the men are ready for their dinner, of which the women
do not partake. In winter the staple food of the Eskimo is boiled
seal and walrus meat, though in some parts of the western districts it
is musk ox and venison, a rich and nourishing soup being obtained
by cooking the meat. The natives are particularly fond of seal and
walrus soup, which is made by mixing and boiling water, blood, and
blubber with large pieces of meat.

Fie. 517. Forks. a,b (From Igluilik.) (National Museum, Washington. a, 10395; b, 10393.)

The food is not always salted, but sometimes melted sea water ice,
which contains a sufficient quantity of salt, is used for cooking.
Liver is generally eaten raw and is considered a tidbit. I have seen
the intestines eaten only when there was no meat.

Fic. 518. Ladle of musk ox horn. (National Museum, Washington. 10882.) 4

Forks (Fig. 517)’ are used to take the meat out of the kettle and
the soup is generally poured out into a large cup. Before the in-
troduction of European manufactures these vessels and dishes gen-
erally consisted of whalebone. One of these has been described by
Parry (I, p. 286). It was circular in form, one piece of whalebone
being bent into the proper shape for the sides and another flat piece
of the same material sewed to it for a bottom, so closely as to make
it perfectly watertight. A ladle or spoon (Fig. 518) is sometimes
used in drinking it, but usually the cup is passed around, each taking
a sip in turn. In the same way large pieces of meat are passed
round, each taking as large a mouthful as possible and then cutting

1 The fork first represented in this figure is evidently broken, a series of knobs hay-
ing originally formed the handle.

564. THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

off the bit close to the lips. They all smack their lips in eating.
The Eskimo drink a great deal of water, which is generally kept in
vessels standing near the lamps. When the men have finished
their meal the women take their share, and then all attack the frozen
meat which is kept in the storerooms. The women are allowed to
participate in this part of the meal. An enormous quantity of meat
is devoured every night, and sometimes they only suspend eating
when they go to bed, keeping a piece of meat within reach in case
they awake.

After dinner the seals, which have been placed behind the lamps
to thaw, are thrown upon the floor, cut up, and the spare meat and
skins are taken into the storerooms. If a scarcity of food prevails
in the village and a hunter has caught a few seals, every inhabitant
of the settlement receives a piece of meat and blubber, which he takes
to his hut, and the successful hunter invites all hands to a feast.

The dogs are fed every second day after dinner. For this purpose
two men go to a place at a short distance from the hut, taking
the frozen food with them, which they split with a hatchet or the
point of the spear. While one is breaking the solid mass the other
keeps the dogs off by means of the whip, but as soon as the food is
ready they make a rush at it, and in less than half a minute have
swallowed their meal. No dog of a strange team is allowed to steal
anything, but is kept at a distance by the dogs themselves and by the
whip. If the dogs are very hungry they are harnessed to the sledge
in order to prevent an attack before the men are ready. They are
unharnessed after the food is prepared, the weakest first, in order to
give him the best chance of picking out some good pieces. Sometimes
they are fed in the house; in such a case, the food being first prepared,
they are led into the hut singly; thus each receives his share.

All the work being finished, boots and stockings are changed, as
they must be dried and mended. The men visit one another and
spend the night in talking, singing, gambling, and telling stories.
The events of the day are talked over, success in hunting is com-
pared, the hunting tools requiring mending are set in order, and the
lines are dried and softened. Some busy themselves in cutting new
ivory implements and seal lines or in carving. They never spend the
nights quite alone, but meet for social entertainment. During these
visits the host places a large lump of frozen meat and a knife on the
side bench behind the lamp and every one is welcome to help himself
to as much as he likes.

The first comers sit down on the ledge, while those entering later
stand or squat in the.passage. When any one addresses the whole
assembly he always turns his face to the wall and avoids facing the
listeners. Most of the men take off their outer jacket in the house
and they sit chatting until very late. Even the young children do
not go to bed early.

Boas. ] SOCIAL LIFE

GAMES. 565

The women sit on the bed in front of their lamps, with their legs
under them, working continually on their own ciothing or on that of
the men, drying the wet footgear and mittens, and softening the
leather by chewing and rubbing. If a bitch has a litter of pups it is
their business to look after them, to keep them warm, and to feed

Fig. 519. Skull used in the game ajegaung, from Ungava Bay. (from L. M. Turner’s collection.)
(National Museum, Washington. 90227.) }

Fie, 520. Ivory carving representing head of fox, used in the game ajegaung. (Museum fiir Vélker-
kunde, Berlin. IV A 6820.) }

them regularly. Generally the pups are put into a small harness
and are allowed to crawl about the side of the bed, where they are
tied to the wall by a trace. Young children are always carried in
their mothers’ hoods, but when about a year and a half old they are

566 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

allowed to play on the bed, and are only carried by their mothers
when they get too mischievous. When the mother is engaged in any
hard work they are carried by the young girls. They are weaned
when about two years old, but women suckle them occasionally until
they are three or four years of age. During this time they are fre-
quently fed from their mothers’ mouths. When about twelve years
old they begin to help their parents, the girls sewing and preparing
skins, the boys accompanying their fathers in hunting expeditions.

Fiq. 521. Ivory carvings representing polar bear, used in the game ajegaung. a (Museum fiir V6l-
kerkunde, Berlin. IV A 6819.) 6 (National Museum Washington. 34078.) 2

The parents are very fond of their children and treat them kindly.
They are never beaten and rarely scolded, and in turn they are very
dutiful, obeying the wishes of their parents and taking care of them
in their old age.

Boas. ] SOCIAL LIFE —GAMES. 567

In winter gambling is one of the favorite amusements of the Es-
kimo. Figs. 519-521 represent the ajegaung, used in a game some-
what similar to our cup and ball. The most primitive device is Fig.
519, a hare’s skull with a number of holes drilled through it. A spec-
imen was kindly lent to me by Lucien M. Turner, who brought it
from Ungava Bay; but in Baffin Land exactly the same device is
in use. Fig. 520 represents the head of a fox, in ivory; Fig. 521,
a polar bear. The specimen shown in Fig. 521 b was brought from
Cumberland Sound by Kumlien. The neck of the bear is more
elaborate than the one shown in a. The attachment of the part rep-
resenting the hind legs is of some interest. The game is played as
follows: First, the skull or the piece of ivory must be thrown up and
caught ten times upon the stick in any one of the holes. Then, be-
ginning with the hole in front (the mouth), those of the middle line
‘must be caught. The three holes on the neck of the bear are double,
one crossing vertically, the other slanting backward, but both end-
ing in one hole on the neck. After the mouth has been caught upon
the stick the vertical hole in the neck is the next, then the oblique
one, and so on down the middle line of the animal’s body. If, in the
first part of the game, the player misses twice he must give up the
pieces to his neighbor, who then takes his turn. In the second part
he is allowed to play on as long as he catches in any hole, even if it
be not the right one, but as soon as he misses he must give it up.
After having caught one hole he proceeds to the next, and the player
who first finishes all the holes has won the game.

Fig. 522. Figures used in playing tingmiujang, a game similar to dice. (Museum ftir Vilkerkunde,
Berlin. IV A 6823.) +

A game similar to dice, called tingmiujang, i. e., images of birds,
is frequently played. A set of about fifteen figures like those repre-
sented in Fig. 522 belong to this game, some representing birds,

568 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

others men or women, The players sit around a board or a piece
of leather and the figures are shaken in the hand and thrown up-
ward. On falling, some stand upright, others lie flat on the back or
on the side. Those standing upright belong to that player whom
they face; sometimes they are so thrown that they all belong to the
one who tossed them up. The players throw by turns until the last
figure is taken up, the one getting the greatest number of the figures
being the winner.

Fira. 523, Game of nuglutang. (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin. IV A 6821.)

A favorite game is the nuglutang (Fig. 523). A small, rhom-
boidal plate of ivory with a hole in the center is hung from
the roof and steadied by a heavy stone or a piece of ivory hanging
from its lower end. The Eskimo stand around it and when the
winner of the last game gives a signal every one tries to hit the
hole with a stick. The one who succeeds has won. This game is
always played amid great excitement.

The saketan resembles a roulette. A leather cup with a rounded

Vem

poas.] SOCIAL LIFE— GAMES. 569

. « .
bottom and a nozzle is placed on a board and turned round. When it
stops the nozzle points to the winner. At presenta tin cup fastened
with a nail to a board is used for the same purpose (Fig. 524).

Fic. 524. The saketan or roulette. (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin. IV A 6854 )

Their way of managing the gain and loss is very curious. The
first winner in the game must go to his hut and fetch anything he
likes as a stake for the next winner, who in turn receives it, but has
to bring a new stake, in place of this, from his hut. Thus the only
one who loses anything is the first winner of the game, while the
only one who wins anything is the last winner.

Fie. 525. The ajarorpoq or cat's cradle. a representing deer ; b, hare ; c, hill and ponds.

The women are particularly fond of making figures out of a loop,
a game similar to our cat’s cradle (ajarorpoq). They are, however,

570 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

much more cleyer than we in handling the thong and have a great
variety of forms, some of which are represented in Fig. 525.

As an example I shall describe the method of making the device
representing a deer (Fig. 525a): Wind the loop over both hands,
passing it over the back of the thumbs inside the palms and outside
the fourth fingers. Take the string from the palm of the right hand

the right hand moves over all the parts of the thong lying on the
first and fourth fingers of the right hand and passes through the loop
formed by the thongs on the thumb of the right hand; then it moves
back over the foremost thong and takes it up, while the thumb lets
go the loop. The first finger moves downward before the thongs
lying on the fourth finger and comes up in front of all the thongs.
The thumb is placed into the loops hanging on the first finger and
the loop hanging on the first finger of the left hand is drawn through
both and hung again over the same finger. The thumb and first
finger of the right and the thumb of the left hand let go their loops.
The whole is then drawn tight. A few other devices from Hudson
Bay are repreSented by Klutschak (p. 139).

Se Raia

Fia. 526. Ball. (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin. IV A 6822.)

The ball (Fig. 526) is most frequently used in summer. It is made
of sealskin stuffed with moss and neatly trimmed with skin straps.
One man throws the ball among the players, whose object it is to
keep it always in motion without allowing it to touch the ground.
Another game of ball I have seen played by men only. <A leather
ball filled with hard clay is propelled with a whip, the lash of which
is tied up in a coil. Every man has his whip and is to hit the ball
and so prevent his fellow players from getting at it.

A third game at ball called igdlukitaqtung is played with small
balls tossed up alternately from the right to the left, one always
being in the air. Songs used in the game will be found in the last
pages of this paper.

¢
a
4

Boas. ] SOCIAL LIFE—GAMES. STL

An amusement of women and children is to point successively on
the forehead, the cheek, and the chin and to pronounce as rapidly as
possible sulubautiyu’tika, tudliyu’tika, tadliyu’tika, tudliyii’tika,
i.e., the forehead, the cheek, the chin, the cheek.

Fic. 528. Dolls in dress of the Akudnirmiut. (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin. IV A 6702.) }

Young children play with toy sledges, kayaks, boats, bows and
arrows, and dolls. The last are made in the same way by all the
tribes, a wooden body being clothed with scraps of deerskin cut in
the same way as the clothing of men. Fig. 527 shows dolls in the
dress of the Oqomiut; Fig. 528, in that of the Akudnirmiut.

572 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

In summer children and grown up people exercise by sitting down
on their knees in a large circle and simultaneously Jumping up and
down, by kneeling and holding their toes in their hands and trying
to outdo one another in running in this position, &c.

A favorite amusement during the long winter nights is telling
tales and composing songs. Old traditions are always related in a
highly ceremonious manner. The narrator takes off his outer jacket,
pulls the hood over his head, and sits down in the rear part of the
hut, turning his face toward the wall, and then tells the story slowly
and solemnly. All the stories are related in a very abridged form,
the substance being supposed to be known. The form is always the
same, and should the narrator happen to say one word otherwise than
is customary he will be corrected by the listeners.

Children tell one another fables and sing short songs. Comic
songs making fun of any person are great favorites. Details on the
poetry and music of the Eskimo will be found further on.

Parry’s description of the games and sports practiced by the Iglu-
lirmiut is so interesting that I insert it here (II, p. 538):

On an occasion when most of the men were absent from the huts on a sealing
excursion, the women joined in playing, one of them being the chief performer.
Being requested to amuse the rest, she suddenly unbound her hair, platted it, tied
both ends together to keep it out of her way, and then stepping out into the middle
of the hut, began to make the most hideous faces that can be conceived, by draw-
ing both lips into her mouth, poking forward her chin, squinting frightfully, occa-
sionally shutting one eye, and moving her head from side to side as if her neck had
been dislocated. This exhibition, which they call ajokitarpoq, and which is evi-
dently considered an accomplishment that few of them possess in perfection, dis-
torts every feature in the most horrible manner imaginable, and would, I think,
put our most skillful horse-collar grinners quite out of countenance.

This performance is identical with one described later (p. 578) as
practiced during the meals in summer.

The next performance consists in looking steadfastky and gravely forward and re-
peating the words taba’-taba’; kjaibo, kjaibo; kebang inutovik, kebang inutovik;
amatama, amatama, in the order in which they are here placed, but each at least four
times, and always by a peculiar modulation of the voice speaking them in pairs as
they are coupled above. The sound is made to proceed from the throat in a way
much resembling ventriloquism, to which art it is indeed ‘an approach. After the
last amatama she always point d with her finger toward her body, and pronounced
the word angakoq, steadily retaining her gravity for five or six seconds, and then
bursting into a loud laugh, in which she was joined by all the rest. The women
sometimes produce a much more guttural and unnatural sound, repeating principally
the word ikeri-ikeri, coupling them as before, and staring in such a manner as to
make their eyes appear ready to burst out of their sockets with the exertion. Two
or more of them will sometimes stand up face to face, and with great quickness and
regularity respond to each other, keeping such exact time that the sound appears to
come from one throat instead of several. Very few of the females are possessed of
this accomplishment, which is called pitkusiraqpoq, and it is not uncommon to see
several of the younger females practising it. A third part of the game, distin-
guished by the word kaitikpoq, consists only in falling on each knee alternately, a

Stith tae age

BOAS.] SOCIAL LIFE— GAMES. 573

piece of agility which they perform with tolerable quickness, considering the bulky
and awkward nature of their dress. * * * Then the same woman came for-
ward, and letting her arms hang down loosely and bending her be dy very much for-
ward, shook herself with extreme violence, as if her whole frame had been strongly
convulsed, uttering at the same time, in a wild tone of voice, some of the unnatural
sounds before mentioned.

This being at an end, a new exhibition was commenced in which ten or twelve
women took a part, and which our gentlemen compared to blind man’s buff. A circle
being formed, and a boy dispatched to look out at the door of the hut, a woman
placed herself in the center, and, after making a variety of guttural noises for about
half a minute, shut her eyes, and ran about till she had taken hold of one of the
others, whose business it then became to take her station in the center, so that almost
every woman in her turn occupied this post, and in her own peculiar way, either
by distortion of countenance or other gestures, performed her part in the game.
This continued three-quarters of an hour, and, from the precaution of placing a
lookout who was withdrawn when it was over, as well as from some very expressive
signs which need not here be mentioned, there is reason to believe that it is usually
followed by certain indecencies, with which their husbands are not to be ac-
quainted.. * * +

The most common amusement however, and to which their husbands made no
objection, they performed at Winter Island expressly for our gratification. The
females, being collected to the number of ten or twelve, stood in as large a circle as
the hut would admit, with a man in the center. He began by a sort of half howl-
ing, half singing noise, which appeared as if designed to call the attention of the
women, the latter soon commencing the Amna Ayasong. This they continued with-
out variety, remaining quite still while the man walked round within the circle; his
body was rather bent forward, his eyes sometimes closed, his arms constantly movy-
ing up and down, and now and then hoarsely vociferating a word or two as if to
increase the animation of the singers, who, whenever he did this, quitted the chorus
and rose into the words of the song. At the end of ten minutes they all left off at
once, and after one minute’s interval commenced a second act precisely similar and
of equal duration, the man continuing to invoke their muse as before. A third act
which followed this, varied frequently towards the close only in his throwing his feet
up before and clapping his hands together, by which exertion he was thrown into a
violent perspiration. He then retired, desiring a young man (who as we were in-
formed was the only individual of several then present thus qualified) to take his
place in the center as master of the ceremonies, when the same antics as Lefore were
again gone through. After this description it will scarcely be necessary to remark
that nothing can be poorer in its way than this tedious singing recreation, which, as
well as in everything in which dancing is concerned, they express by the word mumi-
poq. They seem, however, to take great delight in it; and even a number of the men
as well as all the children crept into the hut by degrees to peep at the performance.

The Eskimo women and children often amuse themselves with a game not unlike
our ‘‘skip-rope.” This is performed by two women holding the ends of a line and
whirling it regularly round and round, while a third jumps over it in the middle ac-
cording to the following order. She commences by jumping twice on both feet, then
alternately with the right and left, and next four times with the feet slipped one be-
hind the other, the rope passing once round at each jump. After this she performs
a cirele on the ground, jumping about half a dozen times in the course of it, which
bringing her to her original position, the same thing is repeated as often as it can
be done without entangling the line. One or two of the women performed this
with considerable agility and adroitness, considering the clumsiness of their boots
and jackets, and seemed to pride themselves in some degree 6n the qualification, A

574 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO,

second kind of this game consists in two women holding a long rope by its ends
and whirling it round in such a manner over the heads of two others standing
close together near the middle of the bight, that each of these shall jump over it
alternately. The art therefore, which is indeed considerable, depends more on
those whirling the rope than on the jumpers, who are, however, obliged to keep
exact time in order to be ready for the rope passing under their feet.

Of all these games I observed only the one called pitkusiraqpoq
by Parry, which I saw played several times at Cumberland Sound.
(See Appendix, Note 3.)

While in times of plenty the home life is quite cheerful, the house
presents a sad and gloomy appearance if stormy weather prevents
the men from hunting. The stores are quickly consumed, one lamp
after another is extinguished, and everybody sits motionless in the
dark hut. Nevertheless the women and men do not stop humming
their monotonous amna aya and their stoicism in enduring the pangs
of hunger is really wonderful. At last, when starvation is menacing
the sufferers, the most daring of the men resolves to try his luck.
Though the storm may rage over the icy plain he sets out to go seal-
ing. For hours he braves the cold and stands waiting and watching
at the breathing hole until he hears the blowing of the seal and suc-
ceeds in killing it.

When those who have remained at home hear the sound of the re-
turning sledge, they rush out of the houses to meet it. Quickly they
help the bold hunter to get on shore. The sledge is unloaded, the
seal dragged into the house, and every one joyfully awaits his share.
The animal is cut up, every household receiving a piece of meat and
blubber. The gloomy huts are again lighted up and the pots, which

had been out of use for some days, are again hung up over the lamps. :

If the hunter, however, has tried in vain to procure food, if the
storm does not subside, the terrors of famine visit the settlement.
The dogs are the first to fall victims to the pressing hunger, and if
the worst comes cannibalism is resorted to. But all these occurrences
are spoken of with the utmost horror. In such cases children par-
ticularly are killed and eaten. Fortunately, however, such occur-
rences are very rare.

VISITING.

As soon as the ice has consolidated in winter a lively intercourse
springs up between the settlements. Friends visit one another, trad-
ing excursions are undertaken, and almost every few days visitors
arrive at the village. They are welcomed with great hospitality.
The sledge is unloaded and the dogs are fed by the host. The visitor
is led into the hut, served with the choicest pieces of meat, and the
hostess puts his clothing in order. In the winter these visits are
generally short, rarely lasting more than a few days.

BoAs.] SOCIAL LIFE— VISITING. 575

Longer journeys are postponed until spring, when food can be pro-
cured more easily. These journeys are planned a long time before
they are made. While the families generally leave what they can
spare of their household goods in winter at their summer settlement,
they bring away everything they possess to the winter village if they
intend to visit a neighboring tribe in the spring. In April or May
they leave their snow houses; the tent poles and the whole of their
goods are loaded upon the sledge, only the boats being left behind in
charge of some friend, and then they start upon their long, lonely
journey. On the first day they do not travel far, but make the first
halt after about a twelve-mile journey. As the load is heavy the men
and women sit on the top of the sledges only to rest. The driver walks
alongside and the women lead the way, the dogs pulling more will-
ingly if they see somebody ahead of the sledge. At night it is not
unloaded, only those things being taken out which are necessary for
building a small tent and for cooking. In order to protect the
sledge from the attacks of the dogs, the pitu (see p. 530) is taken out
and fastened to an eye cut into the ice with the end of the spear. After
having traveled about three days a longer halt is made ; the sledge
is unloaded, the dogs are unharnessed, and the men go out hunting
in order to procure food for the dogs and for themselves. Thus they
slowly proceed until they at last reach the end of their journey.
Here they settle down with the friends whom they have come to visit,
establish a hut of their own, and spend a whole year withthem. In
the following spring they retrace their journey to their own homes.
Journeys of four to five hundred miles in one spring are not of rare
occurrence; longer journeys, however, frequently last for years.

A journey of two hundred miles, going and coming, is sometimes
accomplished in one season. For such a journey they would set
out in March or April, leaving all their goods behind, and live with
the friends whom they visit for a month or two, returning about
June. While on the visit the visitors help their friends to provide
for their families.

In traveling in the spring the Eskimo always use snow goggles to
protect themselves from snow blindness. The modern ones (Fig.
529), which are made of wood and have a shade and a narrow slit for
each eye, are very effective. The old design is represented in Fig.
530, the specimen being made of ivory. .

Long journeys are sometimes made in summer, several families
traveling together in their boats. As, however, the open season is
very short in many parts of Northeastern America, spring journeys
are more frequently made.

When traveling by boat the tent poles, skin covers, and all the
household goods are stowed away in the bottom. The women do
the pulling, three or four working at each oar, while a man sits on the
stern board steering with a paddle. They move on at their leisure,

576 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

stopping whenever they are tired or when a seal is seen blowing near
the boat. The kayaks are tied to the stern and towed along. Chil-
dren and dogs lie about in the bottom of the boat. In the center
there is a tub containing all kinds of provisions, and every now and
then they take some refreshment from it. During the nights the

Fig. 529. Modern snow goggles, of wood. (National Museum, Washington, 29978.) 4

tents are erected at suitable points. The natives are well acquainted
with these, and, if they are not compelled by severe weather to seek
shelter at the nearest point, always visit the same places. These
have a smooth, sloping beach, fresh water, and dry, gravelly places
in which the tents are built.

Fic. 530. Old form of snow goggles, of ivory, found in Idjorituaqtuin,Cumberland Sound. (Museum
fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin. TV A 6833.)

SOCIAL CUSTOMS IN SUMMER.

When the rays of the sun begin to be warmer and the roofs of the
snow houses tumble down the natives live in a very uncomfortable
way until a sufficient number of sealskins are procured to build a
tent. Sometimes a family live under a roof too small to cover them

BOAS. } SOCIAL LIFE IN SUMMER. 577

all, though they sit as close as possible, and too low to permit them
to sit upright ; but, as seals are basking everywhere on the ice, this
state of affairs does not last long. The women split a number of large
skins and dry them on the snow, and by the middle of May they can
build a pretty large tent; but it is not until they settle permanently
at the place of the summer village that the large tent is sewed and
put up.

At this season salmon and venison form the staple food of the
Eskimo, The old men, women, and children, who stay at the lakes
or at the salmon rivers, depend almost entirely upon this food. They
fish and eat the salmon in a raw as well as in a cooked state. Birds
are caught and eaten raw. The surplus salmon are split and dried
on poles erected for the purpose. Deer shoulders, legs, and backs
are also cut into thin pieces and dried. Sometimes the dried fish and
venison are deposited in stone caches for later use, but most of it is
eaten in summer, especially when the Eskimo go traveling. When
the men go deer hunting they take a supply of dried salmon with
them, and thus can stay out for a week or even longer. Whena
deer is killed it is skinned at once, the legs being slit and the belly
opened. The paunch is carefully tied up, as the contents are a favor-
ite dish of the Eskimo. The head, the legs, and the ribs are cut off
and after being piled up the whole is covered with heavy stones, only
the horns protruding from the top of the depot. The hams and the
skin are generally carried to the hut at once, and, if the distance is
not too great or the carcass can be reached with sledges or boats, the
whole animal is brought home. Large depots are only made in the
fall, when there is no danger of the meat spoiling.

At this season the natives visit deer passes and lakes, near which
they establish their huts. The tents and all the household goods are
packed up in heavy bundles, some of which are carried by the dogs,
the load hanging on both sides of the back; others, by men and
women, being secured by one strap which passes over the forehead
and by another which passes over the breast. Their strength and
their perseverance in carrying heavy loads over long distances are
remarkable.

The social life in the summer settlements is rather different from
that in winter. At this season the families do not cook their own
meals, but a single one provides for the whole settlement. The day
before it is her turn to cook, the woman goes to the hills to fetch
shrubs for the fire. Three stones are put up near the hut as a fire-
place, the opening facing the wind. The kettle is placed on the top
of it and the fire is fed with shrubs and blubber. When the meal is
ready the master of the house stands beside it, crying Ujo! Ujo!
(boiled meat) and everybody comes out of the hut provided witn a
knife. The dish is carried to a level place and the men sit down
around it in one circle, while the women form another, Then large

6 ETH

578 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

lumps of meat are passed around, everybody cutting off a piece and
taking a swallow of the soup, which is passed around in a large
leather cup. These dinners, which are held in the evening after the
return from the hunt, are almost always enlivened by a mimic
performance, A man or an old woman sits down in the center of
the circle and amuses the assembly by singing and dancing or by
making faces. A favorite performance is one in which a man, with
blackened face and with a thong tied around his head, writhes and
makes odd grimaces.

After dinner the men sit chatting or gambling before the huts,
while the women and children amuse themselves by running about,
playing at ball, or dancing.

A strict religious custom forbids the Eskimo to work on the deer-
skins which are obtained in summer before the ice has formed ; they
are only dried and tied up in large bundles. In the fall, when on their
way to the winter settlements, the Eskimo travel rather quickly.
The boats are piled up with the spoils of the summer hunt and the
place of destination is generally reached before the stormy weather
sets in.

When it gets colder short excursions are made by boat in order to
collect shrubs for covering the tents. Several families join in build-
ing acommon hut, and on a fine day the old tents are torn down and
the tent poles are converted into a strong frame, which is covered
with a double roof. The bed and the platforms for the lamps are
raised and henceforth all the cooking is done inside.

As soon as the first seals are caught with the harpoon the deer
skins are prepared. If they were deposited under stones in summer,
sledges set out to bring them to the settlements, and then they are
distributed for winter clothing. According to Hall the western
tribes are in the habit of spreading all the skins on one place and
distributing them among the inhabitants of the settlement. I did
not observe the same custom among the eastern tribes. Then they
devote themselves to dressing the skins. On Davis Strait this work
falls to the share of the women, while among the Hudson Bay
tribes it is done by the men. At thisseason the great religious feasts
of the natives are celebrated, which announce, as it were, the com-
mencement of winter.

SOCIAL ORDER AND LAWS.

The social order of the Eskimo is entirely founded on the family
and on the ties of consanguinity and affinity between the individual
families. Generally children are betrothed when very young, but
these engagements, not being strictly binding, may be broken off at
any time. When the children reach maturity the girl learns the
duties of a woman and the boy those of a man. As soon as he is

“on nornnaal

Boas. SOCIAL ORDER AND LAWS. 579

able to provide for a family and she can do the work falling to her
share, they are allowed to marry. It happens frequently that the
young man’s parents are unwilling to allow him to provide for his
parents-in-law, and then he may be rejected atany moment. Usually
the young couple must begin housekeeping with the young wife’s
family and the young man, if belonging to a strange tribe, must join
that of his wife. It is not until after his parents-in-law are dead
that he is entirely master of his own actions. Though the betrothal
be entered into in the days of childhood the bride must be bought
from the parents by some present. In other instances the men choose
their wives when grown up and sometimes a long wooing precedes
the marriage. The consent of the bride’s parents, or, if they are
dead, that of her brothers, is always necessary. Marriages between
relatives are forbidden: cousins, nephew and niece, aunt and uncle,
are not allowed to intermarry. There is, however, no law to pre-
vent a man from marrying two sisters. It is remarkable that Lyon
states just the reverse (p. 353). I am sure, however, that my state-
ments are correct in reference to the Davis Strait tribes.

Should the newly married couple join the wife’s family this would
serve as a check to polygamy, which, however, is quite allowable.
It is only when the new family settles on its own account that a man
is at full liberty to take additional wives, among whom one is always
considered the chief wife. Monogamy is everywhere more frequent
than polygamy, only a very few men having two or more wives. <Ac-
cording to Ross polyandry occurs with the Netchillirmiut (II, pp. 356,
373). As long as the mother-in-law lives with the young family the
wives are subordinate to her, while the mothers of both parties are
independent of each other. No example came to my notice of both
parents living with the newly married couple. Sometimes the man
and wife do not set up a new household at once, but each remains at
home. The property necessary for establishing a new family is the
hunting gear of the man and the knife, scraper, lamp, and cooking
pot of the women.

A strange custom permits a man to lend his wife to a friend for a
whole season or even longer and to exchange wives asa sign of friend-
ship. On certain occasions it is even commanded by a religious
law (see p. 605). Nevertheless I know of some instances of quarrels
arising from jealousy. Lyon states, however, that this passion is un-
known among the Iglulirmiut (p. 355). The husband is not allowed
to maltreat or punish his wife; if he does she may leave him at any
time, and the wife’s mother can always command a divorce. Both
are allowed toremarry as soon as they like, even the slightest pretext
being sufficient for a separation.

I may be allowed to refer once more to the division of labor be-
tweenthe man andwoman. The principal part of the man’s work is
to provide for his family by hunting, i. e., for his wifeand children and

580 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

for his relatives who have no provider. He must drive the sledge in
traveling, feed the dogs, build the house, and make and keep in order
his hunting implements, the boat cover and seal floats excepted.
The woman has to do the household work, the sewing, and the cook-
ing. She must look after the lamps, make and mend the tent and
boat covers, prepare the skins, and bring up young dogs. It falls to
her share to make the inner outfit of the hut, to smooth the plat-
forms, line the snow house, &c. On Davis Strait the men cut up all
kinds of animals which they have caught; on Hudson Bay, however,
the women cut up the seals. There the men prepare the deerskins,
which is done by the women among the eastern tribes. Everywhere
the women have to do the rowing in the large boats while the man
steers. Cripples who are unable to hunt do the same kind of work
as women.

Children are treated very kindly and are not scolded, whipped, or
subjected to any corporal punishment. Among all the tribes infant-
icide has been practiced to some extent, but probably only females
or children of widows or widowers have been murdered in this way,
the latter on account of the difficulty of providing for them. It is
very remarkable that this practice seems to be quite allowable among
them, while in Greenland it is believed that the spirit of the mur-
dered child is turned into an evil spirit, called angiaq, and revenges
the crime (Rink, p. 45).

Besides the children properly belonging to the family, adopted
children, widows, and old people are considered part of it. Adoption
is carried on among this people to a great extent.

If for any reason a man is unable to provide for his family or if a
woman cannot do her household work, the children are adopted by a
relative or a friend, who considers them as his own children. In the
same way widows with their children are adopted by their nearest
relative or by a friend and belong to the family, though the woman
retains her own fireplace.

It is difficult to decide which relative is considered the nearest,
but the ties of consanguinity appear to be much closer than those of
affinity. If a woman dies the husband leaves his children with his
parents-in-law and returns to his own family, and if a man dies his
wife returns to her parents or her brothers, who are the nearest
relatives next to parents or children. When a woman dies, how-
ever, after the children are grown up the widower will stay with
them. Incase of a divorce the children generally remain with the
mother.

As a great part of the personal property of a man is destroyed at
his death or placed by his grave, the objects which may be acquired
by inheritance are few. These are the gun, harpoon, sledge, dogs,
kayak, boat, and tent poles of the man and the lamp and pots of the
woman. The first inheritor of these articles is the eldest son living

BOAS. ] SOCIAL ORDER AND LAWS. 581

with the parents. Sons and daughters having households of their
own do not participate in the inheritance. An elder adopted son has
a preference over a younger son born of the marriage. Details of
the laws which relate to inheritance are unknown to me.

Sometimes men are adopted who may almost be considered sery-
ants. Particularly bachelors without any relations, cripples who
are not able to provide for themselves, or men who have lost their
sledges and dogs are found in this position. They fulfill minor occu-
pations, mend the hunting implements, fit out the sledges, feed the
dogs, &c.; sometimes, however, they join the hunters. They follow
the master of the house when he removes from one place to another,
make journeys in order to do his commissions, and so on. The po-
sition, however, is a voluntary one, and therefore these men are not
less esteemed than the self dependent providers.

Strangers visiting their friends for a season are generally in a sim-
ilar position, though they receive a wife if the host happens to have
more than one; if the friend has hunting gear, a sledge, and dogs
of his own, he can arrange a separate fireplace in the hut.

In summer most families have each their own tent, but in the fall
from two to four join in building a house. Frequently the parents
live on one side, the family of the son-in-law on the other, and a
friend or relative in a small recess. Sometimes two houses have a
common entrance or the passages communicate with one another.
The inhabitants of both parts usually live quite independently of one
another, while the oldest man of every house has some influence
over his housemates.

If the distance between the winter and the summer settlement is
very great or when any particular knowledge is required to find out
the haunts of game, there is a kind of chief in the settlement, whose
acknowledged authority is, however, very limited. He is called the
pimain (i. e., he who knows everything best) or the issumautang.
His authority is virtually limited to the right of deciding on the
proper time to shift the huts from one place to the other, but the
families are not obliged to follow him. At some places it seems to
be considered proper to ask the pimain before moving to another
settlement and leaving the rest of the tribe. He may ask some men
to go deer hunting, others to go sealing, but there is not the slightest
obligation to obey his orders.

Every family is allowed to settle wherever it likes, visiting a strange
tribe being the only exception. In such a case the newcomer has
to undergo a ceremony which consists chiefly in a duel between a
native of the place and himself. If he is defeated he runs the risk
of being killed by those among whom he has come (see pp. 465, 609).

There are numerous regulations governing hunting, determining
to whom the game belongs, the obligations of the successful hunter
towards the inhabitants of the village, &c.

582 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO,

When a seal is brought to the huts everybody is entitled to a share
of the meat and blubber, which is distributed by the hunter himself
or carried to the individual huts by his wife. This custom is only
practiced when food is scarce. In time of plenty only the housemates
receive a Share of the animal.

A ground seal belongs to all the men who take part in the hunt,
the skin especially being divided among them. <A walrus is cut up
at once into as many parts as there are hunters, the one who first
struck it having the choice of the parts and receiving the head. A
whale belongs to the whole settlement and its capture is celebrated
by a feast (p. 603).

A bear ora young seal belongs to the man who first saw it, no
matter who kills it.

Lost objects must be restored to the owner if he is known, game,
however, excepted; for example, if a harpoon line breaks and the
animal escapes, but is found later by another man, the game belongs
to the latter. In Hudson Bay he is also allowed to keep the harpoon
and line.

There is no way of enforcing these unwritten laws and no punish-
ment for transgressors except the blood vengeance. It is not a rare
occurrence that a man who is offended by another man takes revenge
by killing the offender. It is then the right and the duty of the
nearest relative of the victim to kill the murderer. In certain quar-
rels between the Netchillirmiut and the Aivillirmiut, in which the
murderer himself could not be apprehended, the family of the mur-
dered man has killed one of the murderer’s relations in his stead.
Such a feud sometimes lasts for a long time and is even handed down
to asucceeding generation. It is sometimes settled by mutual agree-
ment. As a sign of reconciliation both parties touch each other’s
breasts, saying, Haga (my friend) (Klutschak, p. 70).

If a man has committed a murder or made himself odious by other
outrages he may be killed by any one simply as a matter of justice.
The man who intends to take revenge on him must ask his country-
men singly if each agrees in the opinion that the offender is a bad man
deserving death. If all answer in the affirmative he may kill the
man thus condemned and no one is allowed to revenge the murder.
(See Appendix, Note 4.)

Their method of carrying on such a feud is quite foreign to our
feelings. Strange as it may seem, a murderer will come to visit the
relatives of his victim (though he knows that they are allowed to kill
him in revenge) and will settle with them. He is kindly welcomed
and sometimes lives quietly for weeks and months. Then he is sud-
denly challenged to a wrestling match (see p. 609), and if defeated is
killed, or if victorious he may kill one of the opposite party, or when
hunting he is suddenly attacked by his companions and slain.

.
’
,

BOAS. | RELIGIOUS IDEAS AND MYTHS. 583

RELIGIOUS IDEAS AND THE ANGAKUNIRN (PRIESTHOOD).

Although the principal religious ideas of the Central Eskimo and
those of the Greenlanders are identical, their mythologies differ in
many material points. I will only mention here that they believe
in the Tornait of the old Greenlanders, while the Tornarsuk (i. e.,
the great Tornaq of the latter) is unknown to them. Their Supreme
Being is a woman whose name is Sedna.

The first report on this tradition is found in Warmow’s journal of
his visit to Cumberland Sound (Missionsblatt aus der Briiderge-
meinde, 1859, No. I, p. 19). The editor says:

The name of the good spirit is Sanaq or Sana, and he seems to be worshiped as the
unknown deity. Nobody could give a definite answer to Brother Warmow’s frequent
questions as to what they believed he was. They only said they invoked his help
if they were in need. ‘‘Then we ask him,” one of the men sail, ‘‘and Takaq (the
moon) gives us what we want, seals and deer.” Another one said that Sanaq had
lived on the earth and afterwards ascended to the moon.

In Hall’s account of his explorations in Frobisher Bay it is men-
tioned that the tribes of that country, the Nugumiut, believe in a
Supreme Being, and the following statement is given (Hall T, p. 524):

There is one Supreme Being, called by them Anguta, who created the earth. sea,
and heavenly bodies. There is also a secondary divinity, a woman, the daughter of
Anguta, who is called Sidne. She is supposed to have created all things | aving
life, animal and vegetable. She is regarded also as the protecting divinity of the
Inuit people. To her their supplications are addressed; to her their offerings are
made; while most of their religious rites and superstitious observances have refer-
ence to her.

It is of great importance that in the journals of Hall’s second jour-
ney Sedna is mentioned a few times (spelled Sydney), this being the
only proof that she is known among the tribes of Hudson Bay.

The statements of the whalers visiting the Sikosuilarmiut and
the Akuliarmiut of Hudson Strait correspond with my own obserya-
tions. Before entering into a comparison of this tradition with
similar ones belonging to other tribes, I will give the particulars of
the myth as I received it from the Oqomiut and the Akudnirmiut.

SEDNA AND THE FULMAR.

Once upon a time there lived on a solitary shore an Inung with his
daughter Sedna. His wife had been dead for some time and the
two led a quiet life. Sedna grew up to be a handsome girl and the
youths came from all around to sue for her hand, but none of them
could touch her proud heart. Finally, at the breaking up of the ice
in the spring a fulmar flew from over the ice and wooed Sedna with
enticing song. ‘‘Come to me,” it said; ‘‘come into the land of the

584 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

birds, where there is never hunger, where my tent is made of the
most beautiful skins. You shall rest on soft bearskins. My fellows,
the fulmars, shall bring you all your heart may desire; their feathers
shall clothe you; your lamp shall always be filled with oil, your pot
with meat.” Sedna could not long resist such wooing and they
went together over the vast sea. When at last they reached the
country of the fulmar, after a long and hard journey, Sedna dis-
covered that her spouse had shamefully deceived her. Her new
home was not built of beautiful pelts, but was covered with wretched
fishskins, full of holes, that gave free entrance to wind and snow.
Instead of soft reindeer skins her bed was made of hard walrus hides
and she had to live on miserable fish, which the birds brought her.
Too soon she discovered that she had thrown away her opportuni-
ties when in her foolish pride she had rejected the Inuit youth. In
her woe she sang: ‘Aja. O father, if you knew how wretched I am
you would come to me and we would hurry away in your boat over
the waters. The birds look unkindly upon me the stranger; cold
winds roar about my bed; they give me but miserable food. O
come and take me back home. Aja.”

When a year had passed and the sea was again stirred by warmer
winds, the father left his country to visit Sedna. His daughter
greeted him joyfully and besought him to take her back home. The
father hearing of the outrages wrought upon his daughter deter-
mined upon revenge. He killed the fulmar, took Sedna into his
boat, and they quickly left the country which had brought so much
sorrow to Sedna. When the other fulmars came home and found
their companion dead and his wife gone, they all flew away in search
of the fugitives. They were very sad over the death of their poor
murdered comrade and continue to mourn and cry until this day.

Having flown a short distance they discerned the boat and stirred
up a heavy storm. The sea rose in immense waves that threatened
the pair with destruction. In this mortal peril the father determined
to offer Sedna to the birds and flung her overboard. She clung to
the edge of the boat with a death grip. The cruel father then took
a knife and cut off the first joints of her fingers. Falling into the
sea they were transformed into whales, the nails turning into whale-
bone. Sedna holding on to the boat more tightly. the second finger
joints fell under the sharp knife and swam away as seals (Pagomys
fetidus); when the father cut off the stumps of the fingers they
became ground seals (Phoca barbata). Meantime the storm sub-
sided, for the fulmars thought Sedna was drowned. The father
then allowed her to come into the boat again. But from that time
she cherished a deadly hatred against him and swore bitter revenge.
-After they got ashore, she called her dogs and let them gnaw off the
feet and hands of her father while he was asleep. Upon this he
cursed himself, his daughter, and the dogs which had maimed him;

BOAS.] SEDNA AND THE FULMAR. 585

whereupon the earth opened and swallowed the hut, the father, the
daughter, and the dogs. They have since lived in the land of Adli-
vun, of which Sedna is the mistress.

This tradition is handed down inan old song. I shall give the sub-
stance of it here, as it differs in some points from the above myth.

The story begins when the fulmar carries Sedna to his home and
she discovers that he has brought her to a very wretched tent. The
next year the father and a brother, whom I find mentioned nowhere
else, came to visit her and take her home. The fulmar follows their
boat and causes a heavy gale to rise which almost upsets it. The
father cuts off her fingers, which are transformed into whales, seals,
and ground seals. Besides, he pierces her eye and thus kills her.
Then he takes the body into the boat and carries it to the shore.
There he lays it on the beach and covers it with a dogskin. When
the flood comes in it covers Sedna.

Sedna and her father are described by the angakut (see p. 591),
who sometimes visit her house or see them when both dwell among
the natives, as follows: She is very large and much taller than the
Inuit. In accordance with the second form of the tradition she
has only one eye and is scarcely able to move. Her father is also a
cripple and appears to the dying, whom he grasps with his right
hand, which has only three fingers.

There is a remarkable resemblance between this tradition and one
related by Lyon (p. 362), who describes the religious ideas of the
Iglulirmiut, more particularly the genii of one of their angakut. He
says that the principal spirits are Aiviliajog (Ay-willi-ay-oo) or Nu-
liajoq (Noo-le-ay-oo), a female spirit, and her father, Napajoq (Nap-
payok) or Anautalik (An-now-ta-lig). Then he continues:

The former is in the first place the mother, protectress, and not unfrequently the
monopolist of sea animals, which she sometimes very wantonly confines below, and
by that means causes a general scarcity in the upper world. When this is the case,
the angakok is persuaded to pay her a visit, and attempt the release of the animals
on which his tribe subsist. I know not what ceremonies he performs at the first
part of the interview; but as the spell by which the animals are held lies in the hand
of the enchantress, the conjuror makes some bold attempts to cut it off, and, ac-
cording to his success, plenty, more or less, is obtained. If deprived of her nails,
the bears obtain their freedom; amputation of the first joint liberates the netsiq
(Pagomys); while that of the second loosens the ugjuq (Phoea). Should the knuckles
be detached whole herds of walrus rise to the surface; and should the adventurous
angakoq succeed in cutting through the lower part of the metacarpal bones, the
monstrous whales are disenthralled and delightedly join the other creatures of the
deep. * * * Her house is exceedingly fine, and very like a Kabluna (European)
looking-glass (?) ; and, what is still more attractive to an Eskimo, it contains plenty
of food. Immediately within the door of the dwelling, which has a long passage
of entrance, is stationed a very large and fierce dog, which has no tail, and whose
hinder quarters are black. * * * Aiviliajoqg is described as being equally won-
derful in her personal appearance as in her actions. She is very tall and has but
one eye, which is the left, the place of the other being covered by a profusion of black

586 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

hair. She has one pigtail only, contrary to the established fashion in the upper
Hskimo world, which is to wear one on each side of the face,and this is of such
immense magnitude, that a man can scarcely grasp it with both hands. Its length
is exactly twice that of her arm, and it descends to her knee. The hood of her jacket
is always wornup. * * *

Her father has but one arm, the hand of which is covered by a very large mitten
of bearskin. * * * He is not larger than a boy of ten years of age. He bears
the character of a good, quiet sort of person and is master of a very nice house,
which, however, is not approachable, on account of the vast herds of walrus lying
round it, which, with numerous bears, make a terrific howling. * * * He has
nothing to eat, and does not even require it; in which particular he differs widely
from his daughter, who has a most voracious appetite. I know not if he is the
father of all terrestrial animals, but he is certainly their patron, and withholds them
at times from the Eskimo.

The name of the father, Anautalik (An-now-ta-lig), i. e., the man
with something to cut (with a knife), is very remarkable. Besides,
it is interesting that the angakoq who visits the dwelling of Nuliajoq
has to cut off her hand in order to liberate the sea animals. In the
tradition related in the foregoing, Sedna has another name, to wit,
Uinigumisuitung, i. e., she who would not have a husband; her
father, Savirqong, i. e., the man with the knife. Often he is only
called Anguta, her father.

It is evident that Nuliajoq is identical with Sedna, though some
peculiarities exist in the tradition as related by Lyoxn which it is
rather difficult to reconcile with the myth as it is related among the
Oqomiut. It seems to me that this difficulty arises from the mixing
up of the angakoq’s visit to Sedna with the tradition itself. Indeed
Lyon only refers to the angakogq’s visit to Nuliajoq, whom he con-
siders a genius of a great angakoq, though he remarks in another
place (p. 363) that she *‘ has a boundless command over the lives and
destinies of mankind.”

The tale of the angakoq’s visit makes the tradition very similar to
the Greenland myth of Arnaquagsaq, i. e., the old woman. Accord-
ing to Cranz (p. 264) and to Rink (p. 40) this spirit has her abode in
the depth of the ocean. She represents the source of nourishment,
supplying tne physical wants of mankind. She sits in her dwelling in
front of a lamp, beneath which is placed a vessel which receives the
oil that keeps flowing down from the lamp. From this vessel, as well
as from the dark interior of her hut, she sends out all the animals
which serve for food, but in certain cases withholds the supply, thus
causing want and famine. The reason for thus withholding the
supply was that certain filthy and noxious parasites fastened them-
selves upon her head, of which she could only be relieved by an
angakoq. Then she could be induced again to send out the animals
for the benefit of man. In going to her he (the angakogq) had first
to pass the Arsissut and then to cross an abyss, in which, according
to the earliest authors, a wheel as slippery as ice was constantly

BoAS.] ORIGIN OF WALRUS AND REINDEER. 587

turning around; then, having safely passed a boiling kettle with
seals in it, he arrived at the house, in front of which watch was kept
by terrible animals, sometimes described as seals, sometimes as dogs;
and, lastly, within the house passage itself, he had to cross an abyss
by means of a bridge as narrow as a knife edge.

About the same tale is found among the Baffin Land tribes; accord-
ing to Captain Spicer, of Groton, Conn., she is called Nanoquagsaq
by the Akuliarmiut. She is visited by the angakut, who liberate
the sea animals by subduing her or rather by depriving her of a
charm by which she restrains the animals.

IT am inclined to think that the form in which Lyon gives this tra-
dition is not quite correct, but is a mixture of the Sedna myth and
that of the angakoq’s visit to Arnaquagsaq. This seems the more
probable from a Greenland tale which Dr. Rink kindly communicated
to me, in which it is related that the grandfather of Arnaquagsaq
cut off her fingers, which were changed into sea animals.

For this reason it is most probable that Arnaquagsaq, Sedna, and
Nuliajoq proceed from the same myth, though the traditions differ
from one another as they are related by the travelers. In the my-
thology of the central tribes this character has a much more decided
influence upon their religious belief than the Arnaquagsaq of the
Greenlanders seems to have had.

The myth of Sedna is confused with another which treats of the
origin of the Europeans and of the Adlet (see p. 637). The legends
are in part almost identical. Sedna orders her dog to gnaw off her
father’s feet; Uinigumisuitung’s children maim their grandfather in
the same way; and, besides, Sedna’s second name is also Uinigumi-
suitung. Im both tales the father is called Savirqong. In Lyon’s
Private Journal (p. 363) an important statement is found to the
effect that the dog which protects Nuliajoq’s dwelling is by some
natives called her husband, by others merely her dog, but that he
is generally considered the father of Erqigdlit (identical with Adlet,
p. 637) and Qadlunait (Europeans).

Finally, I must record the legend of the origin of the walrus and the
reindeer, which is closely related to the Sedna tradition. I could
never learn any other reason why the use of sea animals and reindeer
at the same period should be forbidden, except the fear of offending
Sedna. She is represented as disliking the deer, which accordingly
are not found in her house. Any reason for this dislike is not given.
The Akuliarmiut, however, have a tradition that a woman, most
probably Sedna herself, created the walrus and the reindeer during a
famine. She opened her belly and took out a small piece of fat
which she carried up the hills where it was transformed by a magic
spell into a reindeer. As soon as she saw the animal she became
frightened and ordered it to run away, but the deer turned upon her
and would not go; then she became angry and knocked out its teeth.

5S8 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

It turned round at once, but before it could leave she gave it a kick
which lopped off its tail. Thus it happened that the deer is deficient
as to certain teeth and has scarcely any tail. The woman, however,
continued to hate the deer. Afterward she descended to the beach
and threw another piece of fat into the water. It was transformed
into a walrus, which swam away at once. (According to a com-
munication of Captain Spicer.)

The form of this tradition as related by the Akudnirmiut is some-
what different. During afamine a woman (I could not learn whether
she was identical with Sedna or not) carried her boots to the hills and
transformed them by magic into deer, which spread all over the
country. Then she carried her breeches to the sea, where they were
changed into walrus. The first deer, however, had large tusks and
no horns, while the walrus had horns and no tusks. The Eskimo
soon found that this was very dangerous for the hunter, as the deer
killed pursuers with their tusks, while the walrus upset the boats.
Therefore an old man transferred the horns to the deer and the tusks
to the walrus.

It is very probable that this woman was Sedna, as the Eskimo af-
firm that the observances referring to walrus and deer are commanded
by Sedna and as the first tradition accounts for her dislike of the
deer.

I could not find any trace of the tradition reported by Lyon, that
Anautalik, Nuliajoq’s father, is the protector of land animals, nor
of that of a being to whom he refers by the name of Pukimna (de-
rived from pukiq, the white parts of a deerskin), who lives in a
fine country far to the west and who is the immediate protectress of
deer, which animals roam in immense herds around her dwelling.

Sedna is the mistress of one of the countries to which the souls go
after death. It has been related in the foregoing tradition of Sedna
and the fulmar that she descended to Adlivun; since that time she
has been the mistress of the country, and when invoked as such has
the name of Idliragijenget. She has a large house, in which no
deerskins are found. There she lives with her father, each occupy-
ing one side of it. The father, who is unable to move, lies on the
ledge and is covered with old skins. In the entrance across the
threshold lies Sedna’s dog watching her house. Like her, the father
has only one eye, and he never moves from his place while in the house.

The dead, who are seized by Sedna’s father, Anguta, are carried to
this dwelling. The dog moves aside only a little, just enough to
allow the souls to pass. They have to stay in this dismal abode
during a whole year, lying by the side of Anguta, who pinches
them.

The happy land is heaven and is called Qudlivun (the uppermost
ones). It abounds with deer, which are easily caught, and no ice or
snow ever visits it.

BOAS.] RELIGIOUS IDEAS. 589

The Oqomiut and the Akudnirmiut make a distinction between
Adlivun and Adliparmiut. Adlivun means ‘‘ those who live beneath
us;” Adliparmiut, ‘the inhabitants of the country farthest below us:”
and the same difference exists between Qudlivun and Qudliparmiut.
Though these names intimate the probability that the Eskimo believe
ina series of places, located ina descending scale, each below the other,
I could not find any more detailed description of the conception.

Hall’s observations agree fairly with my own. He says (I, p. 524):

Qudliparmiut (heaven) is upward. Everybody happy ther». All the time light:
no snow, no ice, no storms; always pleasant; no trouble; never tired; sing and
play all the time —all this to continue without end.

Adliparmiut (hell) is downward. Always dark there. No sun; trouble there
continually ; snow flying all the time, terrible storms; cold, very cold; and a great
deal of ice there. All who go there must always remain.

All Inuit who have been good go to Qudliparmiut; that is, who have been kind
to the poor and hungry, all who have been happy while tiving on this earth. Any
one who has been killed by accident, or who has committe suicide, certainly goes
to the happy place.

All Inuit who have been bad —that is, unkind one to another —all who have been
unhappy while on this earth, will go to Adliparmiut. If an Inung kills another
because he is mad at him, he will certainly go to Adlipormiut.

Kumlien’s remarks on this subject, as well as on other ethnographic
subjects, are not trustworthy. He has transferred Greenland tales
to Cumberland Sound, though the traditions of these tribes differ
materially one from the other. I tried hard to corroborate his state-
ments concerning the amaroq and the tornarsuq, concerning certain
customs, &c., and am convinced that they are totally unknown to all
the natives of Baffin Land from Nugumiut to Tununirn.

Kumlien states that the better land is below the surface of the
earth and that those who are killed by violence descend after death. ~
According to Hall and to replies to my own inquiries, it is quite the
reverse. Lyon’s report is extremely interesting, particularly his
description of the stages of the nether world, of which I could only
find a scanty hint in the names. He says (p. 372):

There are two places appointed to receive the souls of the good: one of these is in
the center of the earth, the other in qilaq, or heaven. To the latter place, such as
are drowned at sea, starved to death, murdered, or killed by walruses or bears, are
instantly wafted, and dwell in a charming country, which, however, has never been
seen by any angakog. * * *

The place of souls in the world below is called Adli generally; but there are,
properly, four distinct states of blessedness, and each rank has a world to itself, the
lowest land being the last and best, which all hope to reach. The day on which a
good person dies and is buried, the soul goes to a land immediately under the visible
world; and, still descending, it arrives the second day at one yet lower; the third
day it goes farther yet; and on the fourth it finds, ‘‘ below the lowest deep, a deeper
still.” This is the ‘‘ good land,” and the soul which reaches it is for ever happy.
The three first stages are bad uncomfortable places for in each the sky is so close
to the earth, that a man cannot walk erect : yet these regions are inhabited: and the
good soul, in passing through them, sees multitudes of the dead, who, having lost

590 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

their way, or, not being entitled to the ‘* good land,” are always wandering about and
in great distress. Whether these unhappy souls are in purgatory or not, I was un-
able to learn; but they suffer no other pain than what we would call the ‘‘ fidgets.”
In the lowest Adli a perpetual and delightful summer prevails.

The belief of these tribes undoubtedly is that all who die by ac-
cident or by violence and women who die in childbirth are taken to
the upper world. I never heard a different opinion expressed by any
native. I do not know whether they believe in a series of upper
worlds similar to the nether worlds of the Iglulirmiut, but it is prob-
able, from the names Qudlivun and Qudliparmiut. In the Greenland
tradition the upper world is represented as a country with hills and
valleys, over which the solid blue sky is expanded. Sedna of the
Oqomiut lives in Adlivun, and here the souls must stay one year
after death. Everybody who dies from disease or who has offended
Sedna by infringing her orders is taken to her. The Eskimo are
in great fear of the terrors of her abode. Murderers and offenders
against human laws, after they have entered Sedna’s house, will
never leave it; the other souls, however, are taken to the Adlipar-
miut, where they live comparatively at their ease, although they are
not nearly so blessed as the Qudliparmiut. They hunt whales and
walrus and are almost always troubled by ice and snow.

The older authors on Greenland mythology state that the concep-
tions of the natives do not coincide (Cranz). According to one tra-
dition the good land is below, and tornarsuq, the supreme tornaq,
is master of it. Here continuous summer prevails and there is
plenty of fresh water, with a profusion of game. Only those people
are allowed to come here who have been good hunters and workers,
who have accomplished great exploits, caught many seals, who have
suffered much, or have died by violence or in childbirth. The souls
of the deceased must slide for five days, or even longer, down a steep
rock, which has become quite slippery from the blood which has been
sprinkled overit. Those who have been-lazy and unfit for working
goto the upper world, where they suffer from scarcity of food. Par-
ticularly the bad and witches are taken to this country, where they
are tormented by ravens. {

Another tradition places the good land in heaven. The souls
travel on the rainbow to the moon, near which they find a large lake
abounding with fowls and fish. Rink gives the following statement
on this subject (p. 37):

After death, human souls either go to the upper or to the under world. The latter
is decidedly to be preferred, as being warm and rich in food. There are the dwell-
ings of the happy dead called arsissut,—viz, those who live in abundance. On the
contrary, those who go to the upper world will suffer from cold and famine; and
these are called the arssartut, or ball players, on account of their playing at ball with
a walrus head, which gives rise to the aurora borealis.

While the Iglulirmiut believe that the soul leaves the body imme-
diately after death and descends to Adli, the tribes of Davis Strait

BOAS. | RELIGIOUS IDEAS. 591

suppose that it lingers three days around the body, unable to leave
it. Then it descends to Sedna’s house. During its stay in Adlivun
the soul is called tupilaq, which is represented by the figure of a man
with wide, loose, shabby clothing. It is looked upon as a malevolent
spirit, frequently roaming around the villages. The tupilaq is not
allowed to enter the houses, and if the angakoq perceives and an-
nounces his presence no one would dare to leave the houses. His
touch kills men at once, the sight of him causes sickness and mischief.
As soon as the soul has become an adliparmio, it is at rest and
ceases to be feared as a tupilaq.

It is worth remarking that the Greenlanders designate with the
name of tupilaq a supernatural being made by men for the purpose
of destroying their enemies (Rink, p. 53). It is composed of various
parts of different animals and is enabled to act in the shape of any
of them at will. I have not found any trace of this idea among the
Central Eskimo.

THE TORNAIT AND THE ANGAKUT.

A consideration of the religious ideas of the Eskimo shows that
the tornait, the invisible rulers of every object, are the most remark-
able beings next to Sedna. Everything has its inua (owner), which
may become the genius of man who thus obtains the qualities of
angakunirn. Iam not quite sure that every inua can become the
tornaq of a man, though with the Greenlanders this was possible. I
learned of three kinds of spirits only, who are protectors of angakut:
those in the shape of men, of stones, and of bears. These spirits
enable the angakut to have intercourse with the others who are
considered malevolent to mankind, and though those three species
are kind to their angakut they would hurt strangers who might hap-
pen to see them. The bear seems to be the most powerful among
these spirits. The tornait of the stones live in the large bowlders
scattered over the country. The Eskimo believe that these rocks are
hollow and form a nice house, the entrance of which is only visible
to the angakoq whose genius lives in the stone. The tornaq isa
woman with only one eye, in the middle of the brow. Another kind
of tornaq lives in the stones that roll down the hills in spring when
the snow begins to melt. If a native happens to meet such a stone,
which is about to become his tornaq, the latter addresses him: “I
jumped down in long leaps from my place on the cliff. As the snow
melts, as water is formed on the hills, I jump down.” Then it asks
the native whether he is willing to have it for his tornaq, and if he
answers in the affirmative it accompanies him, wabbling along, as
it has no legs.

The bear tornaq is represented as a huge animal without any hair
except on the points of the ears and of the tail and atthe mouth. If
a man wishes to obtain a bear for his tornaq he must travel all alone

592 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

to the edge of the land floe and summon the bears. Then a large herd
will approach and frighten him almost to death. He falls down at
once. Should he fall backward he would die at once. If he falls
upon his face, however, one bear out of the herd steps forward and
asks him if he wishes him to become his tornaq. He then recovers
and takes the bear for his spirit and is accompanied by him on the
return journey. On the way home, they pass a seal hole and the
bear captures the animal for his master. The Eskimo is now a great
angakoq, and whenever he wants help he is sure to get it from his
bear.

The Eskimo do not make images of the tornait or other supernat-
ural beings in whom they believe, but use to a great extent amulets
(armgoaq), some of which are given by the tornait, while others are
inherited. The most common varieties of amulets are the feather of
an owl, a bear’s tooth, and the like, which are always worn on the
middle of the back of the inner jacket. Rare minerals (e. g., iron)
sewed up in a piece of skin are sometimes used for the same pur-
pose. A small part of the first gown worn by a child is considered
a powerful amulet and is preserved for this reason. It is worn at
the point of the hood at a great feast celebrated every fall (see pp.
604, 611) and is called koukparmiutang.

Lyon (p. 367) gives the following account of the use of amulets in
Telulik:

Bones and teeth of animals, hanging as solitary pendants, or strung in great
numbers, have peculiar virtues, and the bones of the feet of the kabliaqdjuq, which
Timagine to be the wolverine, are the most in request. The front teeth of musk
oxen are considered as jewels, while the grinders, one or two together, are much
esteemed as tassels for the strings used to tie up the breeches of the women. Eye
teeth of foxes are sometimes seen to the number of hundreds, neatly perforated
and arranged as a kind of fringe round caps or dresses, and even the bones and
teeth of fish have their value.

Leather cases of the size of a quill, and containing small pieces of deer’s or other
flesh, are frequently attached to the caps or hoods of children, but whether to ren-
der them expert hunters, or to preserve their health, I could not discover. I was
assured that broken spear heads, and other equally cumbrous pendants, worn round
the necks of young girls, were spells for the preservation of their chastity, while
the same ornaments caused the women to be prolific.

The principal office of the angakut is to find out the reason of sick-
ness and death or of any other misfortune visiting the natives.

The Eskimo believes that he is obliged to answer the angakoq’s
questions truthfully. The lamps being lowered, the angakoq strips
off his outer jacket, pulls the hood over his head, and sits down in
the back part of the hut facing the wall. He claps his hands, which
are covered with mittens, and, shaking his whole body, utters sounds
which one would hardly recognize as human.

Thus he invokes his tornaq, singing and shouting alternately, the
listeners, who sit on the edge of the bed, joining the chorus and

PS ES Cy ELE <r ty arn eee,

BoAS.] RELIGIOUS IDEAS. 593

answering his questions. Then he asks the sick person: ** Did you
work when it was forbidden?” ‘*Did you eat when you were not
allowed to eat?” And if the poor fellow happens to remember any
transgression of such laws, he cries: ** Yes, I have worked.” ‘* Yes, I
have eaten.” And the angakoq rejoins ‘‘I thought so” and issues
his commands as to the manner of atonement.

These are manifold. Exchange of wives between two men or
adoption of a sick child by another family in order to save its life
are frequently demanded. The inhabitants of a village are forbid-
den to wash themselves for a number of days, to scrape the ice from
the windows, and to clean their urme pots before sunrise. Some-
times the angakoq commands that the clothing be thrown away or
gives regulations for diet, particularly forbidding the eating of veni-
son, working on deerskins, filing iron, &c. :

Disorders of women are considered as a punishment for the neg-
lect to observe the regulations referring to their behavior at certain
periods, which regulations were established by Sedna. The same is
stated by Lyon (p. 363).

A method of finding out the reason of a disease is by *‘ head lifting.”
A thong is tied round the head of the sick person or of a relative,
who must lie down on the bed, the angakoq holding the thong. Then
he asks his tornaq the reason of the sickness and the remedy. If the
tornaq answers a question of the angakoq in the affirmative the head
is easily lifted. In the other case it feels so heavy that he is unable
to move it. Another method is by lifting a boot or a stone, which
has been placed under the pillow of the patient. The angakut be-
lieve that the boot or stone becomes heavy and cannot be lifted when
the tornaq answers their incantations. .

At the beginning of some of their performances I have observed
the angakoq crawling about in the passage of the hut, howling and
shouting, while those inside kept on singing. Then he entered the
hut and continued the incantations on the back part of the bed.

Sometimes their cure for sickness is laying a piece of burning wick
upon the diseased part of the body and blowing it up into the air or
merely blowing upon it.

Storm and bad weather, when lasting along time and causing
want of food, are ‘conjured by making a large whip of seaweed,
stepping to the beach, and striking out in the direction whence the
wind blows, at the same time crying Taba (It is enough).

A great number of the performances of the angakut require much
skill andexpertness. Thus in invoking a tornaq or flying to a distant
place they can imitate a distant voice by a sort of ventriloquism. In
these performances they always have the lamps extinguished and
hide themselves behind a screen hung up in the back part of the
hut. The tornaq, being invoked, is heard approaching and shaking
the hut. The angakoq believes that it is unroofed and flies with

6 ETH 38

594 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

his spirit to their place of destination, to propitiate the wrath of a
hostile tornaq, to visit the moon or Sedna’s dismal abode.

Part of their performances might almost be called juggling. Hall
(II, p. 101) describes one of these performances:

The angakog (Ar-too-a) now made use of three walrus spears. One of these he
thrust into the wall of the snow house, and * * * ran with it outside of the
igdlu [house] where his ejaculations were responded to by the party inside with the
cries of ‘‘ Atte ! Atte!” [Go on!Goon!]. Returning with his spear to the door, he
had asevere wrestling match with four of the men, who overcame him. But com-
ing again into the central igdlu, and having the lights which had been at the first
patted down, relit, he showed the points of two spears apparently covered with fresh
blood, which he held up in the presence of all.

The performance of the angakut in the Sedna feast, which will be
described hereafter (p. 604) is quite astonishing. Some pierce their
bodies with harpoons, evidently having bladders filled with blood
fastened under their jackets beforehand, and bleed profusely as they
enter the hut. (See Appendix, Note 5.)

A memorable ceremony has been described by Hall (I, p. 469):

Theard a loud shout just outside [the hut]. As quick as thought, the Eskimo
sprang for the long knives lying around, and hid them wherever they could find
places. * * * Immediately there came crawling into the low entrance to the
hut a man with long hair completely covering his face and eyes. He remained on
his knees on the floor of the hut, feeling round like a blind man at each side of the
entrance, back of the firelight, the place where meat is usually kept, and where
knives may generally be found. Not finding any, the angakoq slowly withdrew.

* * * Tf he had found a knife he would have stabbed himself in the breast.

It is one of their favorite tricks to have their hands tied up and
a thong fastened around their knees and neck. Then they begin
invoking their tornaq, and all of a sudden the body lies motionless
while the soul flies to any place which they wish to visit. After
returning, the thongs are found untied, though they had been fast-
ened by firm knots. The resemblance of this performance to the
experiments of modern spiritualists is striking.

The angakut use a sacred language in their songs and incantations.

A great number of words have a symbolic meaning, but others are

old roots, which have been lost from common use in the lapse of time.
These archaic words are very interesting from a linguistic point of
view. Indeed, some are found which are still in use in Greenland,
though lost in the other dialects, and others which are only used in
Alaska.

T ought to add here that most of the angakut themselves believe in
their performances, as by continued shouting and invoking they fall
into an eestasy and really imagine they accomplish the flights and
see the spirits.

The angakoq, who must be paid at once for curing a sick person,
receives pretty large fees for services of this kind.

BOAS. | RELIGIOUS IDEAS. 595

Although witchcraft occupied a prominent place in the belief of
the Greenlanders I could only find very faint traces of it in Baffin
Land, to wit, the opinion that a man has the power of injuring a dis-
tant enemy by some means the details of which I did not learn.

I shall add here the numerous regulations referring to eating and
working, many of which are connected with the Sedna tradition, and
the observance of which is watched by the angakut. As all sea ani-
mals have originated from her fingers the Eskimo must make an
atonement for every animal he kills.) When a seal is brought into
the hut the women must stop working until it is cut up. After the
capture of a ground seal, walrus, or whale they must rest for three
days. Not all kinds of work, however, are forbidden, for they are
allowed to mend articles made of sealskin, but they must not make
anything new. For instance, an old tent cover may be enlarged in
order to build a larger hut, but it is not permitted to make a new one.
Working on new deerskins is strictly forbidden. No skins of this
kind obtained in summer may be prepared before the ice has formed
and the first seal is caught with the harpoon. Later, as soon as the
first walrus is caught, the work must stop again until the next fall.
For this reason all families are eager to finish the work on deerskins
as quickly as possible, as the walrusing season is not commenced
until that is done.

The laws prohibiting contact with deer and sea animals at the same
time are very strict. According to the Eskimo themselves Sedna
dislikes the deer (probably for some reason connected with the tra-
dition of its origin,) and therefore they are not allowed to bring it in
contact with her favorites. The meat of the whale, seal, or walrus
must not be eaten on the same day with venison. It is not permitted
that both sorts of meat lie on the floor of the hut or behind the lamps
atthe same time. If a man who has eaten venison in the morning
happens to enter a hut in which seal meat is being cooked he is allowed
to eat venison on the bed, but it must be wrapped up before being car-
ried into the hut and he must take care to keep clear of the floor.
Before changing from one food to the other the Eskimo must wash
themselves. For the same reason walrus hide must not be carried to
Lake Nettilling, which is considered the domain of deer.

A similar custom requires that the Ukusiksalirmiut carry salmon
into a hut by a separate entrance, for if must not pass through the
same one as seal oil. Besides, the fish must only be cooked at the
distance of a day’s journey from the place where they have been
caught. If eaten on the spot they must be eaten raw (Klutschak,
p. 158).

Their customs referring to hunting are manifold. When skinning
a deer they must not break a single bone: then they cut off bits of
different parts of the animal and bury them in the ground or under
stones (Hall I, p. 386). I have never noticed this custom myself.

596 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

On the west shore of Hvdson Bay dogs are not allowed to gnaw deer
bones during the deer hunting season or seal bones during the seal-
ing season (Klutschak, p. 123).. Deer bones must not be broken while
walrus are hunted (Hall II, p. 155).

When the men go out hunting in their kayaks the women of the
Aivillirmiut take a cup down to the shore and leave it there, believ-
ing that it will bring luck (Hall II, p. 103). On Davis Strait they
throw a piece of seal’s blubber on'their husband’s kayak when he is
about to go hunting (Kumlien, p. 45). After the capture of a whale
the Aivillirmiut are not allowed to burn shrubs, but use bones of the
whale instead, which are mixed with blubber (Hall II, p. 364). If
an animal that is with young is killed the fetus must not be taken
and used for food (Hall I, p. 253). When a bear is caught the Nugu-
miut and the Oqomiut are accustomed to fasten its bladder to a stick
which is placed upright near the hut or encampment for three days.

When a house is deserted the Aivillirmiut are in the habit of
carrying all the bones lying inside to some distance and putting them
upon the ice (Hall II, p. 175). If they intend to move to a place
some distance away they are in the habit of burying some of their
clothing. Klutschak observed this custom among the Netchil-
lirmiut ; I myself, among the Akudnirmiut. If a great number of
families leave a village those who remain build new houses, as they
believe that they would otherwise have bad luck in hunting.

A great number of regulations refer to the behavior of women
during menstruation. They are not allowed to eat raw meat, they
must cook in separate pots, and are not permitted to join in festivals,
being looked upon as unclean during this period. Customs referring
to childbirth and sickness will be found further on (see p. 609).

When a traveling party visits a neighboring tribe it is obliged to
adopt the customs and regulations of the latter.

This account does not by any means include all the peculiar cus-
toms of these people, for they are so numerous and the difficulty of
finding out anything pertaining to this subject is so great that it is
probable that the greater part of them have escaped notice.

I shall also mention a few customs that are peculiar to certain
places. At Qeqertelung, east of Naujateling, in Cumberland Sound,
the Eskimo dig potstone, but must buy it from the rock: that is,
having dug out a piece, they must give the rock something in
exchange; for example, ivory carvings, beads, food, or the like.

At Arligaulk, near Wager River, the Eskimo address a large rock
and bid it farewell when passing (Hall II, p. 174).

In Cumberland Sound there is a cape called Iliqimisarbing, i. e.,
the place of headshaking. The place is very dangerous, as heavy
squalls sweep down the steep rocks and slides frequently occur.
Therefore the natives never pass it without shaking their heads, at
the same time uttering a deep murmur,

OVE

BOAS.] RELIGIOUS IDEAS. 597

Besides the tornait already mentioned, a number of others are
known which cannot become genii of men. A spirit of the sea,
Kalopaling or Mitiling, is described in a tradition (see p. 620). In Erd-
mann’s Worterbuch des Labradordialectes ** Mitiling” is translated
Gespenst, i. e., ghost. No doubt it is the name of the same spirit
or at least of a similar one whichis recognized among the northern
tribes, the literal translation being ‘‘ with eider ducks.” Another
spirit of which the natives are in great fear is Qiqirn, a phantom
in the shape of a huge dog almost without hair. Like the bear which
has been alluded to, it has hair only at the mouth, the feet, and the
points of the ears and the tail. If it comes near dogs or men they
fall into fits and only recover when Qigirn has left. It is exceed-
ingly afraid of men and runs away as soonasan angakoq descries it.

A very remarkable tornag is the qaggim inua, i. e., master of the
dancing house. The natives build large houses for feasting, singing,
and dancing, which are devoted to spirits. This tornaq has the
shape of a bandy legged man, his knees being bent outward and for-
ward. He has nota single hair upon his entire body and no bones
at the back of his head. To touch him would result in immediate
death (see p. 636).

Besides these tornait, more powerful supernatural beings are known,
who are ‘“‘owners” (inua) of the stars and constellations and of mete-
orologic processes. Moon and sun are considered brother and sister,
and in this the tradition of the Central Eskimo exactly corresponds
with that of the Greenlanders. Itis evenknownamong the Eskimo
of Point Barrow (Simpson, p. 940). From Repulse Bay (Aivillir-
miut) a few scanty traces of this tradition are recorded by Rae (I, p.
79). He relates as follows:

It is said that many years ago, not long after the creation of the world, there was
a mighty conjurer, who gained so much power that at last he raised himself up into
the heavens, taking with him his sister (a beautiful girl) and a fire. To the latter
he added great quantities of fuel, which thus formed the sun. For some time he
and his sister lived in great harmony, but at last they disagreed, and he, in addi-
tion to maltreating the lady in many ways, at last scorched the side of her face.
She had suffered patiently all sorts of indignities, but the spoiling of her beauty was
not to be borne ; she therefore ran away from him and formed the moon, and con-
tinues so until this day. Her brother is still in chase of her, but although he gets
near, he will never overtake her. When it isnew moon, the burnt side of the face is
towards us; when full moon, the reverse is the case.

The following form of the legend, which I received from some
Akudnirmiut and Oqomiut, is almost identical with the Greenland
one:

In olden times a brother and his sister lived in a large village in
which there was a singing house, and every night the sister with her
playfellows enjoyed themselves in this house. Once upon a time,
when all the lamps in the singing house were extinguished, somebody
came in and outraged her. She was unable to recognize him; but

598 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

she blackened her hands with soot and when the same again hap-
pened besmeared the man’s back with it. When the lamps were re-
lighted she saw that the violator was her brother. Ingreat anger she
sharpened a knife and cut off her breasts, which she offered to him,
saying: ‘‘Since you seem to relish me, eat this.” Her brother fell
into a passion and she fled from him, running about the room. She
seized a piece of wood (with which the lamps are kept in order) which
was burning brightly and rushed out of the house. The brother took
another one, but in his pursuit he fell down and extinguished his
light, which continued to glow only faintly. Gradually both were
lifted up and continued their course in the sky, the sister being
transformed inte the sun, the brother into the moon. Whenever
the new moon first appears she sings:
Aningaga tapika, takirn tapika qaumidjatedlirpog ; qaumatitaudle.
Aningaga tapika, tikipoq tapika.
(My brother up there, the moon up there begins to shine ; he will be bright.
My brother up there, he is coming up there.)

THE FLIGHT TO THE MOON,

There exists another tradition in regard to the spirit of the moon,
which is also known to the Greenlanders. While in the first tradi-
tion the moon is a man carrying a glowing light, in the other she
is the moon man’s house (Rink, p. 440). The legend, as told by the
Oqomiut and Akudnirmiut, is the narrative of the flight of an ang-
akoq to the moon and is as follows:

A mighty angakoq, who had a bear for his tornaq, resolved to pay
a visit to the moon. He sat down in the rear of his hut, turning his
back toward the lamps, which had been extinguished. He had his
hands tied up and a thong fastened around his knees and neck. Then
he summoned his tornaq, which carried him rapidly through the air
and brought him to the moon. He observed that the moon was a
house, nicely covered with white deerskins, which the man in the
moon used to dry near it. On each side of the entrance was the
upper portion of the body of an enormous walrus, which threatened
to tear in pieces the bold intruder. Though it was dangerous to pass
by the fierce animals, the angakoq, by help of his tornaq, succeeded
in entering the house.

In the passage he saw the only dog of the man of the moon, which
is called Tirie’tiang and is dappled white and red. On entering the
main room he perceived, to the left, a small additional building, in
which a beautiful woman, the sun, sat before her lamp. As soon as
she saw the angakoq entering she blew her fire, behind the blaze of
which she hid herself. The man in the moon came to meet him
kindly, stepping from the seat on the ledge and bidding the stranger
welcome. Behind the lamps great heaps of venison and seal meat
were piled up, but the man of the moon did not yet offer him any-

ore he “nae

BOAS.] FLIGHT TO THE MOON. 599

thing. He said: *‘ My wife, Ululiernang, will soon enter and we will
perform a dance. Mind that you do not laugh, else she will slit open
your belly with her knife, take out your intestines, and give them to
my ermine which lives in yon little house outside.”

Before long a woman entered carrying an oblong vessel in which
her ulo (see p. 518) lay. She put it on the floor and stooped forward,
turning the vessel like a whirligig. Then she commenced dancing,
and when she turned her back toward the angakoq it was made mani-
fest that she was hollow. She had no back, backbone, or entrails,
but only lungs and heart.

The man joined her dance and their attitudes and grimaces looked
so funny that the angakoq could scarcely keep from laughing. But
just at the right moment he called to mind the warnings of the man
in the moon and rushed out of the house. The man cried after him,
“Uqsureliktaleqdjuin” (‘‘ Provide yourself with your large white
bear tornaq”).’ Thus he escaped unhurt.

Upon another visit he succeeded in mastering his inclination to
laugh and was hospitably received by the man after the performance
was finished. He showed him all around the house and let him look
into a small additional building near the entrance. There he saw
large herds of deer apparently roaming over vast plains, and the
man of the moon allowed him to choose one animal, which fell
immediately through a hole upon the earth. In another building
he saw a profusion of seals swimming in an ocean and was allowed
to pick out one of these also. At last the man in the moon sent him
away, when his tornaq carried him back to his hut as quickly as he
had left it.

During his visit to the moon his body had lain motionless and
soulless, but now it revived. The thongs with which his hands had
been fastened had fallen down, though they had been tied in firm
knots. The angakoq felt almost exhausted, and when the lamps
were relighted he related to the eagerly listening men his adventures
during his flight to the moon.

It is related in the course of this tradition that the man in the moon
has a qaumat, some kind of light or fire, but I could not reach
a satisfactory understanding of the meaning of this word. It is
derived from qauq (daylight) and is used in Greenland for the moon
herself. Among the Eskimo of Baffin Land it is only employed in
the angakoq language, in which the moon is called qaumavun, the
sun qaumativun. Another name of the moon is aninga (her brother),
in reference to the first legend. The natives also believe that the man
in the moon makes the snow. He is generally considered a protector
of orphans and of the poor, and sometimes descends from his house
on a sledge drawn by his dog, Tirie’tiang, in order to help them (see
the tradition of Qaudjaqdjuq, p. 630).

'Ugsurelik, with blubber, signifies in the language of the angakut the white bear;
lank, large; -leqdjorpoq, he provides himself with.

600 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

KADLU THE THUNDERER.

It is said that three sisters make the lightning, the thunder, and
the rain. The names of two of them are Ingnirtung (the one who
strikes the fire) and Udluqtung (the one who rubs the skins), whose
second name is Kadha (thunder), while that of the third I could not
ascertain. They live ita large house the walls of which are sup-
ported by whale ribs. It stands in the far west, at a great distance
from the sea, as Kadlu and her sisters do not like to go near it. If
an Eskimo should happen to enter the house he must hasten away or
Ingnirtung will immediately kill him with her lightning. Even the
stones are afraid of her and jump down the hills whenever they see
thelightning and hear the thunder. The faces of the sisters are en-
tirely black and they wearno clothes at all. (?) Ingnirtung makes the
lightning by striking two red stones together (flint). Kadlu makes
the thunder by rubbing sealskins andsinging. The third sister makes
the rain by urinating. They procure food by striking reindeer with
the lightning, which singes their skins and roasts their flesh. The
Akudnirmiut say that beyond Iglulik, on the continent of America,
a large tribe of Eskimo live whom they call Kaki’jog. The women
of the tribe are said to have rings tattooed round their eyes. These
natives offer the dried skins of a species of small seals to Kadlu, who
uses them for making the thunder.

FEASTS, RELIGIOUS AND SECULAR.

The Eskimo have some very interesting feasts, most of which are
closely connected with their religious notions. In summer feasts are
celebrated in the open air, but in winter a house, called qaggi, or, as
we may call it, singing house, is built for that purpose.

@ Sincer

O MarrieD WOMEN
@ UNMARRIED WOMEN

+ MEN

* CHILDREN
Fie. 531, Diagram showing interior of qaggi or singing house among eastern tribes.
The plan of the house which is used by the eastern tribes is repre-
sented in Fig. 531. It is a large snow dome about fifteen feet in

mOea) THE SINGING HOUSE. 601

height and twenty feet in diameter, without any lining. In the
center there is a snow pillar five feet high, on which the lamps
stand. When the inhabitants of a village assemble in this build-
ing for singing and dancing the married women stand in a row next
the wall. The unmarried women form a circle inside the former,
while the men sit in the innermost row. The children stand in two
groups, one at each side of the door. When the feast begins, a man
takes up the drum (kilaut), which will be described presently, steps
into the open space next the door, and begins singing and dancing.
Among the stone foundations of Niutang, in Kingnait (Cumberland
Sound), there is a qaggi built on the same plan as the snow structure.
Probably it was covered with a snow roof when in use.

Fie. 532. Plan of Hudson Bay qaggi or singing house. (From Hall I, p. 20.)

Hall gives the plan of the Hudson Bay qaggi (Fig. 552), a copy of
which is here introduced, as well as his description of the drum (Fig.
533), which I have never seen made (Hall IT, p. 96):

The drum is made from the skin of the deer [or seal], which is stretched over a
hoop made of wood, or of bone from the fin of a whale, by the use of a strong,
braided cord of sinew passed around a groove on the outside. The hoop is about 24
inches wide, 14 inches thick, and 3 feet in diameter, the whole instrument weighing
about 4 pounds. The wooden drumstick, 10 inches in length and 3 inches in diame-
ter, is called a kentun. * * *

The deerskin which is to be the head of the instrument is kept frozen when not
in use. It is then thoroughly saturated with water, drawn over the hoop, and tem-
porarily fastened in its place by a piece of sinew. A line of heavy, twisted sinew,
about 50 feet long, is now wound tightly on the groove on the outside of the
hoop, binding down the skin. This cord is fastened to the handle of the kilaut
[drum], which is made to turn by the force of several men (while its other end is

602 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO,

held firmly), and the line eased out as required. To do this a man sits on the bed-
plat orm, “ having one or two turns of the line about his body, which is encased in
furred deerskins, and empaled by four upright pieces of wood.” Tension is secured
by using a round stick of wood as a lever on the edge of the skin, drawing it from
beneath the cord. When any whirring sound is heard, little whisps of reindeer hair
are tucked in between the skin and the hoop, until the head is as tight as a drum.

Fic. 533. Kilaut or drum.

When the drum is played, the drum handle is held in the left hand of the per-
former, who strikes the edge of the rim opposite that over.which the skin is stretched.
He holds the drum in different positions, but keeps it ina constant fan-like motion
by his hand and by the blows of the kentun struck alternately on the opposite sides
of the edge. Skillfully keeping the drum vibrating on the handle, he accompanies
this with grotesque motions of the body, and at intervals with a song, while the
women keep up their own Inuit songs, one after another, through the whole per-
formance.

The feast is described as follows:

As usual the women sat on the platform Turk fashion; the men, behind them with
extended legs. The women were gayly dressed. They wore on each side of the
face an enormous pigtail, made by wrapping their hair on a small wooden roller a
foot in length; strips of reindeer-fur being wrapped with the hair [see p. 559]. These
were black and white for those who had sons and black only for those who had
none. Shining ornaments were worn on the head and on the breast they had
masonic-like aprons, the groundwork of which was of a flaming red color, orna-
mented with glass beads of many colors.

In Cumberland Sound the women also wear pigtails at the celebra-
tion of these feasts. The drum is sometimes played with the wrist
of the right hand instead of the beater.

Every singing house is dedicated to a tornaq, the qaggim inua,
as mentioned above. For this reason all these performances may be
considered religious feasts.

The songs are always composed by the singer himself. Satiric
songs are great favorites on these occasions. While the men listen
in silence the women join in the chorus, amna aya, the never failing

BOAS.] THE SINGING HOUSE. 603

end of each verse. The dancer remains on one spot only, stamping
rythmically with the feet, swinging the upper part of his body, and
at the same time playing the kilaut. While dancing he al ways strips
the upper part of the body, keeping on only trousers and boots. Sing-
ing and dancing are alternated with wrestling matches and playing
at hook and crook. Almost every great success in hunting is cele-
brated in the qaggi, and especially the capture of a whale. Such
a feast has been described by Parry.

1 2

Fic. 534. Plans of remains of supposed qaggin or singing houses. (From Parry II, p. 362.)

The stone foundations observed by Parry and copied here (Fig. 534)
are probably the remains of singing houses. Parry’s description is
as follows (II, p. 362):

It appears that the whole whale or a principal part of it is dragged into the en-
closure, where some of the men are employed in cutting it up and throwing the
pieces over the wall to the rest, who stand ready to receive them outside; while within
the women range themselves in acircle around the whale and continue singing
during the operation, * * * Eachofthesestructures * * * was the distinct
property of a particular individual; and had probably, in its turn, been the seat of
feasting and merriment either to the present owner, or those from whom he had in-
herited it.

Great feasts closely connected with the Sedna tradition are cele-
brated every fall.

When late in the fall storms rage over the land and release the sea
from the icy fetters by which it is as yet but sightly bound, when the
loosened floes are driven one against the other and break up with
loud crashes, when the cakes of ice are piled in wild disorder one
upon another, the Eskimo believes he hears the voices of spirits which
inhabit the mischief laden air.

The spirits of the dead, the tupilaq, knock wildly at the huts, which
they cannot enter, and woe to the unhappy person whom they can
lay hold of. He immediately sickens and a speedy death is regarded
assure tocome. The wicked qiqirn pursues the dogs, which die with
convulsions and cramps as soon as they see him. All the countless
spirits of evil are aroused, striving to bring sickness and death, bad
weather, and failure in hunting. The worst visitors are Sedna, mis-
tress of the under world, and her father, to whose share the dead

604 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

Inuit fall. While the other spirits fill the air and the water, she
rises from under the ground.

It is then a busy season for the wizards. In every hut we may
hear them singing and praying; conjuring of the spirits is going on
in every house. The lamps burn low. The wizard sits in a mystic
gloom in the rear of the hut. He has thrown off his outer coat and
drawn the hood of his inner garment over his head, while he mut-
ters indescribable sounds, unnatural to a human voice. At last the
guardian spirit responds to the invocation. The angakoq hes in
a trance and when he comes to himself he promises in incoherent
phrases the help of the good spirit against the tupilaq and informs
the credulous, affrighted Inuit how they canescapefrom the dreaded
ghosts.

The hardest task, that of driving away Sedna, is reserved for the
most powerful angakoq. A rope is coiled on the floor of a large hut
in such a manner as to leave a small opening at the top, which repre-
sents the breathing hole of a seal. Two angakut stand by the side of
it, one of them holding the seal spear in his left hand, as if he were
watching at the seal hole in the winter, the other holding the harpoon
line. Another angakoqg, whose office it is to lure Sedna up with a
magic song, sits at the back of the hut. At last she comes up through
the hard rocks and the wizard hears her heavy breathing; now she
emerges from the ground and meets the angakoq waiting at the hole.
She is harpooned and sinks away in angry haste, drawing after her
the harpoon, to which the two men hold with all their strength. Only
by a desperate effort does she tear herself away from it and return to
her dwelling in Adlivun. Nothing is left with the two men but the
blood sprinkled harpoon, which they proudly show to the Inuit.

Sedna and the other evil spirits are at last driven away, and on the
following day a great festival for young and old is celebrated in honor
of the event. But they must still be careful, for the wounded Sedna
is greatly enraged and will seize any one whom she can find out of his
hut; soon this day they all wear protecting amulets (koukparmiu-
tang) on the tops of their hoods. Parts of the first garment which
they wore after birth are used for this purpose.

The men assemble early in the morning in the middle of the settle-
ment. As soon as they have all got together they run screaming
and jumping around the houses, following the course of the sun
(nunajisartung or kaivitijung). A few, dressed in women’s jackets,
run in the opposite direction. These are those who were born in
abnormal presentations. The circuit made, they visit every haut,
and the woman of the house must always be in waiting for them.
When she hears the noise of the band she comes out and throws a
dish containing little gifts of meat, ivory trinkets, and articles of
sealskin into the yelling crowd, of which each one helps himself to
what he can get. No hut is omitted in this round (irqatatung).

BOAS |] RELIGIOUS OBSERVANCES. 605

The crowd next divides itself into two parties, the ptarmigans
(ayigirn), those who were born in the winter, and the ducks (aggirn),
or the children of summer. A large rope of sealskin is stretched out.
One party takes one end of it and tries with all its might to drag the
opposite party over to its side. The others hold fast to the rope and
try as hard to make ground for themselves. If the ptarmigans give
way the summer has won the game and fine weather may be expected
to prevail through the winter (nussueraqtung).

The contest of the seasons having been decided, the women bring
out of a hut a large kettle of water and each person takes his drink-
ing cup. They all stand as near the kettle as possible, while the old-
est man among them steps out first. He dips a cup of water from the
vessel, sprinkles a few drops on the ground, turns his face toward
the home of his youth, and tells his name and the place of his birth
(oysoaysavepunga me, I was born in ). He is followed by an
aged woman, who announces her name and home, and then all the
others do the same, down to the young children, who are represented
by their mothers. Only the parents of children born during the last
year are forbidden to partake in this ceremony. As the words of the
old are listened to respectfully, so those of the distinguished hunters
are received with demonstrative applause and those of the others
with varying degrees of attention, in some cases even with joking
and raillery (imitijung).

Now arises a cry of surprise and all eyes are turned toward a hut
out of which stalk two gigantic figures. They wear heavy boots;
their legs are swelled out to a wonderful thickness with several pairs
of breeches; the shoulders of each are covered by a woman’s over-
jacket and the faces by tattooed masks of sealskins. In the right
hand each carries the seal spear, on the back of each is an inflated buoy
of sealskin, and in the left hand the scraper. Silently, with long
strides, the qailertetang (Fig. 535) approach the assembly, who,
screaming, press back from them. The pair solemnly lead the men
to a suitable spot and set them in a row, and the women in another
opposite them. They match the men and women in pairs and these
pairs run, pursued by the qailertetang, to the hut of the woman,
where they are for the following day and night man and wife (nuli-
anititijung). Having performed this duty, the qailertetang stride
down to the shore and invoke the good north wind, which brings fair
weather, while they warn off the unfavorable south wind.

As soon as the incantation is over, all the men attack the qailer-
tetang with great noise. They act as if they had weapons in their
hands and would kill both spirits. One pretends to probe them with
a spear, another to stab them with a knife, one to cut off their arms
and legs, another to beat them unmercifully on the head. The buoys
which they carry on their backs are ripped open and collapse and
soon they both lie as if dead beside their broken weapons (pilektung).

606 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

The Eskimo leave them to get their drinking cups and the qailerte-
tang awake to new life. Each man fills his sealskin with water,
passes a cup to them, and inquires about the future, about the
fortunes of the hunt and the events of life. The qailertetang answer
in murmurs which the questioner must interpret for himself.

Fig. 535. Qailertetang, a masked figure. (From a sketch by the author.)

The evening is spent in playing ball, which is whipped all around
the settlement (ajuktaqtung). (See Appendix, Note 6.)

This feast is celebrated as here described in Cumberland Sound and
Nugumiut. Hall and Kumlien make a few observations in regard
to it, but the latter has evidently misunderstood its meaning. His
description is as follows (p. 43):

An angakoq dresses himself up in the most hideous manner, having several pairs
of pants on among the rest, and a horrid looking mask of skins. The men and
women now range themselves in separate and opposite ranks, and the angakoq takes

BOAS.] RELIGIOUS OBSERVANCES. 607

his place between them. He then picks out a man and conducts him to a woman in
the opposite ranks. This couple then go to the woman’s hut and have a grand spree
for a day or two. This manner of proceeding is kept up till all the women but one
are disposed of. This one is always the angakoq’s choice, and her he reserves for
himself.

Another description by Kumlien (p. 19) evidently refers to the
same feast:

They have an interesting custom or superstition, namely, the killing of the evil
spirit of the deer; sometime during the winter or early in spring, at any rate be-
fore they can go deer hunting, they congregate together and dispose of this imag-
inary evil. The chief ancut [angakoq], or medicine man, is the main performer.
He goes through a number of gyrations and contortions, constantly hallooing and
calling, till suddenly the imaginary deer isamong them. Now begins a lively time.
Every one is screaming, runn ng, jumping, spearing, and stabbing at the imagi-
nary deer, till one would think a whole madhouse was let loose. Often this deer
proves very agile. and must be hard to kill, for I have known them to keep this
performance up for days; in fact, till they were completely exhausted.

During one of these performances an old man speared the deer, another knocked
out an eye, a third stabbed him, and so on till he was dead. Those who are able or
fortunate enough to inflict some injury on this bad deer, especially he who inflicts
the death blow, is considered extremely lucky, as he will have no difficulty in
procuring as many deer as he wants, for there is no longer an evil spirit to turn
his bullets or arrows from their course.

T could not learn anything about this ceremony, though I asked all
the persons with whom Kumlien had had intercourse. Probably
there was some misunderstanding as to the meaning of their feast
during the autumn which induced him to give this report.

Hall describes the feast as celebrated by the Nugumiut (I, p. 528),
as follows:

At a time of the year apparently answering to our Christmas, they havea general
meeting in a large igdlu [snow house] on a certain evening. There the angakoq
prays on behalf of the people for the public prosperity through the subsequent year.
Then follows something like a feast. The next day all go out into the open air and
form in a circle; in the centre is placed a vessel of water, and each member of the
company brings a piece of meat, the kind being immaterial. The circle being formed,
each person eats his or her meat in silence, thinking of Sedna, and wishing for good
things. Then one in the circle takes a cup, dips up some of the water, all the time
thinking of Sedna, and drinks it; and then, before passing the cup to another,
states audibly the time and the place of his or her birth. This ceremony is per-
formed by all in succession. Finally, presents of various articles are thrown from
one to another, with the idea that each will receive of Sedna good things in propor-
tion to the liberality here shown.

Soon after this occasion, at a time which answers to our New Year's day, two
men start out, one of them being dressed to represent a woman, and go to every
house in the village, blowing out the light in each. The lights are afterwards
rekindled from a fresh fire. When Taqulitu [Hall’s well known companion in
his journeys] was asked the meaning of this, she replied, ‘‘ New sun —new light,”
implying a belief that the sun was at that time renewed for the year.

Inasmuch as Hall did not see the feast himself, but had only a
description by an Eskimo, into which he introduced points of simi-
larity with Christian feasts, it may be looked upon as fairly agree-

608 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

ing with the feast of the Oqomiut. The latter part corresponds to
the celebration of the feast as it is celebrated in Akudnirn.'

According to a statement in the journal of Hall’s second expedi-
tion (II, p. 219) masks are also used on the western shore of Hud-
son Bay, where it seems that all the natives disguise themselves on
this occasion.

The Akudnirmiut celebrate the feast in the following way: The
qailertetang do not act a part there, but other masks take their place.
They are called mirqussang and represent a man and his wife.
They wear masks of the skin of the ground seal, only that of the
woman being tattooed. The hair of the man is arranged in a bunch
protruding from the forehead (sulubaut), that of the woman in a
pigtail on each side and a large knot at the back of the head. Their
left legs are tied up by a thong running around the neck and the
knee, compelling them to hobble. They have neither seal float and
spear nor inflated legs, but carry the skin scraper. They must try
to enter the huts while-the Inuit hold a long sealskin thong before
them to keep them off. If they fall down in the attempt to cross it
they are thoroughly beaten witha short whip or with sticks. After
having succeeded in entering the huts they blow out all the fires.

The parts of the feast already described as celebrated in Cumber-
land Sound seem not to be customary in Akudnirn, the conjuration
of Sedna and the exchanges of wives excepted, which are also prac-
ticed here. Sometimes the latter ceremony takes place the night
before the feast. It is called suluiting or quvietung.

When it is quite dark a number of Inuit come out of their huts
and run crying all round their settlements. Wherever anybody is
asleep they climb upon the roof of his hut and rouse him by scream-
ing and shouting until all have assembled outside. Then a woman
and a man (the mirqussang) sit down in the snow. The man holds
a knife (sulung) in his hand, from which the feast takes its name,
and sings:

J Oangaja jaja jajaja aja.
Pissiungmipadlo panginejernago
Qodlungutaokpan panginejerlugping
Pissiungmipadlo panginejernago.

To this song the woman keeps time by moving her body and her
arms, at the same time flinging snow on the bystanders. Then the
whole company goes into the singing house and joins in dancing and
singing. This done, the men must leave the house and stand out-
side while the mirqussang watch the entrance. The women continue
singing and leave the house one by one. They are awaited by the
mirqussang, who lead every one to one of the men standing about.
The pair must re-enter the singing house and walk around thelamp,

1 Since the above was written I learn from a paper by Mr. Lucien M. Turner that
a similar feast is celebrated in Ungava Bay. (American Naturalist, August, 1887.)

BOAS.] RELIGIOUS OBSERVANCES. 609

all the men and women crying,“ Hrr! hrr!” from both corners of the
mouth. Then they go to the woman’s hut, where they stay during
the ensuing night. The feast is frequently celebrated by all the
tribes of Davis and Hudson Strait, and even independently of the
great feast described above.

The day after, the men frequently join in a shooting match. A
target is set up, at which they shoot their arrows. As soon as a
man hits, the women, who stand looking on, rush forward and rub
noses with him.

If a stranger unknown to the inhabitants of a settlement arrives on
a visit he is welcomed by the celebration of a great feast. Among
the southeastern tribes the natives arrange themselves in a row, one
man standing in front of it. The stranger approaches slowly, his
arms folded and his head inclined toward the right side. Then the

native strikes him with all his strength on the right cheek and in his
turn inclines his head awaiting the stranger’s blow (tighuiqdjung).
While this is going on the other men are playing at ball and singing
(Ggdlukitaqtung). Thus they continue until one of the combatants
is vanquished.

The ceremonies of greeting among the western tribes are similar
to those of the eastern, but in addition ‘‘ boxing, wrestling, and knife
testing” are mentioned by travelers who have visited them. In
Davis Strait and probably in allt the other countries the game of
“hook and crook” is always played on the arrival of a stranger
(pakijumijartung). Two men sit down on a large skin, after having
stripped the upper part of their bodies, and each tries to stretch out
the bent arm of the other. These games are sometimes dangerous,
as the victor has the right to kill his adversary; but generally the
feast ends peaceably. The ceremonies of the western tribes in greet-
ing a stranger are much feared by their eastern neighbors and there-
fore intercourse is somewhat restricted. The meaning of the duel,
according to the natives themselves, is ‘that the two men in meeting
wish to know which of them is the better man.” The similarity of
these ceremonies with those of Greenland, where the game of hook
and crook and wrestling matches have been customary, is quite strik-
ing, as 1s that of the explanation of these ceremonies.

The word for greeting on Davis Strait and Hudson Strait, is Ass-
ojutidlin? (Are you quite well?) and the answer, Tabaujuradlu
(Very well). The word Taima! which is used in Hudson Strait, and
Mane taima! of the Netchillirmiut seem to be similar to our Halloo!
The Ukusiksalirmiut say Ilaga! (My friend!)

CUSTOMS AND REGULATIONS CONCERNING BIRTH, SICKNESS, AND DEATH.

I have mentioned that it is extremely difficult to find out the innu-
merable regulations connected with the religious ideas and customs

6 ETH+—39

610 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

of the Eskimo. The difficulty is even greater in regard to the cus-
toms which refer to birth, sickness, and death, and it is no wonder
that, while some of the accounts of different writers coincide toler-
ably well, there are great discrepancies in others, particularly as the
customs vary to a great extent among the different tribes.

Before the child is born a small hut or snow house is built for the
mother, in which she awaits her delivery. Sick persons are isolated
in the same way, the reason being that in case of death everything
that had been in contact with the deceased must be destroyed. <Ac-
cording to Kumlien (p. 28) the woman is left with only one attendant,
a young girl appointed by the head ancut (angakoq) of the encamp-
ment; but this, no doubt, is an error. She may be visited by her
friends, who, however, must leave her when parturition takes place.
She must cut the navel string herself, and in Davis Strait this is
done by tying it through with deer sinews; in Iglulik (Lyon, p. 370),
by cutting it with a stone spear head. The child is cleaned with a
birdskin and clothed in a small gown of the same material. Accord-
ing to Lyon the Iglulirmiut swathe it with the dried intestines of
some animal.

Kumlien describes a remarkable custom of which I could find no
trace, not even upon direct inquiry (p. 281) :

As soon as the mother with her new born babe is able to get up and go out,
usually but a few hours, they are taken incharge by an aged female angakoq, who
seems to have some particular mission to perform in such cases. She conducts
them to some level spot on the ice, if near the sea, and begins a sort of march in
circles on the ice, the mother following with the child on her back; this manoeuvre
is kept up for some time, the old woman going through a number of performances
the nature of which we could not learn and continually muttering something
equally unintelligible to us. The next act is to wade through snowdrifts, the aged
angakoq leading the way. We have been informed that it is customary for the
mother to wade thus bare-legged.

Lyon says: (p. 370):

After a few days, or according to the fancy of the parents, an angakoq, who by
relationship or long acquaintance is a friend of the family, makes use of some
vessel, and with the urine the mother washes the infant, while all the gossips
around pour forth their good wishes for the little one to prove an active man, if a
boy, or, if a girl, the mother of plenty of children. This ceremony, I believe, is
never omitted, and is called qoqsiuariva.

Though I heard about the washing with urine, I did not learn
anything about the rest of the ceremony in Cumberland Sound and
Davis Strait.

A few days after birth the first dress of the child is exchanged for
another. A small hood made from the skin of a hare’s head is fitted
snugly upon the head, a jacket for the upper part of the body is made
of the skin of a fawn,and two small boots, made of the same kind of
a skin, the left one being wreathed with seaweed (Mucus), cover the
legs. While the child wears this clothing that which was first worn
is fastened to a pole which is secured to the roof of the hut. In two

o> * pan el

BOAS.] —~ CUSTOMS RELATING TO BIRTH AND DEATH. 611

months the child gets a third suit of clothes the same as formerly
described (p. 557). Then the second gown is exposed for some time
on the top of the hut, the first one being taken down, and both are
carefully preserved for a year. After this time has expired both are
once more exposed on the top of a pole and then sunk into the sea, a
portion of the birdskin dress alone being kept, for this is considered
a powerful amulet and is held in high esteem and worn every fall at
the Sedna feast on the point of the hood (see p. 604). I have stated
that those who were born in abnormal presentations wear women’s
dresses at this feast and must make their round in a direction oppo-
site to the movement of thesun. Captain Spicer, of Groton, Conn.,
affirms that the bird used for the first clothing is chosen according
to a strict law, every month having its own bird. So faras I know,
waterfowl are used in summer and the ptarmigan in winter, and
accordingly the men are called at the great autumn feast the ducks
and ptarmigans, the former including those who were born in sum-
mer, the latter those born in winter.

As long as any portion of the navel string remains a strip of seal-
skin is worn around the belly.

After the birth of her child the mother must observe a great num-
ber of regulations, referring’ particularly to food and work. She is
not allowed for a whole year to eat raw meat ora part of any ani-
mal killed by being shot through the heart. In Cumberland Sound
she must not eat for five days anything except meat of an animal
killed by her husband or by a boy on his first hunting expedition.
This custom seems to be observed more strictly, however, and for a
longer period if the new born child dies. Two months after delivery
she must make a call at every hut, while before that time she is not
allowed to enter any but herown. At the end of this period she must
also throw away her old clothing. The same custom was observed
by Hall among the Nugumiut (I, p. 426). On the western shore
of Hudson Bay she is permitted to re-enter the hut a few days after
delivery, but must pass in by a separate entrance. An opening is
cut for the purpose through the snow wall. She must keep a little
skin bag hung up near her, into which she must put a little of her
food after each meal, having first put it up to her mouth. This is
called laying up food for the infant, although none is given to it
(Hall II, p. 173). I have already mentioned that the parents are not
allowed in the first year after the birth of a child to take part in the
Sedna feast.

The customs which are associated with the death of an infant are
very complicated. Fora whole year, when outside the hut, the mother
must have her head covered with a cap, or at least with a piece of
skin. If a ground seal is caught she must throw away the old cap
and have a new one made. The boots of the deceased are always
carried about by the parents when traveling, and whenever they stop

612 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

these are buried in the snow or under stones. Neither parent is
allowed to eat raw flesh during the following year. The woman must
cook her food in a small pot which is exclusively used by her. If she
is about to enter a hut the men who may be sitting inside must come
out first, and not until they have come out is she allowed to enter.
If she wants to go out of the hut she must walk around all the men
who may happen to be there.

The child is sometimes named before it is born. Lyon says upon
this subject (p. 369):

Some relative or {riend lays her hand on the mother’s stomach, and decides what
the infant is to be called, and, as the names serve for either sex, it is of no conse-
quence whether it proves a girl or a boy.

On Davis Strait it is always named after the persons who have died
since the last birth took place, and therefore the number of names of
an Eskimo is sometimes rather large. If a relative dies while the
child is younger than four years or so, his name is added to the old
ones and becomes the proper name by which it is called. It is
possible that children receive the names of all the persons in the
settlement who die while the children are quite young, but of this
I am not absolutely certain. Whena person falls sick the angakut
change his name in order to ward off the disease or they consecrate
him as adog to Sedna. In the latter event he gets a dog’s name and
must wear throughout life a harness over the inner jacket. Thus it
may happen that Eskimo are known in different tribes by different
names. It may also be mentioned here that friends sometimes ex-
change names and dogs are called by the name of a friend as a token
of regard.

The treatment of the sick is the task of the angakoq, whose manip-
ulations have been described.

If it is feared that a disease will prove fatal, a small snow house
or a hut is built, according to the season, into which the patient is
carried through an opening at the back. This opening is then closed,
and subsequently a door is cut out. A small quantity of food is
placed in the hut, but the patient is left without attendants. As
long as there is no fear of sudden death the relatives and friends may
come to visit him, but when death is impending the house is shut
up and he is left alone to die. If it should happen that a person dies
in a hut among its inmates, everything belonging to the hut must be
destroyed or thrown away, even the tools &c. lying inside becoming
useless to the survivors, but the tent poles may be used again after a
year has elapsed. No doubt this custom explains the isolation of
the sick. If a child dies in a hut and the mother immediately
rushes out with it, the contents of the hut may be saved.

Though the Eskimo feel the greatest awe in touching a dead body,
the sick await their death with admirable coolness and without the

Boas] BURIAL CUSTOMS. 613

least sign of fear or unwillingness to die. I remember a young girl
who sent for me a few hours before her death and asked me to give
her some tobacco and bread, which she wanted to take to her mother,
who had died a few weeks before.

Only the relatives are allowed to touch the body of the deceased.
They clothe it or wrap it in deerskins and bury it at once. In for-
mer times they always built a tomb, at least when death occurred in
the summer. From its usual dimensions one would suppose that the
body was buried with the legs doubled up, for all of them are too
short for grown persons. If the person to be buried is young, his
feet are placed in the direction of the rising sun, those of the aged
in the opposite direction. According to Lyon the Iglulirmiut bury
half grown children with the feet towards the southeast, young men
and women with the feet towards the south, and middle aged per-
sons with the feet towards the southwest. This agrees with the
fact that the graves in Cumberland Sound do not all lie east and
west. The tomb is always vaulted, as any stone or piece of snow
resting upon the body is believed to be a burden to the soul of the
deceased. The man’s hunting implements and other utensils are
placed by the side of his grave; the pots, the lamps, knives, &c., by
the side of that of the woman; toys, by that of achild. Hall (I, p.
103) observed in a grave a small kettle hung up over a lamp. These
objects are held in great respect and are never removed, at least
as long as it is known to whose grave they belong. Sometimes

‘models of implements are used for this purpose instead of the objects

themselves. Figure 536 represents a model of a lamp found in a
grave of Cumberland Sound. Nowadays the Eskimo place the body
in a box, if they can procure one, or cover it very slightly with stones
or snow. It is strange that, though the ceremonies of burying are
very strictly attended to and though they take care to give the dead
their belongings, they do not heed the opening of the graves by dogs
or wolves and the devouring of the bodies and do not attempt to
recover them when the graves are invaded by animals.

Fia. 536. Model of lamp from a grave in Cumberland Sound. (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin.)

The body must be carried to the place of burial by the nearest rela-
tives, a few others only accompanying it. For this purpose they
rarely avail themselves of a sledge, as it cannot be used afterward,
but must be left with the deceased. Dogs are never allowed to drag
the sledge on such an occasion. After returning from the burial the
relatives must lock themselves up in the old hut for three days,
during which they mourn the loss of the deceased. During this time

614 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

they do not dress their hair and they have their nostrils closed with a
piece of deerskin. After this they leave the hut forever. The dogs
are thrown into it through the window and allowed to devour what-
ever they can get at. For some time afterward the mourners must
cook their meals in a separate pot. A strange custom was observed
by Hall in Hudson Bay (II, p. 186). The mourners did not smoke,
They kept their hoods on from morning till night. To the hood
the skin and feathers of the head of Uria grylle were fastened and
a feather of the same waterfowl to each arm just above the elbow.
All male relatives of the deceased wore a belt around the waist,
besides which they constantly wore mittens. It is probable that at
the present time all Eskimo when in mourning avoid using imple-
ments of European manufacture and suspend the use of tobacco.
It has already been stated that women who have lost a child must
keep their heads covered.

Parry, Lyon (p. 369), and Klutschak (p. 201) state that when the
Eskimo first hear of the death of a relative they throw themselves
upon the ground and cry, not for grief, but as a mourning cere-
mony.

For three or sometimes even four days after a death the inhabitants
of a village must not use their dogs, but must walk to the hunting
ground, and for one day at least they are not allowed to go hunting
at all. The women must stop all kinds of work.

On the third day after death the relatives visit the tomb and travel
around it three times in the same direction as the sun is moving, a’
the same time talking to the deceased and promising that they
will bring him something to eat. According to Lyon the Iglulir-
miut chant forth inquiries as to the welfare of the departed soul,
whether it has reached the land Adh, if it has plenty of food, &c.,
at each question stopping at the head of the grave and repeating
some ceremonial words (p. 371).

These visits to the grave are repeated a year after death and when-
ever they pass it in traveling. Sometimes they carry food to the
deceased, which he is expected to return greatly increased. Hall
deseribes this custom as practiced by the Nugumiut (1, p. 426). He
says:

They took down small pieces of [deer] skin with the fur on, and of [fat]. When
there they stood around [the] grave [of the woman] upon which they placed the
articles they had brought. Then one of them stepped up, took a piece of the [deer
meat], cut a slice and ate it, at the same time cutting off another slice and placing
it under a stone by the grave. Then the knife was passed from one hand to the
other, both hands being thrown behind the person. This form of shifting the im-
plement was continued for perhaps a minute, the motions being accompanied by
constant talk with the dead. Then a piece of [deer] fur and some [fat] were placed
under the stone with an exclamation signifying, ‘‘ Here is something to eat and
something to keep you warm.” Each of the [natives] also went through the same
forms. They never visit the grave of a departed friend until some months after

BoAS.] TALE OF ITITAUJANG. 615

death, and even then only when all the surviving members of the family have re-
moved to another place. Whenever they return to the vicinity of their kindred’s
grave, a visit is made to it with the best of food as a present for the departed one.
Neither seal, polar bear, nor walrus, however, is taken.

According to Klutschak (p. 154), the natives of Hudson Bay avoid
staying a long time on the salt water ice near the grave of a relative.

On the fourth day after death the relatives may go for the first
time upon the ice, but the men are not allowed to hunt; on the
next day they must go sealing, but without dogs and sledge, walking
to the hunting ground and dragging the seal home. On the sixth
day they are at liberty to use their dogs again. For a whole year
they must not join in any festival and are not allowed to sing certain
songs.

If a married woman dies the widower is not permitted to keep
any part of the first seal he catches after her death except the flesh.
Skin, blubber, bones, and entrails must be sunk in the sea.

All the relatives must have new suits of clothes made and before
the others are cast away they are not allowed to enter a hut without
having asked and obtained permission. (See Appendix, Note 7.)

Lyon (p. 368) makes the following statement on the mourning cere-
monies in Iglulk:

Widows are forbidden for six months to taste of unboiled flesh; they wear no
* * * pigtails, and cut off a portion of their long hair in token of grief, while the
remaining locks hang in loose disorder about their shoulders. * * * After six
months, the disconsolate ladies are at liberty to eat raw meat, to dress their pigtails
and to marry as fast as they please ; while in the meantime they either cohabit with
fheir future husbands, if they have one, or distribute their favors more generally.
A widower and his children remain during three days within the hut where his
wife died, after which it is customary to remove to another. He is not allowed to
fish or hunt for a whole season, or in that period to marry again. During the three
days of lamentation all the relatives of the deceased are quite careless of their
dress; their hair hangs wildly about, and, if possible, they are more than usually
dirty in their persons. All visitors to a mourning family consider it as indispensa-
bly necessary to howl at their first entry.

I may add here that suicide is not of rare occurrence, as according
to the religious ideas of the Eskimo the souls of those who die by
violence go to Qudlivun, the happy land. For the same reason it is
considered lawful for a man to kill his aged parents. In suicide
death is generally brought about by hanging.

TALES AND TRADITIONS.
ITITAUJANG.

A long, long time ago, a young man, whose name was Ititaujang,
lived in a village with many of his friends. When he became
grown he wished to take a wife and went to a hut in which he
knew an orphan girl was living. However, as he was bashful and
was afraid to speak to the young girl himself, he called her little

616 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

brother, who was playing before the hut, and said, ‘‘Go to your
sister and ask her if she will marry me.” The boy ran to his sister
and delivered the message. The young girl sent him back and bade
him ask the name of her suitor. When she heard that his name
was Ititaujang she told him to go away and look for another wife,
as she was not willing to marry aman with such an ugly name.’ But
Ititaujang did not submit and sent the boy once- more to his sister.
“Tell her that Nettirsuaqdjung is my other name,” said he. The
boy, however, said upon entering, ‘‘Ititaujang is standing before
the doorway and wants to marry you.” Again the sister said ‘‘ I will
not have a man with that ugly name.” When the boy returned to
Ititaujang and repeated his sister’s speech, he sent him back once
more and said, ‘* Tell her that Nettirsuaqdjung is my other name.”
Again the boy entered and said, ‘‘ Ititaujang is standing before the
doorway and wants to marry you.” The sister answered, ‘‘I will not
have a man with that ugly name.” When the boy returned to Iti-
taujang and told him to go away, he was sent in the third time on
the same commission, but to no better effect. Again the young girl
declined his offer, and upon that Ititaujang went away in great anger.
He did not care for any other gir] of his tribe, but left the country
altogether and wandered over hills and through valleys up the coun-
try many days and many nights.

At-last he arrived in the land of the birds and saw a lakelet in
which many geese were swimming. On the shore he saw a great
number of boots; cautiously he crept nearer and stole as many as he
could get hold of. A short time after the birds left the water and
finding the boots gone became greatly alarmed and flewaway. Only
one of the flock remained behind, crying, ‘‘ I want to have my boots;
I want to have my boots.” Ititaujang came forth now and answered,
“T will give you your boots if you will become my wife.” She ob-
jected, but when Ititaujang turned round to go away with the boots
she agreed, though rather reluctantly.

Having put on the boots she was transformed into a woman and
they wandered down to the seaside, where they settled in a large
village. Here they lived together for some years and had a son.
In time Ititaujang became a highly respected man, as he was by far
the best whaler among the Inuit.

Once upon a time the Inuit had killed a whale and were busy
cutting it up and carrying the meat and the blubber to their huts.
Though Ititaujang was hard at work his wife stood lazily by. When
he called her and asked her to help as the other women did she ob-
jected, crying, ‘‘ My food is not from the sea; my food is from the
land; I will not eat the meat of a whale; I will not help.”

;

'Ititaujang means ‘‘similar to the anus.” This tradition is curtailed, as some
parts were considered inappropriate for this publication. The full text will be
found in the Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft fir Anthropologie, Ethnologie
und Urgeschichte, Berlin, 1888.

BOAS.] TALE OF ITITAUJANG. 617

Ititaujang answered, ‘“‘You must eat of the whale; that will fill
your stomach.” Then she began crying and exclaimed, ‘I will not
eat it; I will not soil my nice white clothing.”

She descended to the beach, eagerly looking for birds’ feathers.
Having found a few she put them between her fingers and between
those of her child; both were transformed into geese and flew away.

When the Inuit saw this they called out, *‘ Ititaujang, your wife
is flying away.” Ititaujang became very sad; he cried for his wife
and did not care for the abundance of meat and blubber, nor for the
whales spouting near the shore. He followed his wife and ascended
the land in search of her.

After having traveled for many weary months he came to a river.
There he saw a man who was busy chopping chips from a piece of
wood with a large hatchet. As soon as the chips fell off he polished
them neatly and they were transformed into salmon, becoming so
slippery that they glided from his hands and fell into the river,
which they descended to a large lake near by. The name: of the
man was Eyaluqdjung (the little salmon).

On approaching, Ititaujang was frightened almost to death, for
he saw that the back of this man was altogether hollow and that he
could look from behind right through his mouth. Cautiously he
crept back and by a circuitous way approached him from the oppo-
site direction.

When Hyaluqdjung saw him coming he stopped chopping and
asked, ‘“‘Which way did you approach me?” Ititaujang, pointing
in the direction he had come last and from which he could not see
the hollow back of Hyaluqdjung, answered, ‘‘It is there I have come
from.” Eyaluqdjung, on hearing this, said, ‘‘ That is lucky for you.
If you had come from the other side and had seen my back | should
have immediately killed you with my hatchet.” Ititaujang was very
glad that he had turned back and thus deceived the salmon maker.
He asked him, ‘‘ Have you not seen my wife, who has left me, com-
ing this way?” Eyaluqdjung had seen her and said, ‘‘ Do you see
yon little island in the large lake? There she lives now and has taken
another husband.”

When Ititaujang heard this report he almost despaired, as he did
not know how to reach the island; but Eyaluqdjung kindly promised
to help him. They descended to the beach; Hyaluqdjung gave him
the backbone of asalmon and said, ‘‘ Now shut youreyes. The back-
bone will turn into a kayak and carry you safely to the island. -But
mind you do not open your eyes, else the boat will upset.”

Ititaujang promised to obey. He shut his eyes, the backbone be-
came a kayak, and away he went over the lake. As he did not hear
any splashing of water, he was anxious to see whether the boat moved
on, and opened his eyes just a little. But he had scarcely taken a
short glimpse when the kayak began to swing violently and he felt

618 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

that it became a backbone again. He quickly shut his eyes, the boat
went steadily on, and a short time after he was landed on the island.

There he saw the hut and his son playing on the beach near it.
The boy on looking up saw Ititaujang and ran to his mother crying,
“Mother, father is here and is coming to our hut.” The mother
answered, ‘‘ Go, play on; your father is far away and cannot find us.”
The child obeyed; but as he saw Ititaujang approaching he re-
entered the hut and said, ‘‘ Mother, father is here and is coming to
our hut.” Again the mother sent him away, but he returned very
soon, saying that Ititaujang was quite near.

Searcely had the boy said so when Ititaujang opened the door.
When the new husband saw him he told his wife to open a box which
was in a corner of the hut. She did so, and many feathers flew out
of it and stuck to them. The woman, her new husband, and the
child were thus again transformed into geese. The hut disappeared;
but when Ititaujang saw them about to fly away he got furious and
cut open the belly of his wife before she could escape. Then many
eges fell down. -

THE EMIGRATION OF THE SAGDLIRMIUT.

In the beginning all the Inuit lived near Ussualung, in Tiniq-
djuarbing (Cumberland Sound). The I[gdlumiut, the Nugumiut, and
the Talirpingmiut in the south, the Aggomiut in the far north, and
the Inuit, who tattoo rings round their eyes, in the far west, all once
lived together. There is a tradition concerning the emigration of the
Sagdlirmiut (see p. 451) who live east of Iglulik. The Akudnirmiut
say that the following events did not happen in Tiniqdjuarbing, but in
Aggo, acountry where nobody lives nowadays. Ikeraping, an Akud-
nirmio, heard the story related by a Tununirmio, who had seen the
place himself, but all the Oqomiut assert that Ussualung is the place
where the events in the story happened.

An old woman, the sister of Mitiq, the angakoq, told the story as
follows:

Near Ussualung there are two places, Qerniqdjuaq and Eyaluq-
djuaq. In each of these was a large house, in which many families
lived together. They used to keep company during the summer when
they went deer hunting, but returned to their separate houses in the
fall.

Once upon a time it happened that the men of Qerniqdjuaq had
been very successful, while those of Kyaluqdjuaq had caught scarcely
any deer. Therefore the latter got very angry and resolved to kill
the other party, but they preferred to wait until the winter. Later in
the season many deer were caught and put up in depots. They were
to be carried down to the winter settlements by means of sledges.

One day both parties agreed upon a journey to these depots and
the men of Eyaluqdjuaq resolved to kill their enemies on this occa-

a = gate oe as mere ey

ES (Ie A oie

BOAS.] EMIGRATION OF THE SAGDLIRMIUT. 619

sion. They set out with their dogs and sledges, and when they were
fairly inland they suddenly attacked their unsuspecting companions
and killed them. For fear that the wives and children of the mur-
dered men might be suspicious if the dogs returned without their
masters, they killed them too. After a short time they returned and
said they had lost the other party and did not know what had hap-
pened to them.

A young man of Eyaluqdjuaq was the suitor of a girl of Qerniq-
djuaq and used to visit her every night. He did not stop his visits
now. He was kindly received by the woman and lay down to sleep
with his young wife.

Under the snow bench there was a little boy who had seen the young
man of Eyaluqdjuaq coming. When everybody was sleeping he heard
somebody calling and soon recognized the spirits of the murdered men,
who told him what had happened and asked him to kill the young
man inrevenge. The boy crept from his place under the bed, took a
knife, and put it into the young man’s breast. As he was a small boy
and very weak, the knife glided from the ribs and entered deep into
the heart, thus killing the young man.

Then he roused the other inhabitants of the hut and told them that
the spirits of the dead men had come to him, that they had told him
of their murder, and had ordered him to kill the young man. The
women and children got very much frightened and did not know
what to do. At last they resolved to follow the advice of an old
woman and to flee from their cruel neighbors. As their dogs were
killed, the sledges were of no use, but by chance a bitch with pups
was in the hut and the old woman, who was a great angakoq, ordered
them to go and whip the young dogs, which would thus grow up
quickly. They did so and in a short time the pups were large and
strong. They harnessed them and set off as quickly as possible. In
order to deceive their neighbors they left everything behind and did
not even extinguish their lamps, that they might not excite suspicion.

The hext morning the men of Eyaluqdjuaq wondered why their
companion had not returned and went to the hut in Qernirtung.
They peeped through the spy hole in the window and saw the lamps
burning, but nobody inside. At last they discovered the body of the
young man, and, finding the tracks of the sledges, they hurriedly put
their sledges in order and pursued the fugitives.

Though the latter had journeyed rapidly their pursuers followed
still more rapidly and seemed likely to overtake them in a short time.
They therefore became very much frightened, fearing the revenge of
their pursuers.

When the sledge of the men drew near and the women saw that
they were unable to escape, a young woman asked the old angakoq:
“Don’t you know how to cut the ice?” The matron answered in the
affirmative and slowly drew a line over the ice with her first finger

620 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

across the path of their pursuers. Theice gave a loud crack. Once
more she drew the line, when acrack opened and quickly widened as
she passed on. The floe began moving and when the men arrived
they could not cross over the wide space of water. Thus the party
were saved by the art of their angakoq.

For many days they drifted to and fro, but finally they landed on
the island of Sagdlirn, where they took up their abode and became
the mothers of the Sagdlirmiut.

KALOPALING.

Kalopaling is a fabulous being that lives in the sea. His body is
like that of a human being and he wears clothing made of eider ducks’
skins. Therefore he is sometimes called Mitiling (with eider ducks).
As these birds have a black back and a white belly, his gown looked
speckled all over. His jacket has an enormous hood, which is an
object of fear to the Inuit. If a kayak capsizes and the boatman is
drowned Kalopaling puts him into this hood. He cannot speak, but
can only cry, ‘‘Be, be! Be, be!” His feet are very large and look
like inflated sealskin floats.

The Inuit believe that in olden times there were a great number of
Katopalit, but gradually their number diminished and there are now
very few left. They may be seen from the land swimming very
rapidly under the water and sometimes rising to the surface. While
swimming they make a great noise by splashing with arms and legs.
In summer they like to bask on rocks and in winter they sometimes
sit on the ice near cracks or at the edge of drifting floes. As they
pursue the hunters the most daring men try to kill them whenever
they can get near them. Cautiously they approach the sleeping
Kalopaling, and as soon as they come near enough they throw the
walrus harpoon at him. They must shut their eyes immediately
until the Kalopaling is dead, else he will capsize the boat and kill
the hunters. The flesh of the Kalopaling is said to be poisonous, but
good enough for dog’s food.

An old tradition is handed down which refers to a Kalopaling:

An old woman lived with her grandson ina small hut. As they
had no kinsmen they were very poor. A few Inuit only took pity
on them and brought them seal’s meat and blubber for their lamps.
Once upon atime they were very hungry and the boy cried. The
grandmother told him to be quiet, but as he did not obey she
became angry and called Kalopaling to come and take him away-
He entered at once and the woman put the boy into the large hood,
in which he disappeared almost immediately.

Later on the Inuit were more successful in sealing and they had
an abundance of meat. Then the grandmother was sorry that she
had so rashly given the boy to Kalopaling and wished to see him back

BOAS.] TALE OF KIVIUNG. 621

again. She lamented about it to the Inuit, and at length a man and
his wife promised to help her.

When the ice had consolidated and deep cracks were formed near
the shore by the rise and fall of the tide, the boy used to rise and sit
alongside the cracks, playing with a whip of seaweed. Kalopaling,
however, was afraid that somebody might carry the boy away and
had fastened him to a string of seaweed, which he held in his hands.
The Inuit who had seen the boy went toward him, but as soon as he
saw them coming he sang, ‘‘ Two men are coming, one with a double
jacket, the other with a foxskin jacket” (Inung maqong tikitong,
aipa mirqosailing, aipa kapiteling). Then Kalopaling pulled on the
rope and the boy disappeared. He did not want to return to his
grandmother, who had abused him.

Some time afterward the Inuit saw him again sitting near a crack.
They took the utmost caution that he should not hear them when
approaching, tying pieces of deerskin under the soles of their boots.
But when they could almost lay hold of the boy he sang, ‘‘ Two men
are coming, one with a double jacket, the other with a foxskin jacket.”
Again Kalopaling pulled on the seaweed rope and the boy disappeared,

The man and his wife, however, did not give up trying. They
resolved to wait near the crack, and on one occasion when the boy
had just corhe out of the water they jumped forward from a piece
of ice behind which they had been hidden and before he could give
the alarm they had cut the rope and away they went with him to
their huts.

The boy lived with them and became a great hunter.

2 THE UISSUIT.

Besides the Kalopalit there are the Uissuit, a strange people that
live in the sea. They are dwarfs and are frequently seen between
Tglulik and Netchillik, where the Anganidjen live, an Inuit tribe
whose women are in the habit of tattooing rings around their eyes.
There are men and women among the Uissuit and they live in deep
water, never coming up to the surface. When the Inuit wish to see
them, they go in their boats to a place where they cannot see the
bottom and try to catch them by hooks which they slowly move up
and down. As soon as they get a bite they draw in the line. The
Uissuit are thus drawn up; but no sooner do they approach the
surface than they dive down headlong again, only their legs having
emerged from the water. The Inuit have never succeeded in get-
ting one out of the water.

KIVIUNG.
An old woman lived with her grandson ina small hut. As she

had no husband and no son to take care of her and the boy, they
were very poor, the boy’s clothing being made of skins of birds which

622 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

they caught in snares. When the boy would come out of the hut
and join his playfellows, the men would laugh at him and tear his
outer garment. Only one man, whose name was Kiviung, was kind
to the young boy; but he could not protect him from the others.
Often the lad came to his grandmother crying and weeping, and she
always consoled him and each time made him a new garment. She
entreated the men to stop teasing the boy and tearing his clothing,
but they would not listen to her prayer. At last she got angry and
swore she would take revenge upon his abusers, and she could easily
do so, as she was a great angakoq.

She commanded her grandson to step into a puddle which was on
the floor of the hut, tellmg him what would happen and how he
should behave. As soon as he stood in the water the earth opened
and he sank out of sight, but the next moment he rose near the beach
as a yearling seal with a beautiful skin and swam about lustily.

The men had barely seen the seal when they took to their kayaks,
eager to secure the pretty animal. But the transformed boy quickly
swam away, as his grandmother had told him, and the men continued
in pursuit. Whenever he rose to breathe he took care to come up
behind the kayaks, where the men could not get at him with their
harpoons; there, however, he splashed and dabbled in order to at-
tract their attention and lure them on. But before any one could
turn his kayak he had dived again and swam away. The men were
so interested in the pursuit that they did not observe that they were
being led far from the coast and that the land was now altogether
invisible.

Suddenly a gale arose; the sea foamed and roared and the waves
destroyed or upset their frail vessels. Afterall seemed to be drowned
the seal was again transformed into the lad, who went home without
wetting his feet. There was nobody now to tear his clothing, all his
abusers being dead.

Only Kiviung, who was a great angakoq and had never abused the
boy, had escaped the wind and waves. Bravely he strove against
the wild sea, but the storm did not abate. After he had drifted for
many days on the wide sea, a dark mass loomed up through the mist.
His hope revived and he worked hard to reach the supposed land.
The nearer he came, however, the more agitated did the sea become,
and hesaw that he had mistaken a wild, black sea, with raging whirl-
pools, for land. Barely escaping he drifted again for many days, but
the storm did not abate and he did not see any land. Again he saw
a dark mass looming up through the mist, but he was once more
deceived, for it was another whirlpool which made the sea rise in
gigantic waves.

At last the storm moderated, the sea subsided, and at a great dis-
tance he saw the land. Gradually he came nearer and following the

pee eat oe leaned roel

a i, +i,

BOAS. } TALE OF KIVIUNG. 623

coast he at length spied a stone house in which a light was burn-
ing. He landed and entered the house. Nobody was inside but an
old woman whose name was Arnaitiang. She received him kindly
and at his request pulled off his boots, slippers, and stockings and
dried them on the frame hanging over the lamp. Then she went
out to light a fire and cook a good meal.

When the stockings were dry, Kiviung tried to take them from the
frame in order to put them on, but as soon as he extended his hand
to touch them the frame rose out of his reach. Having tried several
times in vain, he called Arnaitiang and asked her to give him back
the stockings. She answered: *‘ Take them yourself; there they are;
there they are” and went out again. The fact is she was a very bad
woman and wanted to eat Kiviung.

Then he tried once more to take hold of his stockings, but with
no better result. He called again for Arnaitiang and asked her to
give him the boots and stockings, whereupon she said: ‘‘Sit down
where I sat when you entered my house; then you can get them.”
After that she left him again. Kiviung tried it once more, but the
frame rose as before and he could not reach it.

Now he understood that Arnaitiang meditated mischief; so he
summoned his tornaq, a huge white bear, who arose roaring from
under the floor of the house. At first Arnaitiang did not hear him,
but as Kiviung kept on conjuring the spirit came nearer and nearer
to the surface, and when she heard his loud roar she rushed in trem-
bling with fear and gave Kiviung what he hadasked for. ‘‘ Here are
your boots,” she cried; ‘‘here are your slippers; here are your stock-
ings. Ill help you put them on.” But Kiviung would not stay any
longer with this horrid witch and did not even dare to put on his
boots, but took them from Arnaitiang and rushed out of the door.
He had barely escaped when it clapped violently together and just
caught the tail of his jacket, which was torn off. He hastened to his
kayak without once stopping to look behind and paddled away. He
had only gone a short distance before Arnaitiang, who had recovered
from her fear, came out swinging her glittering woman’s knife and
threatening to kill him. He was nearly frightened to death and
almost upset his kayak. However, he managed to balance it again
and cried in answer, lifting up his spear: ‘‘I shall kill you with my
spear.” When Arnaitiang heard these words she fell down terror
stricken and broke her knife. Kiviung then observed that it was
made of a thin slab of fresh water ice.

He traveled on for many days and nights, following the shore. At
last he came to a hut, and again a lamp was burning inside. As his
clothing was wet and he was hungry, he landed and entered the
house. There he found a woman who lived all alone with her
daughter. Her son-in-law was a log of driftwood which had four
boughs. Every day about the time of low water they carried it to

624 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

the beach and when the tide came in it swam away. When night
came again it returned with eight large seals, two being fastened to
every bough. Thus the timber provided its wife, her mother, and
Kiviung with an abundance of food. One day, however, after they
had launched it as they had always done, it left and never returned.

After a short interval Kiviung married the young widow. Now he
went sealing every day himself and was very successful. As he
thought of leaving some day, he was anxious to get a good stock of
mittens (that his hands might keep dry during the long journey?).
Every night after returning from hunting he pretended to have lost
his mittens. In reality he had concealed them in the hood of his
jacket.

After awhile the old woman became jealous of her daughter, for the
new husband of the latter was a splendid hunter and she wished to
marry him herself. One day when he was away hunting, she murdered
her daughter, and in order to deceive him she removed her daughter’s
skin and crept into it, thus changing her shape into that of the young
woman. When Kiviung returned, she went to meet him, as it had
been her daughter’s custom, and without exciting any suspicion.
But when he entered the hut and saw the bones of his wife he at once
became aware of the cruel deed and of the deception that had been
practiced and fled away.

He traveled on for many days and nights, always following the
shore. At last he again came to a hut where a lamp was burning.
As his clothing was wet and he was hungry, he landed and went up
to the house. Before entering it occurred to him that it would be
best to find out first who was inside. He therefore ciimbed up to the
window and looked through the peep hole. On the bed sat an old
woman, whose name was Aissivang (spider). When she saw the dark
figure before the window she believed it was a cloud passing the
sun, and as the light was insufficient to enable her to go on with her
work she got angry. With her knife she cut away her eyebrows, ate
them, and did not mind the dripping blood, but sewed on. When
Kiviung saw this he thought that she must be a very bad woman
and turned away.

Still he traveled on days and nights. At last he came to a land
which seemed familiar to him and soon he recognized his own coun-
try. He was very glad when he saw some boats coming to meet
him. They had been on a whaling excursion and were towing a
great carcass to the village. In the bow of one of them stood a stout
young man who had killed the whale. He was Kiviung’s son, whom
he had left a small boy and who was now grown up and had become a
great hunter. His wife had taken » new husband, but now she
returned to Kiviung.

BOAS.! STORY OF THE ORIGIN OF THE NARWHAL. 625

ORIGIN OF THE NARWHAL.

A long, long time ago a widow lived with her daughter and her
sonina hut. When the boy was quite young he made a bow and
arrows of walrus tusks and shot birds, which they ate. Before he
was grown up heaccidentally became blind. From that moment his
mother maltreated him in every way. She never gave him enough
to eat, though he had formerly added a great deal to their sustenance,
and did not allow her daughter, who loved her brother tenderly, to
give him anything. Thus they lived many years and the poor boy
was very unhappy.

Once upon a time a polar bear came to the hut and thrust his head
right through the window. They were all very much frightened
and the mother gave the boy his bow and arrows that he might kill
theanimal. But he said, ‘‘I cannot see the window and I shall miss
him.” Then the sister leveled the bow and the boy shot and killed
the bear. The mother and sister went out and took the carcass down
and skinned it.

After they had returned into the hut they told the boy that he had
missed the bear, which had run away when it had seen him taking
his bow and arrows. The bad mother had strictly ordered her
daughter not to tell that the bear was dead, and she did not dare to
disobey. The mother and the daughter ate the bear and had an
ample supply of food, while the boy was almost starving. Some-
times, when the mother had gone away, the girl gave her brother
something to eat, as she loved him dearly.

One day a loon flew over the hut and observing the poor blind boy
it resolved to restore his eyesight. It sat down on the top of the
roof and cried, ‘Come out, boy, and follow me.” When he heard
this he crept out and followed the bird, which-flew along to a lake.
There it took the boy and dived with him to the bottom. When they
had risen again to the surface it asked, ‘‘Can you see anything?”
The boy answered, ‘‘ No, I cannot yet see.” They dived again and
staid a long time in the water. When they emerged, the bird
asked, ‘‘Can you see now?” The boy answered, ‘‘I see a dim shim-
mer.” Then they dived the third time and staid very long under
water. When they had risen to the surface the boy had recovered
his eyesight altogether.

He was very glad and thankful to the bird, which told him to re-
turn to the hut. Then he found the skin of the bear he had killed
drying inthe warm rays of the sun. He got very angry and cut it
into small pieces. He entered the hut and asked his mother: ‘* From
whom did you get the bearskin I saw outside of the hut?” The
mother was frightened when she found that her son had recovered
his eyesight, and prevaricated, She said, ‘‘Come here, I will give

6 ETH——40

626 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

you the best I have; but Iam very poor ; I have no supporter; come
here, eat this, it is very good.” The boy, however, did not comply
and asked again, ‘‘ From whom did you get yon bearskin I saw
outside the hut?” Again she prevaricated ; but when she could no
longer evade the question she said, *‘A boat came here with many
men in it, who left it for me.”

The boy did not believe the story, but was sure that it was the
skin of the bear he had killed during the winter. However, he did
not say a word. His mother, who was anxious to conciliate him, tried
to accommodate him with food and clothing, but he did not accept
anything.

He went to the other Inuit who lived in the same village, made
a spear and a harpoon of the same pattern he saw in use with them,
and began to catch white whales. Inashort time he had become an
expert hunter.

By and by he thought of taking revenge on his mother. He said
to his sister, ‘‘ Mother abused me when I was blind and has mal-
treated you for pitying me; we will revenge ourselves on her.” The
sister agreed and he planned a scheme for killing the mother.

When he went to hunt white whales he used to wind the harpoon
line round his body and, taking a firm footing, hold the animal
until it wasdead. Sometimes his sister accompanied him and helped
him to hold the line.

One day he told his mother to go with him and hold his line.
When they came to the beach he tied the rope round her body and
asked her to keep a firm footing. She was rather anxious, as she
had never done this before, and told him to harpoon a small dolphin,
else she might not be able to resist the strong pull. After a short
time a young animal came up to breathe and the mother shouted,
* Kill it, Ican hold it ;’ but the boy answered, ‘‘ No, it is too large.”
Again asmall dolphin came near and the mother shouted to him to
spear it; buthe said, ‘‘No,it is too large.” At last a huge animal
rose quite near. Immediately he threw his harpoon, taking care not
to kill it, and tossing his mother forward into the water cried out,
“That is because you maltreated me; that is because you abused me.”

The white whale dragged the mother into the sea, and whenever
she rose to the surface she cried, *‘ Louk! Louk!” and gradually she
became transformed into a narwhal.

After the young man had taken revenge he began to realize that
it was his mother whom he had murdered and he was haunted by
remorse, and so was his sister, as she had agreed to the bad plans of
her brother. They did not dare to stay any longer in their hut, but
left the country and traveled many days and many nights overland.
At last they came to a place where they saw a hut in which a man
lived whose name was Qitua’jung. He was very bad and had hor-
ribly long nails on his fingers. The young man, being very thirsty,

Boas.] TALE OF THE VISITOR. 627

sent his sister into the hut to ask for some water. She entered and
said to Qitua’jung, who sat on the bed place, ‘* My brother asks for
some water;” to which Qitua’jung responded, *‘ There it stands be-
hind the lamp. Take as much as you like.” She stooped to the
bucket, when he jumped up and tore her back with his long nails.
Then she called to her brother for help, crying, ‘*‘ Brother. brother,
that man is going to kill me.” The young man ran to the hut
immediately, broke down the roof, and killed the bad man with
his spear.

Cautiously he wrapped up his sister in hares’ skins, put her on his
back, and traveled on. He wandered over the land for many days,
until he came to a hut in which a man lived whose name was Iqig-
nang. As the young man was very hungry, he asked him if he
might eat a morsel from the stock of deer meat put up in the entrance
of the hut. Iqignang answered, ‘‘ Don’t eat it, don’t eat it.” Though
he had already taken a little bit, he immediately stopped. Iqignang
was very kind to the brother and sister, however, and. after a short
time he married the girl, who had recovered from her wounds, and
gave his former wife to the young man."

THE VISITOR.

An old hag lived in a house with her grandson. She was a very
bad woman who thought of nothing but playing mischief. She was
a witch and tried to harm everybody by witchcraft. Once upon a
time a stranger came to visit some friends who lived in a hut near
that of the old woman. As the visitor was a good hunter and pro-
cured plenty of food for his hosts, she envied them and resolved to kill
the new comer. She made a soup of wolf’s and man’s brains, which
was the most poisonous meal she could prepare, and sent her grand-
son to inyite the stranger. She cautioned him not to say what she
had cooked, as she knew that the visitor was a great angakoq, who
was by far her superior in wisdom.

The boy went to the neighboring hut and said: ‘‘Stranger, my
grandmother invites you to come to her hut and to have there a
good feast on a supper she has cooked. She told me not to say that
it is a man’s and a wolf’s brains and I do not say it.”

Though the angakoq understood the schemes of the old hag he
followed the boy and sat down with her. She feigned to be very
glad to see him and gave him a dish full of soup, which he began to
eat. But by help of his tornaq the food fell right through him into
a vessel which he had put between his feet on the floor of the hut.
This he gave to the old witch and compelled her to eat it. She died
as soon as she had brought the first spoonful to her mouth.

‘See foot-note on p. 616.

628 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

THE FUGITIVE WOMEN.

Once upon a time two women who were with child quarreled with
their husbands and fled from their families and friends to live by
themselves. After having traveled a long distance they came to a
place called Igdluqdjuaq, where they resolved tostay. Itwas summer
when they arrived. They found plenty of sod and turf and large
whale ribs bleaching on the beach. They erected a firm structure
of bones and filled the interstices with sod and turf. Thus they
had a good house to live in. In order to obtain skins they made
traps, in which they caught foxes in sufficient numbers for their
dresses. Sometimes they found carcasses of ground seals or of whales
which had drifted to the shore, of which they ate the meat and burnt
the blubber. There was also a deep and narrow deer pass near the
hut. Across this they stretched a rope and when the deer passed by
they became entangled in it and strangled themselves, Besides, there
was a salmon creek near the house and this likewise FESS them
with an abundance of food.

In winter their fathers came in search of their lost daughters.
When they saw the sledge coming they began to cry, as they were ~
unwilling to return to their husbands. The men, however, were
glad to find them comfortable, and having staid two nights at their
daughters’ house they returned home, where they told the strange
story that two women without the company of any men lived all by
themselves and were never in want.

Though this happened a long time ago the house may still be seen
and therefore the place is called Igdluqdjuaq (The Large House).

QAUDJAQDIUQ.
I. STORY OF THE THREE BROTHERS.

A long time ago there lived three brothers. Two of them were
grown up, but the third was a young lad whose name was Qau-
djaqdjuq. The elder brothers had left their country and traveled
about many years, while the youngest lived with his mother in their
native village. As they had no supporter, the poor youth was abused
by all the men of the village and there was nobody to protect him.

At last the elder brothers, being tired of roaming about, returned
home. When they heard that the boy had been badly used by all
the Inuit they became angry and thought of revenge. At first, how-
ever, they did not say anything, but built a boat, in which they in-
tended to escape after having accomplished their designs. They
were skillful boat builders and finished their work very scon. They
tried the boat and found that it passed over the water as swiftly as
an eider duck flies. As they were not content with their work they
destroyed it again and built a new boat, which proved as swift as

OAS.) STORY OF THE THREE BROTHERS. 629

an ice duck. They were not yet content, destroyed this, and built a
third one that was good. After having finished the boat they lived
quietly with the other men. In the village there was a large sing-
ing house, which was used at every festival. One day the three
brothers entered it and shut it up. Then they began dancing and
singing and continued until they were exhausted. As there was no
seat in the house they asked their mother to bring one, and when
they opened the door to let her pass in, an ermine, which had been
hidden in the house, escaped.

Near the singing house the other Inuit of the village were play-
ing. When they saw the ermine, which ran right through the crowd,
they endeavored to catch it. In the eagerness of pursuit one man,
who had almost caught the little animal, stumbled over a bowlder
and fell in such a manner that he was instantly killed. The ermine
was sprinkled with blood, particularly about its mouth. During
the ensuing confusion it escaped into the singing house, where it
concealed itself again in the same corner.

The brothers, who were inside, had recommenced singing and danc-
ing. When they were exhausted they called for their mother (to
bring something to eat). When they opened the door the ermine
again escaped and ran about among the Inuit, who were still playing
outside.

When they saw it they believed that the brothers would induce
them to pursue it again, and thus make them perish one by one.
Therefore the whole crowd stormed the singing house with the in-
tention of killing the brothers. As the door was shut they climbed
on the roof and pulled it down, but when they took up their spears to
pierce the three men they opened the door and rushed down to the
beach. Their boat was quite near at hand and ready to be launched,
while those of the other Inuit were a long distance off.

They embarked with their mother, but, when they were at a short
distance and saw that the other men had not yet reached their boats,
they pretended that they were unable to move theirs, though they
pulled with the utmost effort. In reality, they played with the oars
onthe water. A few young women and girls were on the shore looking
at the brothers, who seemed to exert themselves to the utmost of their
strength. The eldest brother cried tothe women: ‘* Will you help us ?
We cannot get along alone.” Two girls consented, but as soon as
they had come into the boat the brothers commenced pulling as hard
as possible, the boat flying along quicker than a duck, while the girls
cried with fright. The other Inuit hastened up desirous to reach
the fugitives, and soon their boats were manned.

The brothers were not afraid, however, as their boat was by far the
swiftest. When they had almost lost sight of the pursuers they were
suddenly stopped by a high, bold land rising before the boat and
shutting up their way. They were quite puzzled, as they had to

630 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

retrace their way for a long distance and feared they would be over-

taken by the other boats. But one of the brothers, who was a great
angakoq, saved them by his art. He said: ‘“‘ Shut your eyes and do
not open them before I tell you, and then pull on.” They did as they
“were bade, and when he told them to look up they saw that they
had sailed right through the land, which rose just as high and formid-
able behind them as it had formerly obstructed their way. It had
opened and let them pass.

After having sailed some time they saw a long black line in the seas
On coming nearer they discovered that it was an impenetrable mass
of seaweed, so compact that they could leave the boat and stand upon
it. There was no chance of pushing the boat through, though it
was swifter than a duck. The eldest brother, however, thought of
his angakoq art and said to his mother, ‘‘Take your hair lace and
whip the seaweed.” As soon as she did so it sank and opened the
way.

After having overcome these obstacles they were troubled no more
and accomplished their journey in safety. When they arrived in
their country they went ashore and erected a hut. The two women
whom they had taken from their enemies they gave to their young
brother Qaudjaqdjuq.

They wanted to make him a very strong man, such as they were
themselves. For this reason they led him to a huge stone and said,
“Try to lift that stone.” As Qaudjaqdjuq was unable to do so, they
whipped him and said, ‘‘Try it again.” Now Qaudjaqdjuq could
move it a little from its place. The brothers were not yet content
and whipped him once more. By the last whipping he became very
strong and lifted the bowlder and cast it over the hut.

Then the brothers gave him the whip and told him to beat his
wives if they disobeyed him.

II. QAUDJAQDIUQ.

A long time ago there was a poor little orphan boy who had no
protector and was maltreated by all the inhabitants of the village.
He was not even allowed to sleep in the hut, but lay outside in the
cold passage among the dogs, who were his pillows and his quilt.
Neither did they give him any meat, but flung old, tough walrus
hide at him, which he was compelled to eat without a knife. A
young girl was the only one who pitied him. She gave him a very
smal] piece of iron for a knife, but bade him conceal it well or the
men would take it from him. He did so, putting it into his urethra.
Thus he led a miserable life and did not grow at all, but remained
poor little @audjaqdjug. He did not even dare to join the plays of
the other children, as they also maltreated and abused him on account
of his weakness.

al sid

BOAS.] QAUDJAQDJUQ. 631

When the inhabitants assembled in the singing house Qaudjaqdjuq
used to liein the passage and peep over the threshold. Now and then
aman would lift him by the nostrils into the hut and give him the
large urine vessel to carry out (Fig. 537). It was so large and heavy

Fie. 538. The man in the moon comes down to help Qaudjaqdjuq..

632 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO,

that he was obliged to take hold of it with both hands and his teeth.
As he was frequently lifted by the nostrils they grew to be very large,
though he remained small and weak.

7 =
He)
Sen
Tia. 539. The man in the moon whipping Qaudjaqdjuq. Fig. 540, Qaudjaqdjuq has become

Qaudjuqdjuaq.

At last the man in the moon,’ who had seen how badly the men
behaved towards Qaudjaqdjuq, came down to help him. He har-
nessed his dog® (Fig. 538) Tirie’tiang to his sledge and drove down.
When near the hut he stopped and cried, *‘ Qaudjaqdjuq, come out.”
Qaudjaqdjuq answered, ‘Twill not come out. Goaway!” But when
he had asked himasecond and a third time to come out, he complied,
though he was very much frightened. Then the man in the moon
went with him toa place where some large bowlders were lying about
and, having whipped him (Fig. 539), asked, ‘‘Do you feel stronger
now 2?” Qaudjaqdjuq answered: ‘‘ Yes, I feel stronger.” ‘‘ Then lift
yon bowlder,” said he. As Qaudjaqdjuq was not yet able to lift it,
he gave him another whipping, and now all of a sudden he began to
erow, the feet first becoming of an extraordinary size (Fig. 540).
Again the man in the moon asked him: ‘‘ Do you feel stronger now ?”
Qaudjaqdjuq answered: ‘‘ Yes, I feel stronger ;” but as he could not
yet lift the stone he was whipped once more, after which he had
attained a very great strength and lifted the bowlder as if it were a
small pebble. The manin the moon said: ‘‘ That will do. To-morrow
morning I shall send three bears; then you may show your strength.”

He returned to the moon, but Qaudjaqdjuq, who had now become
Qaudjuqdjuaq (the big Qaudjaqdjuq), returned home tossing the
stones with his feet and making them fly to the right and to the left.
At night he lay down again among the dogs to sleep. Next morning
he awaited the bears, and, indeed, three large animals soon made
their appearance, frightening all the men, who did not dare to leave
the huts.

Then Qaudjuqdjuaq put on his boots and ran down to the ice.
The men who looked out of the window hole said, “‘ Look here, is

‘The man in the moon is the protector of orphans.
2 By a mistake of the Eskimo who made the drawings, four dogs are harnessed to
the sledge. According to his own explanation the dappled one ought to be the only

dog.

BOAS. | IGIMARASUGDJUQDJUAQ THE CANNIBAL. 633

not that Qaudjaqdjuq? The bears will soon make way with him.”
But he seized the first by its hind legs and smashed its head on an
iceberg, near which it happened to stand. The other one fared no
better; the third, however, he carried up to the village and slew some
of his persecutors with it. Others he pressed to death with his
hands or tore off their heads (Fig. 541), crying: ‘‘ That is for abus-
ing me; that is for your maltreating me.” Those whom he did not
kill ran away, never to return. Only a few who had been kind to
him while he had been poor little Qaudjaqdjuq were spared, among
them the girl who had given him the knife. Qaudjuqdjuagq lived to
be a great hunter and traveled all over the country, accomplishing
many exploits.

Fie. 541. Qaudjuqdjuaq killing his enemies.

IGIMARASUGDJIUQDJUAQ THE CANNIBAL.

Igimarasugdjuqdjuaq was a very huge and bad man, who had com-
mitted many murders and eaten the victims after he had cut them
up with his knife. Once upon a time his sister-in-law came to visit
his wife, but scarcely had she entered the hut before Tgimarasug-
djuqdjuaq killed her and commanded his wife to cook her.

His wife was very much frightened, fearing that she herself would
be the next victim, and resolved to make her escape. When Igi-
marasugdjuqdjuaq had left to go hunting she gathered heather,
stuffed her jacket with it, and placed the figure in a sitting position
upon the bed. Then she ran away as fast as she could and suc-

634 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

ceeded in reaching a village. When her husband came home and
saw the jacket he believed that it was a stranger who had come to
visit him and stabbed him through the body. When he discovered,
however, that his wife had deceived and left him, he fell into a pas-
sion and pursued her.

He came to the village and said: *‘ Have you seen my wife? She
has run away.” The Inuit did not tell him that she was staying
with them, but concealed her from his wrath. At last Igimarasug-
djuqdjuaq gave her up for lost and returned home.

The Inuit, however, resolved to revenge the many outrages which
he had wrought upon them. They went to visit him and met him
on the ice just below the hut. When he told them he was going bear
hunting they said: ‘‘ Let us see your spear.” This spear had a stout
and sharp walrus tusk for a point. ‘‘Ah,” said they; ‘‘that is good
for bear hunting; how sharp itis. You must hit him just this way.”
And so saying they struck his brow, the point of the spear entering
his brain, and then cut the body up with their knives.

THE TORNIT.’

In olden times the Inuit were not the only inhabitants of the
country in which they live at the present time. Another tribe
similar to them shared their hunting ground. But they were on good
terms, both tribes living in harmony in the villages. The Tornit
were much taller than the Inuit and had very long legs and arms.
Almost all of them were blear eyed. They were extremely strong
and could lift large bowlders, which were by far too heavy for the
Inuit. But even the Inuit of that time were much stronger than
those of to-day, and some large stones are shown on the plain of Mi-
liaqdjuin, in Cumberland Sound, with which the ancient Inuit used
to play, throwing them great distances. Even the strongest men of
the present generations are scarcely able to lift them, much less to
swing them or throw them any distance.

Fic. 542. Tumiujang or lamp of the Tornit. (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin IV, A 6848.)

The Tornit lived on walrus, seals, and deer, just as the Eskimo do
nowadays, but their methods of hunting were different. The princi-
pal part of their winter dress was a long and wide coat of deerskins,

"See foot-note on p. 616.

BOAS. | THE TORNIT. 635

similar to the jumper ofthe Eskimo, but reaching down to the knees
and trimmed with leather straps. When sealing in winter they wore
this garment, the lower edge of which was fastened on the snow by
means of pegs. Under the jacket they carried a small lamp, called
tumiujang (literally, resembling a footprint) or quming (Fig. 542),
over which they melted snow inasmall pot. Some Eskimo say that
they opened the seals as soon as they were caught and cooked some
meat over these lamps. When the seal blew in the hole they whis-
pered, “‘Kapatipara” (I shall stab it) and, when they had hit it,
“Tedluilig.” Frequently they forgot about the lamp and in throw-
ing the harpoon upset it and burned their skin.

All their weapons were made of stone. For the blades of their
knives they used green slate (uluqsaq, literally material for women’s
knives), which was fastened by ivory pins toa bone or ivory handle.

The points of their harpocns were made of bone, ivory, or slate;
those of their lances, of flint or quartz, which was also used for drill-
heads; and they made neither kayaks nor bows.

Their method of hunting deer was remarkable. In a deer pass,
where the game could not escape, they erected a file of cairns across
the valley and connected them by ropes. Some of the hunters hid
behind the cairns, while others drove the deer toward them. As
the animals were unable to pass the rope they fled along it, looking
for an exit, and while attempting to pass a cairn were lanced by
the waiting hunter, who seized the body by the hind legs and drew
it behind the line.

This tale is related as a proof of their enormous strength and it is
said that they were able to hold a harpooned walrus as the Eskimo
hold a seal.

The Tornit could not clean the sealskins so well as the Inuit, but
worked them up with part of the blubber attached. Their way of
preparing meat was disgusting, since they let it become putrid and
placed it between the thigh and the belly to warm it.

The old stone houses of the Tornit can be seen everywhere. Gen-
erally they did not build snow houses, but lived the whole winter in
stone buildings, the roofs of which were frequently supported by
whale ribs. Though the Eskimo built similar structures they can
be easily distinguished from one another, the bed of their huts being
much larger than that of the Tornit.

Though both tribes lived on very good terms, the Inuit did not
like to play at ball with the Tornit, as they were too strong and used
large balls, with which they hurt their playfellows severely.

A remarkable tradition is told referring to the emigration of this
people.

The Tornit did not build any kayaks, but as they were aware of
the advantages afforded by their use in hunting they stole the boats
from the Inuit, who did not dare to defend their property, the

636 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

Tornit being by far their superiors in strength. Once upon a time a
young Tuniq had taken the kayak of a young Inung without asking
him and had injured it by knocking in the bottom. The Inung got
very angry and ran a knife into the nape of the Tuniq’s neck while
he was sleeping. (According to another tradition he drilled a hole
into his head; this form is also recorded in Labrador.) The Tornit
then became afraid that the Inuit would kill them all and preferred
to leave the country for good. They assembled at Qernirtung (a
place in Cumberland Sound), and in order to deceive any pursuers
they cut off the tails of their jumpers and tied their hair into a bunch
protruding from the crown of the head.

In another form of the tradition it is said that while playing with
the Tornit a young Inung fell down and broke his neck. The Tor-
nit feared that the Inuit might take revenge upon them and left
the country.

Many old ditties are sung which either treat of the Tornit or are
reported to have been sung by them. Some of them will be found
in the linguistic account connected with my journey.

THE WOMAN AND THE SPIRIT OF THE SINGING HOUSE.

Once upon a time a woman entered the singing house when it was
quite dark. Fora long time she had wished to see the spirit of the
house, and though the Inuit had warned her of the impending danger
she had insisted upon her undertaking.

She summoned the spirit, saying, ‘“‘If you are in the house, come
here.” As she could not see him, she cried, ‘‘ No spirit is here; he
will not come.” But the spirit, though yet invisible, said, ‘‘ Here [
am; there lam.” Then the woman asked, ‘‘ Where are your feet;
where are your shins; where are your thighs; where are your hips;
where are your loins?” Every time the spirit answered, ‘‘ Here they
are; there they are.” And she asked further, ‘‘ Where is your belly?”
‘** Here it is,” answered the spirit. ‘*‘ Where is your breast; where are
your shoulders; where is your neck; where is your head?” ‘“‘ Here it
is; there it is;’ but in touching the head the woman all of a sudden
fell dead. It had no bones and no hair (p. 597).

Three men went bear hunting with a sledge and took a young boy
with them. When they approached the edge of the floe they saw a
bear and went in pursuit. Though the dogs ran fast they could not
get nearer and all of a sudden they observed that the bear was lifted
up and their sledge followed. At this moment the boy lost one of
his mittens and in the attempt to pick it up fell from the sledge.
There he saw the men ascending higher and higher, finally being
transformed into stars. The bear became the star Nanuqdjung

BOAS.] THE GREAT FLOOD. 637

(Betelgeuse); the pursuers, Udleqdjun (Orion’s belt); and the sledge,
Kamutiqdjung (Orion’s sword). The men continue the pursuit up
to this day; the boy, however, returned to the village and told how
the men were lost.

ORIGIN OF THE ADLET AND OF THE QADLUNAIT.

Savirqong, an old man, lived alone with his daughter. Her name
was Niviarsiang (1. e., the girl), but as she would not take a hus-
band she was also called Uinigumissuitung (she who would not take
a husband). She refused all her suitors, but at last a dog, spotted
white and red, whose name was Ijirqang, won her affection and she
took him for a husband. They had ten children, five of whom were
Adlet and five dogs. The lower part of the body of the Adlet was
that of a dog and hairy all over, the soles excepted, while the upper
part was that of aman. When the children grew up they became
very voracious, and as the dog Ijirqang did not go out hunting at all,
but let his father in law provide for the whole family, it was difficult
for Savirqong to feed them. Moreover, the children were awfully
clamorous and noisy; so at last the grandfather got tired of it, put
the whole family into his boat, and carried them to a small island.
He told the dog Ijirqang to come every day and fetch meat.

Niviarsiang hung a pair of boots round his neck and he swam
across the narrow channel. But Savirqong, instead of giving him
meat, filled the boots with heavy stones, which drowned Jjirqang
when he attempted to return to the island.

The daughter thought of revenging the death of her husband.
She sent the young dogs to her father’s hut and let them gnaw off
his feet and hands. In return Savirqgong, when Niviarsiang hap-
pened to be in his boat, threw her overboard and cut off her fingers
when she held to the gunwale. As they fell into the sea they were
transformed into seals and whales. At last he allowed her to climb
into the boat.

As she feared that her father might think of killing or maiming
her children, she ordered the Adlet to go inland, where they became
the ancestors of a numerous people. She madea boat for the young
dogs, setting up two sticks for masts in the soles of her boots, and
sent the puppies across the ocean. She sang: ‘‘Angnaijaja. When
you arrive there across the ocean you will make many things giving
you joy. Angnaija.” They arrived in the land beyond the sea and
became the ancestors of the Europeans.

THE GREAT FLOOD.

A long time ago the ocean suddenly began to rise, until it covered
the whole land. The water even rose to the top of the mountains
and the ice drifted over them. When the flood had subsided the ice

638 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

stranded and ever since forms an ice cap on the top of the mount-
ains. Many shellfish, fish, seal, and whales were left high and dry
and their shells and bones may be seen to this day. A great number
of Inuit died during this period, but many others, who had taken to
their kayaks when the water commenced to rise, were saved.
INUGPAQDJUQDJUALUNG. '

In days of yore, an enormous man, whose name was Inugpaq-
djuqdjualung, lived in company with many other Inuit in a village
on a large fjord. He was so tall that he could straddle the fjord.
He used to stand thus every morning and wait for whales to pass
beneath him. As soon as one came along he stooped and caught it,
just as another man would scoop up some little thing that had fallen
into the water, and he ate it as other men eat a small piece of meat.

One day all the natives had manned their boats to hunt a whale.
Inugpaqdjuqdjualung at the time was sitting lazily near his hut, but
when he saw the efforts of the men he scooped both whale and boats
from the water and placed them upon the beach.

At another time, being tired from running about, he lay down on
a high hill to take a nap. The Inuit told him that a couple of huge
bears had been seen near the village, but he said he didn’t care, and
told his friends to rouse him by throwing large stones upon him if
they should see the bears coming. They did so and Inugpaqdjuq-
djualung, suddenly starting up, cried: ‘‘ Where are they? Where are
they?” When the Inuit pointed them out he said: ** What! those
little things? Those are not worth the bustle; they are small foxes,
not bears,” and he crushed one between his fingers, while he put the
other into the eyelet of his boot and strangled it there.

THE BEAR STORY.

This story is reprinted from Hall (II, p. 240):

Many moons ago, a woman obtained a polar bear cub but two or three days old.
Having long desired just such a pet, she gave it her closest attention, as though it
were a son, nursing it, making for it a soft warm bed alongside her own, and talk-
ing to it as a mother does to her child. She had no living relative, and she and the
bear occupied the house alone. Kunikdjuaq, as he grew up, proved that the woman
had not taught him in vain, for he early began to hunt seals and salmon, bringing
them to his mother before eating any himself, and receiving his share from her
hands. She always watched from the hilltop for his return, and if she saw that he
had been unsuccessful, she begged from her neighbors blubber for his food. She
learned how this was from her lookout, for if successful, he came back in the tracks
made on going out, but if unsuccessful always by a different route. Learning to
excel the Inuit in hunting, he excited their envy, and, after long years of faithful
service, his death was resolved upon. On hearing this, the old woman, overwhelmed
with grief, offered to give up her own life if they would but spare him who had so
long supported her. Her offer was sternly refused. Upon this, when all his ene-

‘See foot-note on p. 616.

BOAS. | SUNDRY TALES. 639

mies had retired to their houses, the woman had a long talk with her son — now well
grown in years —telling him that wicked men were about to kill him, and that the
only way to save his life and hers was for him to go offand notreturn, Atthe same
time she begged him not to go so far that she could not wander off and meet him, and
get from him a seal or something else which she might need. The bear, after list-
ening to what she said with tears streaming down her furrowed cheeks, gently
placed one huge paw on her head, and then throwing both around her neck, said,
‘Good mother, Kunikdjuaq will always be on the lookout for you and serve you
as best he can.” Saying this, he took her advice and departed, almost as much to
the grief of the children of the village as to the mother.

Not long after this, being in need of food, she walked out on the sea ice to see if
she could not meet her son, and soon recognized him as one of two bears who were
lying down together. He ran to her, and she patted him on the head in her old
familiar way, told him her wants, and begged him to hurry away and get some-
thing for her. Away ran the bear, and in a few moments the woman looked upon
a terrible fight going on between him and his late companion, which, however, to
her great relief, was soon ended by her son’s dragging a lifeless body to her feet.
With her knife she quickly skinned the dead bear, giving her son large slices of the
blubber, and telling him that she would soon return for the meat, which she could
not at first carry to her house, an] when her supply should again fail she would
come back for his help. This she continued to do for ‘‘a long, long time,” the
faithful bear always serving her and receiving the same unbroken love of his youth,

SUNDRY TALES.

(1) Two little girls, while playing about a cliff near Aivillik, with
infants in the hoods on their backs, went into an opening between
the rocks, which closed upon them before escape was possible. All
attempts at rescue were unsuccessful, and the poor children, to whom
for a time meat and water were passed, perished in the cliffs (Hall
II, p. 222).

(2) Opposite to Niutang, a village in Kingnait, Cumberland Sound,
there is a vein of diorite resembling a boot, and therefore called
Kamingujang. <A long time ago two enemies lived in the village.
One day they stood on the beach ready to go hunting. Suddenly
the one exclaimed, pointing to Kamingujang, ‘‘There he blows,”
making his enemy believe that a whale was passing up the fjord
and inducing him to look out forit. Then he killed him from behind,
piercing him with the spear.

(5) At Qognung, near the head of Nettilling Fjord, there is a large
white stone on each side of the fjord, somewhat resembling a bear.
It is said that these stones have been bears which, being pursued by
an Eskimo in the water, escaped to the land, but were transformed
into these stones.

(4) A long time ago a dead boy was buried under a largestone. Be-
fore his relatives had returned to their hut the body was transformed
into a hare, which jumped forth from the tomb. All hares como
from this animal.

640 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

(5) It is said that albinos of seals and deer spring from an egg of
about half a foot in length, which forms itself in the earth. The
seal digs an underground passage to the sea, the deer a similar one
toa distant part of the country, and there they rise. The albinos are
said to be very quick.

T will add here an enumeration of the fabulous tribes of which I
gained intelligence, but of some of them I only know the names.

(1) The Tornit, or, as they are called by the Akudnirmiut, the
Tuniqdjuait (p. 634). It is remarkable that this people is considered
here, as well as in Labrador, a tribe similar to the Eskimo, with whom
they formerly lived in company, but who were subsequently expelled
by the latter. In Greenland they are entirely a fabulous tribe, each
individual being of enormous size, living inland and seldom hunting
in the upper parts of the fjords. While in the western parts of the
Eskimo country a more historical form of the tradition is preserved,
it is entirely mythical in Greenland.

(2) The Adlet or Erqigdlit. In the tradition treating of this tribe
a similar change occurs. The Labrador Eskimo call the Indians of
the interior Adlet, the tribes west of Hudson Bay call them Erqigdlit.
The Baffin Land Eskimo and the Greenlanders have forgotten this
relation altogether, but denote with the term a fabulous tribe with
dogs’ legs and a human body. The name Adla is used as far north
as Cumberland Peninsula, the Akudnirmiut and the more northern
tribes using the term Erqigdlit. It is difficult to account for the use
of these different terms in both senses.

(3) The Ardnainiq, a tribe living in the extreme northwest. The
men of this people are small, tiny, like children, but entirely covered
with hair. They are carried about in the hoods of their wives, just
like children. The womenare of normal size. They do all the work,
going out hunting in the kayaks and providing for the men.

(4) The Inuarudligang, dwarfs living in the cliffs near the shore.
(5) The Igdlungajung, a bandy legged people living inland.

(6) The Uissuit, dwarfs living in the depth of the sea (p. 621).

(7) The ITjirang.

(8) The Qailerte’tang, a people consisting of women only (p. 605).

Finally, I will mention the animals which are only known to the
natives by reports of foreign tribes and are described as fabulous
creatures. These are the umingmang (the musk ox), which is repre-
sented as a fierce animal with black and red streaks and larger than
a bear, and the agdlaq (the black bear), which, according to their be-
lief, is also of enormous size. It is said to live inland and to devour
everything that comes near it. Iam unable to decide whether the
report of an enormous fish, the idluk, which is said to live in the
lakes, is altogether fabulous. The natives say that if they want to
catch the fish they build a snow house on the lake and cut a hole
through the ice, into which they sink the hook with a deer’s ham for

ii hn i

poas.| COMPARISON OF BAFFIN LAND AND GREENLAND MYTHS. 64]

a bait and a stout thong fora fishing line. Six men hold the line by
turns, and as soon as they feel the fish has nibbled they pull if up
with all their strength.

The fabulous amaroq and avignaq of the Greenlanders are. un-
known, but the terms denote real animals, the wo! and the lemming.

Besides traditions of this kind the Eskimo h~ 2 a great number of
fables. Following is an example.

THE OWL AND THE RAVF .

The owl and the raven were fast friends. One day the raven made
a new dress, dappled white and black, for the owl, who in return
made a pair of boots of whalebone for the raven and then began to
make a white dress. But when he was about to try it on, the raven
kept hopping about and would not sit still. The owl got angry and
said : ‘*‘ Now sit still or I shall pour out the lamp over you.” <As
the raven continued hopping about, the owl fell into a passion and
poured the oil upon it. Then the raven cried “‘ Qaq! Qaq!” and
since that day has been black all over.

COMPARISON BETWEEN BAFFIN LAND TRADITIONS AND THOSE OF
OTHER TRIBES.

The similarity of the language and traditions of the Eskimo from
Behring Strait to Greenland is remarkable, considering the distance
which separates the tribes. Unfortunately the material from other
tribes, except the Greenlanders, is very scanty, but it is probable
that the same traditions or elements of traditions are known to all
the tribes. In the following table the above traditions are compared
with Rink’s Tales and Traditions of the Greenlanders and with
those of other tribes :

Traditions of Greenlanders and other Traditions of the Central Eskimo:
tribes :
Qagsaqsuq, Rink, p. 93. Qaudjaqdjuq, p. 630.
The blind man who recovered his sight, The origin of the narwhal, p. 625.
Rink, p. 99.
Igimarasugsuq, Rink, p. 106. Igimarasugdjuqdjuaq, p. 633.

The man who mated himself with asea Ititaujang, p. 615.
fowl, Rink, p. 145.

Giviog, Rink, pp. 157 and 429. Kiviung, p. 621.

Tiggaq, Rink, p. 162. The visitor, p. 627.

A lamentable story, Rink, p. 239. No.1, sundry tales. p. 639.
The sun and the moon, Rink, p. 236. The sun and the moon, p. 597.

(L’homme lunaire, Petitot, Traditions
indiennes du Canada Nord-Ouest, p. 7.
Also found by Simpson at Point Bar-
row.)

6 ETH —41

642 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

The moon, Rink, p. 440. The angakoq’s flight to the moon, p. 598.
The Tornit (from Labrador), Rink, p.469. The Tornit, p. 634.
A woman who was mated with adog, Origin of the Adlet and the white men,
Rink, p. 471. p. 687.
(Fragmentary in J. Murdoch: ‘*A few
legendary fragments from the Point
Barrow Eskimos,” American Natural-
ist, p. 594, July, 1886.)

Some of these stories are almost identical in both countries, for in-
stance, Qaudjaqdjuq, the origin of the narwhal, &c., and it is of
great interest to learn that some passages, particularly speeches and
songs, occur literally in both countries, for mstance, the interesting
song of Niviarsiang (page 637) and the conclusion of the Kiviung
tradition. The tradition of the Tornit and the form of the second
tale (origin of the narwhal) resemble much more those of Labrador
than those of Greenland. The elements of which the traditions are
composed are combined differently in the tales of Baffin Land and
Greenland, but most of these elements are identical. I give here a
comparative table.

: Greenland. Baftin Land.
Transformation of a man into a seal. Rink, pp. 222, 224, Kiviung, p. 621.
469.
Men walking on the surface of the water. Rink, pp. 128, 407. Kiviung, p. 622.
Harpooning a witch. Rink, p. 372. Sedna, p. 604.
Erqigdlit. Rink, pp. 401 et seq. Adlet, p. 687.
Sledge of the man of the moon drawn Rink, pp. 441, 442. Qaudjaqdjuq, p. 631,
by one dog. and The flight te
the moon, p. 598.
Origin of the salmon. Cranz, p. 262. Ititaujang, p. 617.
Arnaquagsaq. Rink, pp. 150, 326, Sedna, p. 583.
466,
Origin of the thunder. Cranz, p. 288; Ege- Kadlu, p. 600.

de, p. 207.

The following is a comparison between traditions from Alaska
and the Mackenzie and those of the Central Eskimo -

Traditions from Alaska and the Mac- Traditions of the Central Eskimo:
kenzie :

Men as descendants of a dog, Murdoch, Origin of the Adlet and white men, p. 637.
op. cit., p. 594.

The origin of reindeer, Murdoch, op. cit., Origin of the reindeer and walrus, p. 587.
p.595.

The origin of the fishes, Murdoch, op. cit., Ititaujang, p. 617.
p- 595.

Thunder and lightning, Murdoch, op. cit., Kadlu the thunderer, p. 600.
p. 595.

Sun and moon, Petitot, op. cit., p. 7. Sun and moon, p. 597. »

Orion, Simpson, p. 940. Orion, p. 686.

SIXTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. IV

BORBAU OF BTHNOLOGY

Ay Vy

LVF

Ny,

WAG,
yy

‘ es
Miliag ajuin

Sy)

\ hy

}

BOAS.] ESKIMO GEOGRAPHY. 643

The table shows that the following ideas are known to all tribes
from Alaska to Greenland: The sun myth, representing the sun as the
brother of the moon; the legend of the descent of man from a dog ;
the origin of thunder by rubbing a deerskin ; the origin of fish from
chips of wood; andthe story of the origin of deer.

It must be regretted that very few traditions have as yet been
collected in Alaska, as the study of such material would best enable
us to decide upon the question of the origin of the Eskimo.

SCIENCE AND THE ARTS.
GEOGRAPHY AND NAVIGATION.

The Eskimo exhibit a thorough knowledge of the geography of
their country. I have already treated of their migrations and men-
tioned that the area they travel over is of considerable extent. They
have a very clear conception of all the countries they have seen or
heard of, knowing the distances by day’s Journeys, or, as they say,
by sleeps, and the directions by the cardinal points. So far as I
know, all these tribes call true south piningnang, while the other
points are called according to the weather prevailing while the wind
blows from the different quarters. In Cumberland Sound uang-
nang is west-northwest; qaningnang (that is, snow wind), east-north-
east; nigirn, southeast; and aqsardnirn, the fohn-lke wind blowing
from the fjords of the east coast. On Nettilling these names are the
same, the east-northeast only being called qanara (that is, is it snow?)
In Akudnirn uangnang is west-southwest; ikirtsuq (i. e., the wind
of the open sea), east-northeast; oqurtsugq (i. e., the wind of the land
Oqo or of the lee side , southeast; and avangnanirn (i. e., from the
north side along the shore), the northwestern gales. According to
Parry the same names as in Cumberland Sound are used in Iglulik.

Tf the weather is clear the Eskimo use the positions of the sun, of
the dawn, or of the moon and stars for steering, and find their way
pretty well, as they know the direction of their point of destination
exactly. If the weather is thick they steer by the wind, or, if it is
calm, they do not travel at all. After a gale they feel their way by
observing the direction of the snowdrifts.

They distinguish quite a number of constellations, the most im-
portant of which are Tuktuqdjung (the deer), our Ursa Major; the
Pleiades, Sakietaun; and the belt of Orion, Udleqdjun.

As their knowledge of all the directions is very detailed and they
are skillful draftsmen they can draw very good charts. If a man
intends to visit a country little known to him, he has a map drawn
in the snow by some one well acquainted there and these mans are
so good that every point can be recognized. Their way of drawing

644 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

is first to mark some points the relative positions of which are well
known. They like to stand on a hill and to look around in order to
place these correctly. This done, the details are inserted. It is
remarkable that their ideas of the relative position and direction of
coasts far distant one from another are so very clear. Copies of some
charts drawn by Eskimo of Cumberland Sound and Davis Strait are
here introduced (Plate IV, p. 643s and Figs. 543-546). A comparison
between the maps and these charts will prove their correctness. Fre-

Fia. 543. Cumberland Sound and Frobisher Bay, drawn by Itu,a Nugumio. (Original in the Mu-
seum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin.)

quently the draftsman makes his own country, with which he is best
acquainted, too large; if some principal points are marked first, he
will avoid this mistake. The distance between the extreme points
represented in the first chart (Fig.543) is about five hundred miles.

The Eskimo have a sort of calendar. They divide the year into
thirteen months, the names of which vary a great deal, according to
the tribes and according to the latitude of the place. The surplus is

Fie. 544. Cumberland Sound and Frobisher Bay, drawn by Sunapignang, an Oqomio.

THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

a Ait

Fia. 545. Cumberland Sound, drawn by Itu, a Nugumio.

647

GEOGRAPHY.

ESKIMO

Boas.|

as ea

drawn by Angutuqdjuaq, a Padlimio,

Wie. 546. Peninsula of Qivitung,

648 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

balanced by leaving out a month every few years, to wit, the month
siringilang (without sun), which is of indefinite duration, the name
covering the whole time of the year when the sun does not rise and
there is scarcely any dawn. Thus every few years this month is
totally omitted, when the new moon and the winter solstice coincide.
The name qaumartenga is applied only to the days without sun but
with dawn, while the rest of the same moon is called siriniktenga.
The days of the month are very exactly designated by the age of the
moon. Years are not reckoned for a longer space than two, back-
ward and forward.

The Eskimo are excellent draftsmen and carvers. Most of the
drawings are similar to the bear and deer shown on Plate V (Figs.
dand g) or to the illustrations of the Qaudjaqdjuq tale (see Figs.
537-541, pp. 631-633.) The rest, on Plates VI and VII, are excel-
lently made, and by far superior to any I have seen made by other
Eskimo of these regions. A number of carvings are represented on
Plates VIII and IX. The narwhal and the whale are particularly
admirable. Among the implements represented in this paper there
are many of beautiful and artistic design.

{ also add a number of engravings of implements plainly SHOW Ing
the ‘nfluence of European patterns (Plate X).

POETRY AND MUSIC.

Among the arts of the Eskimo poetry and music are by far the
most prominent. The tales which have been related are only a small
part of their stock of traditions. Besides the contents their form
also is very interesting, as most of them have been handed down in
unchanged form and their narration demands a great deal of art.
Many traditions are told ina very abridged form, the substance being
supposed to be known. A specimen of this kind is the Sedna tradi-
tion (p. 604). All these tales must be considered recitatives, many
of them beginning with a musical phrase and continuing asa rhyth-
mic recitation, others being recited in rhythmic phrases throughout.
Other traditions are told in a more detailed and prosaic manner,
songs or recitations, however, being sometimes included. Ititau-
jang, for instance, in traveling into the country looking for his wife,
sings the song No. XIII, and in the Kalopaling tradition the boy, on
seeing the two Inuit coming, sings:

. —_— ax = =
SSS SS SS ES
le 2S SSS ==, oe 6 é
I - nung—— ma - gong—— ti - ki - tong—— ai -

— —=

a ==
= = Ses: = SS a ee SE =
= SSS

- pa—— ka-pi - te - ling ai - pa—— mirgo - sai - ling

d, f. 9 Drawn by Maleki, a native of Imigen,

a, b,c, ¢ Drawn by Aisé@/ang, a native of Nuvujen.

BOAS.] MUSIC OF THE ESKIMO. 649

Some Eskimo are very good narrators and understand how to ex-
press the feelings of the different persons by modulations of the voice.
In addition, as a number of tales are really onomatopoetic, an artistic
effect is produced. The way of reciting is always similar to the one
above described by notes (p. 648).

Besides these tales, which may be called poetic prose, there are
real poems of a very marked rhythm, which are not sung but recited.
The following are examples:

MERRYMAKING AMONG THE TORNIT.

eee laa si selae.. Jala | 2-[ 4. |

a ka pikagning minge-pignirming gije-pignirming suka-dla, aq

The Eskimo reciting this song jump up and down and to the right
and left with their legs bent and their hands hanging down, the palms
touching each other. In crying aq! aq! they jump as high as pos-
sible.

THE LEMMING’S SONG.

Allegretto.
——————__ = = ——————
= er
I-ker- gna-pi-gen, i-ker-gna-pi - gen sir - dna - tu-re- nain
| 7 a ee ee ee a o 2 =
Se Se
= . . .
a-ye - e-roqg-tu - re - nain na-kusungming auk - tu-re - nain
————

Sa Se eee

pijungma - djangi - la- tit qi- a- lung - nua - ra- lung - nan

Besides these old songs and tales there are a great number of new
ones, and, indeed, almost every man has his own tune and his own
song. A few of these become great favorites among the Eskimo and
are sung like our popular songs. The summer song (No. I) and ‘* The
returning hunter” (No. IT) may be most frequently heard. As to
the contents of the songs, they treat of almost everything imagin-
able: of the beauty of summer; of thoughts and feelings of the com-
poser on any occasion, for instance, when watching a seal, when
angry with somebody, &c.; or they tell of an important event, as of
along journey. Satiric songs are great favorites.

650

THE CENTRAL ESKIMO,

The form of both old and new songs is very strict, they being

divided into verses of different length, alternating regularly.

here some examples:

I give

ARLUM PISSINGA (the killer’s song’).

Moderato.

ee Pes Paral Pla Premed Pen mere bh

QOian-ga-lo tai- to-yvalun-ga

ea ele

Et ga -lo

Fadl heals ease

ma-lik-si-aq - tu - aq - tu - go

Steal as [eel

kingodni-dlaq-djua-gung qangatir - gakulung uai-ju-va - ra.

- luqdjua - ra
dae le:
- tsia-pi - a-ta

I. The killer’s

qo-la-ra-lo - ga - lo

song:

) Qiangalo taitoyalunga,

—~
Cas)

(3)
Hk

(1)

Qolaralo taitoyalunga
Qiangalogalo

Qolarologalo

Aisinaisi.!
Senilearaluqdjuara
Maliksiaqtuagtugo.
Uvanaleunen

Audlatsiapiata
Kingodnidlaqdjuagung
Qangatirgakulunguaijuvara.

Summer song:

Aja.

Ajaja adlenaipa.

Adlenaitariva silekdjua una au-
jaratarame

Ajaja, Ajaja!

Aja!

ai -si- nai-i - si

Jeon eee eee

qo-la-ra-lo tai-to-yalun-ga Qian- ga -

ae) Perea el

ees eer le

se-ni-le - a - ra-

ela x

- nen au-dla -

u-va-na-le-u

U. Summer song — Continued.
(2) Ajaja adlenaipa

Adlenaitariva silekdjua una tek-
torotikelektlune.

Ajaja, Ajaja.

Aja!

(3) Ajaja nipituovokpan!

Nipituovokpan kouvodlalimckoa
nunatine aujadle

Ajaja, Ajaja

Aja!

&e.

III. Utitiaq’s song:

(

Aja!

1) Adlenaipunganema adlenait.
Adlenaipunganema
Adlenaipunganema adlenait,
Aja!

1The stanza is scanned thus:

Zi Z if
ae VU = UL U
Le if if
— UU me UU
i i. vA
~AwSuy
7 if. Uh
CO ae Uae
7 Le V4
Sw Su

7
VTC —
/
vv —

Drawn by Aisé/ang, a native of Nuvujen.

-
a
4a

Drawn by Aise’ang, a native ot Nuvujen

BOAS. |

Ill. Utitiag’s song — Continued.
(2) Sikuqdjualimena adlenait.
Atoqpogtaromena
Tanerangitu adlenait.
Aja!
&e.
IV. Kadlu’s song:

MUSIC OF THE ESKIMO.

651

IV. Kadlu’s song— Continued.
2) Odlagé’, odlagé’, odlagé’.
Odlagé saranga tutaranga atu-
jang una ajajaja.

Odlagé atedlirlungai ayigirn
godlusuaning ayiatungitunga
ajaja.

Ugjurutlarunirn iyatijitingirn pi-
nassousirdlunirn pinasuataut-

1) Odlagé’, odlagé’, odlagé’.
Odlagé saranga tutaranga atu-

jang una ajajaja. lirpadlirnunirn.
Odlagé atedlirlungai ayigirn (@Q) 9269 ve tee
godlusuaning ayiatungitunga.
ajaja.
Nettiulunga iyatijetingirn pinas-
sousirdlunimn pinasuatautlir-
padlirunirn.

Some of these verses contain only a single word, the rhythm being
brought about by the chorus aja, amnaaja, &c. I add two examples
of this kind:

V. Song in the language of the Angakut: VI. Oyaitog’s song:

Ajarpaija taitlaniqdjuaq ajarpe Aja.
aitarpik ajijaija. (1) Tavunga tavunga tavunga tav-
Ajarpaija ataqdjuaq ajarpe ait- unga

arpik ajijaija.
Ajarpaija mingeriaqdjuaq ajarpe

Tayunga tavunga tavunga tav-
unga tavungadlo tavunga

aitarpik ajijaija. Aja.
(2) Pissutaramaima tavunga tav-
unga.
Pissutaramaima tavunga tav-

unga tavungadlo tavunga, &c.

The rhythm of the songs will best be understood by examining
the melodies. Every long syllable may be replaced by two or even
three short ones; other short syllables appear as unaccented parts
before the accented part of a measure; in short, the rhythmic adap-
tation of the words to the melody is very arbitrary and inter-
changes frequently occur, so that it is impossible to speak of metric
feet. At the same time this furnishes distinct proof that the musical
rhythm is the decisive element in determining the form. The rhyth-
mic arrangement of the words is regulated with considerable exact-
ness by the quantity of the syllables, and not by the accent. While,
for instance, in speaking, it would be *‘ palirtu’gun,” in song No. IV
it is ‘‘palir’tugun’,” and in No. I ‘*‘tekto’roti’kelek’tlune,” instead of
*“tektorotikelektlu’né,” &c. Such displacements of the accent, how-
ever, are avoided if possible, and in the best and most popular songs
they hardly appear at all.

The construction of the songs corresponds entirely with that of
the music, inasmuch as every melody and every rhythmically spoken
song is made up of musical, that is, rhythmic, phrases which are di-
vided by czesurze. Repetitions of the same phrases are very frequent.

652 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

The adaptation of the melodies to our divisions of time and measure
is also somewhat arbitrary, as they frequently consist of a mixt-
ure of three and four part phrases. It is for this reason that I have
noted down some songs without any division into bars or measures
and in those cases have only marked the accented syllables.

Among the twenty melodies and rhythmic poems we find ten of
binary measures, five of triple measures, and six of mixed ones. Of
the whole number, nine begin on the full bar, eleven on the arsis.

The melodies move within the following range: In a fifth (No. II]),
one; ina minor sixth (Nos. VII, [X, X), three; ina major sixth (Nos.
Il, IV, XVII), three; ina seventh (Nos. XII, XIV), two; in an octave,
(Nos. I, II, V, VIII, XI, X V1), six;in a minor ninth (No. VI), one;
in a major ninth No. (XV), one; in a tenth (No. XIII), one.

These may be divided into two very characteristic and distinct
groups. The first, which would coincide with our major key, con-
tains the following essential tones:

———{——
=

The fourth and the sixth occur seldom, and then only as subordi-
nate tones. This key is identical with the Chinese and many of the
Indian ones.

In the second group, which corresponds to our minor key, we fre-
quently find the fourth, while the sixth only appears twice and then
as a subordinate tone (in No. XV). We furthermore find the major
seventh in the lower position leading back to the beginning, i. e., the
key note. The essential components of this key are:

=== e

Professor R. Succo calls attention to the fact that the relation of
the melodies to their key note resembles that of the Gregorian
chants, especially the psalmodic ones among them.

If we, in accordance with our ideas, suppose the melody — No. XIII,
for example—to begin in C major, it nevertheless does not conclude
in thesame key, but in E. We would say that No. XIV is written in
A minor; still it ends in E. We find the same in the Gregorian
chants. They also resemble the songs of the Eskimo in the retention
of the same note during a large number of consecutive syllables.

On the whole the melodies, even to our musical sense, can be traced
to a key note. However, changes often occur as well (see No. V1).
A very striking construction appears in No. XIII, where the oft-
repeated E forms a new key note, while at the conclusion the melody
leaps back without any modulation to C through the peculiar inter-
val, b, c.

Carving representing whale. (In the possession of Mrs. Adams, Washington.) }

Carving representing whale, (National Museum, Washington, 299)

Carving representing seal. (National Museum, Washington, 29991.) }

KIMO CARVINGS

Carving representing narwhal, (In the possession of Capt. John O. Spicer, Groton, Conn.) }

Seal. (Museum fiir Volkerkunde,
Berlin.) }
Walrus head. (National
Museum, Washington.
10414.) 4

Polar bear, (Museum fiir V6lkeri-mde, Berlin.) }

Sealskin float. (Museum fiir VGlkerkunde, Seal. (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde,
Berlin.) } Berlin.) }

—_—_—-

oe I i

Knife. (Museum fiir V6lkerkunde Spyegle (Museum fiir Vélkerkunde,
Berlin.) } Berlin.) }

BOAS. | MUSIC OF THE ESKIMO. 653
Moderato. I. SUMMER SONG.
7™\ fen oN
ae aa eae ——= =
—-_— | ss Ss
aa F asa fe
A- ja. A -ja - ja, a - dle-nai-pa, a - dle-nai-ta- ri-va_ si-
a laws
—— oa — ee
SSpa5s SS a \—x—— Sa | a
o i (SS SES, ai pest! Spars | fae ee ey neat ee
= a: a ee aa Ore ae a a

lekdju-a u-na au -ja-ra-ta-rame. A-ja - ja, A-ja - ja, A-ja.

a. Il. THE RETURNING HUNTER.

Allegro.
—— a = —
as as 2 as Sane ee == a ES =
se, = a ae a Hee ee ee

Angutivun tai-na tau-nane tai-na, au - va-si- mame- a a-va-va-si -

@ SSS Bl er al

mameta ne-ri-opa - luktunga- a fea hangaangaa- ga - ga.

tt fae al a ==

ees ti-vun tai-na tau-na-ne tai- na, au- va-si- mame-ta

ee a oe eee
5 =eaee= {= ==] =r Sa =e [| =||
o-@ gales =e oo a5 e ssa
a-va-va-si- mameta ne-ri- o-pa-luktunga; hangaanga a- ga - ga.

jaa Ill. SONG OF THE TORNIT.
| tft 252 = = = |
Se 3 SS ae
Sa - vu sau - jaqdjuin te-te-tlir- pa-vun, aqtun-
———— eS 2S FE
Se ee ee

-gan. Sur - qar-mun pi-lak-tu- tu a- ji lur-pa, aqtun - gan.

IV. SONG OF THE INUIT TRAVELING TO NETTILLING.
Adayio non n troppo.
~ =
=e = = = =
—o

ae esas ==.

A- ja. - go - dlo is - jir - tu oo nang-

SSS =S=s ete ‘|

nangmun ti-pa-vun-ga, i- ja ji-ja a-ja - ja

6504 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO,

V. OXAITOQ’S SONG.
A Ue egro.

== = Steere ioe =

“a =
- ja. Ta-vunga tav sas tavunga tavunga. m LaY subarea 5 ENTE
AA SESH
=. ——
o-*-@ -0—4..-o—o—|— SS So a st ———_ —
ee
ta-vunga ta-vunga ta- yunga = = dlo- ta- vun-ga. Be = ja.

VI. UTITIAQ’S SONG.

Allegro. ~~
| == eS SS 2S = a
== |=a: === fo = = ga
= SSS 22255555 =
A - ja. A - dlenai- punga- nema a-dle -_nait. hc
. BS >
sS==—5 aaa 09-05 = = ——
o-0 oS a i BESSe | o_ |= = gate
dlenaipunganema a SacenS nait. EX > ie A
VII. SONG.
Allegro.
———— eS ee eS ee
SS SS
A- ja. A-ja-ja-ja a-ja-ja-ja a wae = jay = \ja- ja
| —« 2a 4 SS SS
= SS ee ee
o—e = Can

a-ja-ja-ja a-ja- ja a-ja- ja a-ja-ja-ja = ja- ja.

Vill. SONG.
A Negro. -
| #4 dy BEZZEEr! eee ae
— at — i fa SeniGe

Haja-jaja ha-ja-ja haja-jaja ha-jaja haja-jaja hajaja haja-jaja ha-jaja.

IX. SONG OF THE TORNIT.

Allegro. FINE.
—= = o™
I oS eS
=== sss =o =? @
e 4 eave
Savun - ga-ja a - ja a-ja soa-Mmal ya) aja) aay ee mnja:
= D.C. al Fine.
— Soa eS Se =
== SS ee a
= o o ———

Nuna- ta-ya-tog sed - na” ———, serser-ta- ya-toq sed - na.

20 OF ETHNOLOGY

:
'
|

(National Museum, Washington. a, 10395 ;

Boss | MUSIC OF THE ESKIMO. 655

xX. THE FOX AND THE WOMAN.

Adagio. x ——— FINE
eae er eee eee
a

So-ur - me oyome-ja-me —, eatcealie - pink ta-ja-ja-ja- ja.
RECITATIVE Slowly.

ieee fe (6) 4) = FS

Ir - dning— nuying - naq

te be

ujarqamo - ma

wae wo la’. * Fe

satu-ai-ti - em

Song Da Capo.
aqbi - ran - ga pirietuki- laun - ga.

XI. THE RAVEN SINGS.

Andantino.
a eee SS a S555]

E = =
: — .
5 aja aja a-ja 7a aie aes ja aja aja a-ja - - ja.
A - aja aja a-ja a- ja qi - lirsi-uta-rata taunane.

Ar-naq-djugpun una qiavoqtung qi- tungnaqdju-ago nu-ting-men.

XII. SONG OF A PADLIMIO.
Moderato. ce

= ee Ss SS Sr =.
= se ——— _ a ee t ==
SF
A-na-ne- ma 4. dli a - nena- soe Runge Se nane- ar Se

=a SFE Store Pe Siere lee erers

4
eet 2

se-ma_ qi - janur - pomena ki-ju- we - idle nout-lar - pu - tin kungest-
a
= = =
== = = = = = ee a
— = = E = ; == =

en - ing qa-qo-a - mu -dleno-ut-lar - putti - dle a as

XIII. ITITAUJANG’S SONG.

Allegro.
— —_
6S aS Se
= aes
Ta- vun- ga-vun ga pi-supa- gasu -pun-ga pisu-pa- gasnu-
rit. “FINE.
= = ==
—e. t —— 5 = + = = = H -||
Sa a eo 6-0 0-6 0-6- -} o—e—o! oe -o—6 —
-pun - ga si-la- potu-a-dnun tigmidjen nunanuntavungaja i -ja- a- ja.

RECITATIVE.

| eS SS
oa eS te SSS eae
vw 3

Nutitavun okoa quliqdjuaq una niguviksa - 0 adjirdjangirtun
= Says al es Dole! =sa | = = a we = = = = ==
| = == =I Sie ——— =|
o —-9— 9-0 —0— &. -o— oO. 2 —f- “ ao =
qangiq-sa - 0 ad-jirdjangirtun kissieni okoa ovyomeangitigun
D.C. al Fine.
——— ——— SS Se |
Ie. = = = ==— See: tes

majoar- ee ta- vunga immapi-su - ta - lu - Sassen

656 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO,

RIV. PLAYING AT BALL.

Sa-ke-e - tan sungmunping-me-ta naumunping-me-ta qa - u -ja -

bo SS Sas lS pee

= A ae (ree ae ee
-ra-ju- vau - dluja- ra-ju - va am-u ‘a ta -i qimu - ta-i
SS Se
=4— =o a oe es Al J=—0—s—
i-dlo-o-ma una qagi-e-la una i - duit = - so-ri - va-ra
== Sa =
Glee SaaS |e = ==
inung ikoa oaitiangikoa au - PRR a - gitju- gitju-ge
—=
| oe eee ee es 2
=e See i: a =
to - gitju - gitju - ge se-ti - dle———— _ si-na - dle————
= 4 + 1 =
jae oes = == 2 = a j=
ar-na- ri-sa - i- gneman tigmi-djen arnai-ning tu- ni- go
= === Pe eS =
ee ee
et —— ta —$ ome = ‘es a
an-e - ju-i-dla qau - sirtu-ming i= ita itjam- u- =
a
| 2 — a 5 — fe -__~e— + 222 = aes
el — @ @ - me = ats ==
ma - ja-o -adle - la-tit i-ku-se- ka— a - va- si- tu: ko—
Gi Pe = > =<
a a a a 2 |= ae = +
| =e =o eS Es = == 4 =
S = ee oe — Ce
oq-su- ke-na ta- o - tugni- tao - as -ra

a2 BSee=. Ee : = vette

su-ga-vi- ka- na = na- ne - pa ilu- — = mF acigto — ti- dlo—

ne-ser - todlu - tidlo a- va - tirtung - giengo - dlu-ti - dlo

poas.] MUSIC OF THE ESKIMO. 657

XV. PLAYING AT BALL.
_— _——- — : —_ ———
<< SSS SS eS SS
= Se = = Z

Xo-lur - pa -jau - se yo - lu-pir - pa - jau - se su - ri -

eS S34 SS

-vanga as majo - ri- va pangmane.

4 aS SS +— th =) —

— Ss as \ x aN aN =S— ==> a=

lar a ae 4 este = aN pe — Ss —8- =a e
. e = p b

ose Tio
\
<——s = = a \— —A—A—-A: =
eas) ~ f ~ 3] = = -|s— ss =e
Sets Jp SiS Ses —F**—S-| SS -6* 2-6 5 Ee
4 o==te one ea ee = aoe = 2s
2S a se! Tap aed ere Kanes
—o-— -i-7- ag seme =N=fe on
|G =e = Se ee fo 4]
== Sa Z a) oe es
Poems S re ee es
be aN =ae N=] oS 2 Saree si Z|
= = 0 6e7— Noha ao
==> ate fas
—— — ——— 4 a
am = ———
ae
4-6 @ —“¢@ —o—o—@ o oa

XVI. From Parry, Second Voyage, p. 542, Iglulik.

Beas
(Sa Saee, Paper =|

Amna a- ya a- ya amna ah amna a- ya a- ya amna

Be beter leeerd eres) eet
ah ah etc.

| pee Bee = 227 eseaee —— eee: “|

(ae eee eel Se Pee eee

The sixteenth bar is probably ar

658 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

XVII. From Lyon, Private Journal, p. 135, Iglulik.

PE
———

(ae

XVIII. From Kane, Arctic Explorations.

The Second Grinnell Expedition,
I, p.383. FromIta, Smith Sound.

SSS

Am-na_e gat am - na -

>- — => ___ >
SS eS
8 6 6 6660-66!" * 666 6-0-0-0-6_

Ahjajajajajajajajaja ah jajajajajajajajaja ahjajajajajajajajaja ah.
are ———SS = S| SSS SS == = 2]
V —— roe s—s—_ = ——— —_cmemn— = ===

oe $ - foe r oases =
a ——— a
IG = Te ererEere OF) S955 058=0=8 —6=0=0-0 ||

Ga ee
ows 3 5-e ¢ —— o

GLOSSARY.

ESKIMO WORDS USED, WITH DERIVATIONS AND SIGNIFICATIONS.

country farthest below ; from at, be-

low ; -lirn, being ina certain igae oats | Ano, dog harness.
(plural, |, puMaNc, gunwale.

| AQo'JANG, stern of kayak.

-pang, superlative; -mio
-miut), inhabitant of.

A'DLIRN, a smalllamp on the floor of the
hut; from at, below; -lirn, being ina
certain direction.

ADLI'VUN, those beneath us; from at, be-
low ; -lirn, being in a certain direc-

tion; -vun, possessive first person
plural.

A’GDLAG, black bear.

AGDLIAQ, a small spear; from ake-,

across ; -dlivoq, he provides with ; -aq,
past participle.

AG'GIRN, a species of duck (Anas glacia-
lis).

AISS TIVANG, spider.

A’JANG, beam of kayak; from ajagq-, to
support.

AJA RORPOQ, he plays the game cat’s
cradle.

AJE GAUNG, a game.

AJOKITARPOQ, a game. ,

AJUKTAQ'TUNG, batting the ball.

AKPARAIK TUNG, hook for preventing
the loss of harpoon.

AKUD NANG, paddle handle; from ako,
middle.

A'KUK, lateral strips of wood used in
boat ; from ako, middle.

A'LIRN, harpoon line.

A'MAROQ, wolf.

A'MING, skin of land animals, cover of
boat and kayak.

ANG AKOQ, a magician, conjurer.

ANGAKUNIRN, the art of the angakoq.

ANG’ AKUT, plural of angakoq.

ANGIAQ, spirit of a murdered child
(Greenland).

ANG'UN, paddle.

| AnGuTA’, his father.

- : | ANGU'VIGANG, lance ; from anguvog, he
ApLIPAR MIuT, the inhabitants of the |

goes sealing with the harpoon.
ANING'A, her brother (the moon).

AQSAR DNIRN, wind blowing down a val-
ley.

ARAU’TAQ, snow beater (Aivillik dialect).

ARM GOAQ, amulet.

ASE'DLUN, flat receptacle for the harpoon
line on kayak.

ASIMAU'TANG, piece of board or whale-
bone on which skins are cleaned.

ATAUTA, neck of sealskin float; from
atav-, to be connected.

| AUDLITI' VING, vault back of snow house.

AVANGNA’'NIRN, northwestern gales along
the coast of Baffin Land.

AVAU'TANG, sealskin float.

AVAUTAPAQ’, large sealskin float; from
avautang, sealskin float; -paq, super-
lative.

| A'vIaNaAQ, lemming.

AYIGIRN, ptarmigan.
E.

EyALU JANG, carved ivory fish, used as
bait; from eyaluqg, salmon; -wang,
similar to.

EYALUQ, salmon.

| IpLUK’ a fabulous fish.

IGDL'U, snow house.

IGDL'UARN, a vault attached to snow
hut; from igdluw, snow house; -arn,
small.

IGDLUKITAQ'TUNG, playing with two
balls, tossing them up alternately ;
from igdlung, both ; -kitarpog, he uses
at the same time.

IGDLU LING, second vaalt of snow house ;
from igdlu, snow house; -ling, with.

659

660

TGmManG, ball-and-socket joint of har-
poon and lance ; from igipd’, he throws
it off.

IkAN’, store room supported by stone
pillars; from ikarpog, it stretches from
one support to another.

TKIRT SUQ, wind blowing from the open |

sea.

InaGa, my friend (Netchillik).

ILUPY QANG, lining of snow house ; from
ilo, inner.

Init JUNG, drinking water; from imiq,
fresh water.

INETANG, hoop with net of thongs to dry
clothing etc. in snow house; from
inivd , he hangs it up.

In'UA, its man, Owner ; possessive third
person of inuig, man.

INUG'SUNG, cairn ; from imung, man.

TparR ANG, harpoon line.

IP'UN, oar, a 8 ear.

TRQATA TUNG, acertain circuit among the
huts.

IsSUMAU TANG, a chief ; from issu’ ma-
voy, he thinks.

IT1GEGa, boot (Iglulik).

ITIR'BING, cross piece abaft the hole in
kayak ; from 7tiq.

KABLIAQDJUQ, wolverine (Iglulik).

KAITIKPOQ, a game.

KAIVITI' JUNG, a game.

KAKI VANG, fish spear.

KakLIo'K1A, hook (Iglulik).

KALU'GIANG, a heavy lance (qalugiang?).

KAN’GO, a species of goose.

Ka'PUN, spear; from kapivd', he stabs
him.

Ka'TENG, entrance to stone hut.

KENTUN, drumstick.

KIDLU'LIRN, lamp standing in the rear of
the hut.

KT'GLO, boat post.

Kunavt, drum.

KOUKPARMIU'TANG, acertain amulet at
point of hood.

Ku'sanG, keel of kayak.

Ma’LinG, paddle blade.

MaA’MI, membrane or inner side of skin.
Ma’SING, cross piece before holein kayak.
Mir’Qun, needle,

THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

MirQusSS'ANG, two masked persons.
MuMipog, he dances.

NABI RING, a loop ; from nd’ pog, he hin-
ders a motion.

Na po (plural napun), cross bar of sledge.

NAQETA RUN, lashing for the sledge ; from
nagigpog, it is pressed down.

NAU LANG, harpoon head.

NE TIVANG, Phoca cristata.

NIGIRN, southeast.

NIKSIANG, hook.

NIKSIAR TAUNG, fish hook.

NIRT'SUN, small ropes used in sledge and
house.

NiuQ@ TUNG, drill bow with string ; from
niorpog, he drills.

Niv'TANG, hoop with skin stretched over
it; beam of kayak.

NUGLU TANG, a certain game.

Nu IRN, bird spear.

NULIANITITI JUNG, exchange of wives.

NUNAJISAR TUNG, a certain festival.

Nu@QsanG, throwing board.

NUSSUERAQTUNG, a certain festival.

OgQuR’ TsUQ (Akudnirn), southeast, blow-
ing from Oqo; from ogo, weather side.

Pa, hole of kayak.

PAKIJUMIJAR'TUNG, game of hook and
crook. -

Pa’NA, double edged knife.

PARTI RANG, button for closing the pitu ;
from parpa, he meets him.

PAUK'TUN, pegs.

Pau TING, double bladed kayak paddle.

PrLaut, large knife.

PILEK TUNG, cutting something.

Pi MAIN, chief, he who knows everything
best by practice.

PININGNANG, true south.

PIR'QANG, shoeing of runners of sledge.

PITIQ'SE, bow.

PITKUSI RARPOQ, a certain game.

Pi'TU, a stout thong, consisting of two
parts to fasten traces to sledge.

PovIu TANG, pipe for inflating skins; from
po-, to blow.

PUKIQ, the white part of a deerskin.

BOAS.]

QADLUNAIT, Europeans.

QaG'GI, singing house.

QAILERTE TANG, a certainmasked figure.

Qa von, drill.

Qa’ TAQ, kayak.

Qa’MuN, sledge runner.

Qa MUTING (dual of gamun), sledge.

QaANARA, east-northeast (Nettilling) ;
from ganing, falling snow.

QANG ING, a toggle.

QANGIRN, a ventilating hole in snow
house ; from ga, above.

QaA‘NING, a certain rib of kayak.

‘QA NINGNANG, east-northeast; from qa-
ning, falling snow.

QAQ DJUNG, arrow.

QA REANG, annex of house for an addi-
tional family. 5

QAR MANG (plural garmat), stone or bone
house.

QARMAU JANG, similar to a garmang;
suffix, -wjang, similar to.

Qast GIAQ, Phoca annellata.

QATILIK, a spear (Iglulik); from qgatirn,
ivory head of harpoon shaft ; -dik, with.

QA TIRN, ivory head of harpoon shaft.

QATU RANG, a boot ornament.

QAUMARTENG A, days without sun, but
with dawn.

QAU MAT, a kind of fire (?); from gauq,
daylight.

QAUMATI VUN, sun (in the sacred language
of the angakut).

QAUMA’ VUN, moon (in the sacred language
of the angakut).

QauQ, daylight.

QIpJA RUNG, whirl; from qipivd’, he
twists it.

QIJUQTENG'£, harpoon shaft; from qijuq,
wood.

QILAQ, sky.

QILER TUANG, clasp for holding the coils
of the harpoon line; from gilerpd’, he
ties it with a knot.

QING ANG, a hole to look out of snow
house.

QING MIAQ, mouth piece of drill.

QIPEKU TANG, rod to indicate approach
of seal to his hole.

QI Pig, blanket.

QI QIRN, phantom in the shape of a huge,
hairless dog.

GLOSSARY.

661

QogsIvARIVA, the ceremony of washing
children with urine. ;

QUDLIPAR MIUT, the inhabitants of the
country farthest above; frem qu,
above ; -lirn, being in a certain direc-
tion ;-pdng, superlative ; -mio (plural,
-miut), inhabitant of.

QUDLIRN, alamp ; from qu, above ; -lirn,
being in a certain direction.

QUDLI VUN, the uppermost ones; from
qu, above ; -lirn, being in a certain di-
rection ; -vwi, possessive first person
plural.

QUDLUQSIU'TA, ring on a paddle.

QU MING, a certain lamp.

QUQAR TAUN, an implement to string fish.

QUVIE TUNG, a festival.

Ss.

SADNIRIAQ, cross piece, a certain but-
ton, from sadie, side, across.

SADNI'RUN, a yard.

SAKETAN’, roulette; from sakagpd’, he
pushes it.

SAKIETAUN, the Pleiades.

SAKURPANG', whale harpoon; from sako,
weapon ; -pang, the largest.

Sa’VING, knife.

SELIGO'UNG, scraper; from selivd’, he
cleans a skin.

SIAD'NIRN (plural, s7adnit), lateral strip
in kayak; from siag-, to place in a
row ; -2irn, being.

| Srar'Ko. harpoon head (Iglulik).

SIEK TUNG, the three stars in Orion’s
belt : those standing in a row.

Sir'DLOANG, store room of snow house.

SIRINGILANG, the excepted month in
balancing Eskimo calendars, the month
without sun ; from sirinirn, sun ; -ngi-
lang, he has not.

SIRINIKTENG A, the first days with sun-
light ; from sirinirn, sun; -tang, new;
-a, possessive third person singular.

SIRMIJAUNG, scraper for kayak; from
sirming, thin ice.

SULUBAUT, bunch of hair projecting
from forehead.

SULUI TUNG, festival in
(sulung) is used.

Su'LUNG, wing; knife shaped likea wing.

At
TAGUSIAR BING, eye (of harpoon).
TaautTa’, a thong (of harpoon),

which a knife

662

TELIQ' BING, certain piece on harpoon line.

TESIR QUN, scraper; from tesiva’, he
stretches it.

TIGDLUIQ DJUNG, blow with the fist (of a
stranger): from figdlugpd’, he strikes
him with the fist.

TIKA’GUNG, support of hand in throw-
ing harpoon.

Tr'k1Q. thimble.

Tik’ PING, rib of kayak.

TILU@' TUNG, snow beater; from tilugpa ,
he strikes it, in order to shake some-
thing off.

TINGMI UJANG, images of birds (used for
dice); from tingniang, bird ; -~yang,
similar to.

To’ KANG, harpoon head.

Tog'suNG, vaulted entrance to snow
house.

ToR'NAQ, aguardian spirit.

TORNARSUQ, the great tornaq.

To'unG, tusk, point.

ToUNG' A, point of spear.

TUGLIGA, a tress.

TUKTUQ DJUNG, the constellation of the
Reindeer, or the Great Bear, Ursa Ma-
jor; from tukto, caribou (deer).

TUMI UJANG, a certain lamp resembling
a footprint; from twme, footprint; |
-ujang, similar to. |

TUNIQ DIUNG, stern of kayak.

TU PILAQ, spirit of a deceased person.

Tu’ PIQ, tent.

TuPu TANG, plugs for closing wounds.

THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

TUTA REANG, a certain buckle.

TU VING, strip in the boat nearest the
gunwale; from tuk-, to stop a motion ;
tupa’, he makes it fast.

10%

Ua'DLING, first vault of snow house.

UANG' NANG, west-northwest, Cumber-
land Sound ; west-southwest in Aku-
dnirn.

UDLEQ'DIUNG, Sword of Orion: following
one another.

Ur nirn, head of sledge runner.

U'KUSIK, soapstone kettle.

U'LO, woman’s knife.

ULUQ'SAQ, green slate, material for wo-'
men’s knives: from ulo and -saq, ma-
terial for.

U'1aQ, large skin boat.

UMING, beard.

U MINGMANG, musk ox.

| UMiUJANG, needle case.

U'NANG, sealing harpoon.

UNAQIU TA, ring on shaft of sealing har-
poon ; from wang; -iarpd’, he fastens
it; -ta, past participle.

| UNARTENG’A, iron rod of sealing har-

poon; from unang; -tang, belonging
to; -a, possessive.

Uagsirn, implement for fastening traces
to sledge.

UsuJANG, stern projection of kayak;
‘rom wusung, penis; -wang, similar
to.

ESKIMO GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES USED, WITH ENGLISH SIGNIFICATIONS.

A.
AGDLINARTUNG.
AGGIRTIJUNG, abounding with ducks.
AGGo, the weather side.
AGGomtuvtT, the inhabitants of Aggo.
AGPAN, loons.
AGUTIT.
ATVILLIK, with walrus.
ATVILLIRMIUT, the inhabitants of Aivillik
(the walrus country).
AKUDNIRMIUT, the inhabitants of Aku-
dnirn.
AKUDNIRN, the intervening country.
AKUGDLIRN, the central one.
AKUGDLIT, the central ones.
AKULIAYATING.
AKULIAQ.

AKULIARMIUT, the inhabitants of Aku-
liaq.

AMAQDJUAQ, the large place where chil-
dren are carried in the hood.

AMARTUNG, a woman carrying a child in
the hood.

AMITOQ, the narrow one.

ANARNITUNG. smelling of excrements.

ANARTUAJUIN, the excrements.

ANAULEREE LING.

ANGIUQAQ; from angivog, it is large.

ANGMALORTUQ, the round one.

ANGMANG, jasper.

ANGMARTUNG, the open one (not frozen
over).

AQBENILING, so called
reached after six days’ travel.

six; because

BOAS.] GLOSSARY. 663

AQBIRSIARBING, a lookout for whales.

AQBIRTIJUNG, abounding with whales.

AQOJANG ; from ago, stern.

AQOJARTUNG ; irom aqo, stern.

ARLIGAULIK.

AUDNERBING, place where seals are ap-
proached by the crawling hunter.

AUGPALUGTIJUNG, With many red places.

AUGPALUGTUNG, the red one.

AULITIVING, an annex of the snow
house ; hills lying at the foot of steep
cliffs.

AUQARDNELING, with many places where
the ice melts early in spring.

AVATUTIAQ.

AVAUDJELING, with a low saddle.

EyALOAPING, with common salmon.

EyYALUALUW, the large salmon (plur.).

EYALUAQDJUIN, the small salmon
(plur.). ~

EyALUIN, the salmon (plur.).

EyALUQDJUAQ, the shark.

EYOLEAQDJUIN.

IDJORITUAQTUIN, the only places with an
abundance of grass.

IbJUK, the testicles.

IGDLUMIUT, the inhabitants of the other
side.

IGDLUNGAJUNG, the bandy legged man ;
so called from a fabulous tribe.

IGDLUQDJIUAQ, the large house.

IGLULIK, with houses.

IGLULIRMIUT, the inhabitants of the
place with houses.

IGPIRTO, with many hills.

IGPIRTOUSIRN, the smaller place with
many hills.

IJELIRTUNG.

IKAROLING, with a ford.

IKERASSAQ, the narrow strait.

IKERASSAQDJUAQ, the large narrow
strait.

ILIQIMISARBING, where one shakes one’s
head.

IMERAQDJUAQ.

IMIGEN, with fresh water.

INGNIRN, flint.

INUGSUIN, the cairns.

INUGSULIK, with cairns.

| IPIUTELING, with an isthmus.

IpruTING, the isthmus; literally, the
traces of a dog.

IRTIUJANG.

ISIRITUNG.

Isoa, its cover.

IsSORTUQDJUAQ, the large one with mud-
dy water.

Iva, food.

ITIDLIAPING, the common pass.

ITIDLIRN, the pass.

ITIJARELING, with a small pass.

ITIRBILUNG, the anus.

Itivimiut, the inhabitants of the coast
beyond the land.

ITUATUKAN.

ITUTONIK (Etotoniq).

KAMING UJANG, similar to a boot.

KKANGERTLOA PING, the common bay.

KANGERTLUA LUNG, the large bay.

KANGERTLUKDJUAQ, the large bay.

KANGERTLUE SIAQ.

KANGERTLUNG, the bay.

KANGIA, its head, its upper part (of a
bay).

KANGIANGA, its upper part.

KANGIDLIUTA, nearest to the land.

KANGIVAMIUT, inhabitants of Kangia.

KAUTAQ, diorite.

KILAUTING, the drum.

KINGNAIT, the high land.

KINGNAITMIUT, the inhabitants of King-
nait.

KONIPETU.

KITIGTUNG, the island lying farthest out
toward the sea.

KITINGUIANG, the gorge.

KOUAQDJUAQ.

KorkpJuaQ the large river. _

KOUKSOARMIUT, the inhabitants of Kouk-
soaq.

KOUKTELING, with a river.

KuGNUAQ, the small nice river.

MAJORARIDJEN, the places where one has
to climb up.

MAKTARTUDJENNAQ, where one eats
whale’s hide.

MALUKSILAQ.

MANIRIGTUNG, with many eggs.

664

MANITULING, with uneven places.

Merysa, the lid.

MIDLURIELING, where stones are thrown
(for catching white whales).

MILIAQDJUIN, the small ones, which shut
it up(?).

MILIQDJUAQ, the large one, which shuts
up (2).

MINGONG, the beetle.

MISIQTUNG.

MUINGMANG.

NANUQTUAQDJUNG, the little bear.

NANURAGASSAIN, abounding in young
bears.

NAQOREANG.

NARPAING.

NavuJAN, the gulls.

NAUJAQDIUAQ, the large gull.

NAUJATELING, with gulls.

NEBARVIK.

NEDLUNG, peninsula from the point of

which deer are driven into the water; |

from nedlugpog, he swims.

NEDLUQSEAQ; from nedlugpoqg, he
swims.

NEQEMIARBING, where something is car-
ried in the hand.

NERSEQDJUAQ, the large valley.

NETCHILLIK, with seals.

NETCHILLIRMIUT, the inhabitants of
Netchillik (the seal country).

NETTILLING, with seals.

NIAQONAUJANG, similar to a head.

NIKOSIVING; from nikuipoqg, it stands
erect.

NIRDLIRN, the goose.

NIUTANG, hoop used in whaling.

NUDLUNG, the posteriors.

NUDNIRN, the point.

NuGumiuT, the inhabitants of the point.

NURATA.

NURATAMIUT, the inhabitants of Nurata.

NUVUJALUNG, the large cape or point.

NUVUJEN, the points.

NUVUKDJUAQ, the great point.

NUVUKDJUARAQDJUNG, the little Nuvuk-
djuaq.

NUVUKTIRPANG’, the greatest point.

NUVUKTUALUNG, the only great point.

Nuvona, the point.

THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.

OKAN, the codfish (plural).

OKAVIT.

OPERDNIVING, place where one lives in
spring.

OgQo, the weather side.

OgomtivtT, the inhabitants of Ogo.

OwWUTTA.

125

PaDLi, with the mouth of a river.

PADLIAQ, the little mouth of the riv-
er. (?)

PADLIMIUT, the inhabitants of Padli.

PADLOPING ; from padlorpog (lying on
the face? ).

PAMIUJANG, similar to a tail.

PANGNIRTUNG, with many bucks.

PIKIULAQ, Uria grylle.

PILING, with many things (i. e., game).

PILINGMIUT, the inhabitants of Piling.

PINGITKALIK.

PITIKTAUJANG.

PUJETUNG, with plenty of blubber.

PUTUKIN.

Q.
QAGGILORTUNG; from gaggi, singing
house.
QAIROLIKTUNG, with
(Phoca greenlandica).
QAMUSIOJODLANG.
QARTAQ.
QARMANG, walls.
QARMAQDJUIN, the large walls
QARUSSUIT, the caves.
QASIGIDJEN, Callocephali.
QAUMAUANG ; from qaugq, daylight.
QAUMAUANGMIUT, the inhabitants of
Qaumauang.
QAYODLUALUNG, the large fulmar.
QAVODLUIN, the fulmars.
QEQERTAKADLINANG; from
island.

plenty of seals

gegertaq,

| QEQERTALUKDJUAQ, the large island.

QEQERTAQ, the island.

QEQERTAUJANG, similar to an island.

QEQERTELUNG, the large island.

QEQERTEN, the islands.

QEQERTOME ITOQ TUDLIRN, next to the
island.

QEQERTUQDJUAQ, the large island.

QERNIQDIUAQ, the great black place.

BOAS.]

QIDNELIKE.

QIMISSUNG, the snow drift.

QimuQsvg; fiom gimugpog, he draws
the sledge.

QINGASEAREANG.

QINGUA, its head.

QINGUAMIUT, the inhabitants of Qingua.

QIVITUNG, the hermit.

QoGNuNG, the narrow place.

QOGULORTUNG (Qaggilortung ?).

QORDLUVING, where the water runs in a
solid stream.

QUAIIRNANG.

QUDJITARIAQ.

. S.

SAGDLIRMIUT, the inhabitants of Sa-
gdlirn.

SAGDLIRN, the island nearest the sea.

SaGDLuva, its Sagdlirn.

SAKIAQDJUNG, the little rib.

SARBAQ (sarvagq), the rapids.

SARBAQDJUKULU, the small rapids.

SARBAQDUALUNG, the large rapids.

SARBAUSIRN, the smaller rapids.

SARBUQDJUAQ, the large rapids.

SauMIA, its left side.

Sauminemiut, the inhabitants of Sau-
mia.

SAUNIRTUNG, with many bones.

SAUNIRTUQDIUAQ, the great one with
many bones.

SEDNIRUN, the yard.

SIEGTUNG, the scattered ones.

SIKOSUILAQ, the coast without ice.

SIKOSUILARMIUT, the inhabitants of Si-
kosuilaq.

S1n1, the edge.

Sryurut, the inhabitants of Sini.

SIORELING, with sand.

SIRMILING, with a glacier.

SuLuNG, the valley through which the
wind blows howling.

SuRoOsIRN, the boy.

TALIRPIA, its right side.

TALIRPINGMIUT, the inhabitants of Ta-
lirpia.

TAPPITARIAQ, the pass crossing two isth-
muses.

TAPPITARIDJEN, the passes crossing two
isthmuses.

OT eee

GLOSSARY.

665

TAQUIRBING.

TARIONITIOQ, the salt water basin.

TARRIONITUNG, the salt water basin.

TAYOLIDJUIN.

TESSIUJANG, similar to a pond.

TIKERAQDJUAQ, the great point.

TIKERAQDJUAUSIRN, the smaller
point.

TIKERAQDJUNG, the small point.

TIKERAQDJUQ, the small point.

TININIQDIUAQ, the large beach.

TINIQDJUARBING, the great place with a
high tide.

TINIQDJUARBIUSIRN, the
place with a high tide.

TORNAIT, spirits.

TOUAQDIUAQ.

TUARPUQDJUAQ.

TUDJAN.

TUDJAQDIUAQ.

TUDJAQDJUARALUNG.

TUDJARAAQDJUNG.

TUKIA, its farthest corner.

TULUKAN, the ravens.

TUNIQTEN, those lying behind it.

TUNUKUTANG.

TUNUNIRMIUT, the inhabitants of Tunu-
nirn.

TUNUNIRN, the country lying back of
something.

TUNUNIRUSIRMIUT, the
Tununirusirn.

TUNUNIRUSIRN, the smaller Tununirn.

TUNUSSUNG, the nape.

TUPIRBIKDJUIN, the tent sites.

great

smaller great

inhabitants of

UDLIMAULITELING, with a hatchet.

UGJUKTUNG, with many ground seals.

UaGJuLIK, with ground seals.

UaGsuLirmiut, the inhabitants of Ugju-
lik (the ground seal country).

UGLARIAQ.

Uaiirn, walrus island.

Uauit, the walrus islands.

UiBaRwn, the cape.

UJARAQDJUIN, the large stones.

UJARADJIRAAITJUNG; from
stone.

UKADLIQ, the hare.

UKIADLIVING, the place where one lives
in the fall.

Ujaradq,

Etyo-

__*
oa

666 THE CENTRAL ESKIMO.
UxKrukpsvaQ, the great winter. Unineman Nuna, the land
URKUSIKSALIK, the place with potstone ox. RS
URKUSIKSALIRMIUT, inhabitant of Ukusik- | UNGAVA.

salik. UNGAVAMIUT..
UMmanagq, the heart-like island. _Ussuanuna, the le

UMANAQTUAQ, the great heart-likeisland. | UTIQIMITUNG.

AGP PBN ALK.

After the preceding paper was in type some additional information was received
from whalers who returned from Cumberland Sound in the autumn of 1887. In
the following notes I give the substance of these reports :

Norte 1.

Page 467. Since 1883 the whalers have been more successful, and consequently
more ships visit the sound. In the present winter—1887—~88—one American and two
Scottish whaling stations are in operation in Cumberland Sound ; a new station
was established in Nugumiut two years ago, and the Scottish steamers which used
to fish in Baffin Bay and the northern parts of Davis Strait are beginning to visit
Cumberland Sound and Hudson Strait. The whaling in Baftin Bay shows a sudden
falling off and it seems that the number of ships will be greatly reduced. This
cannot be without influence upon the Eskimo, who will probably begin again to
flock to Cumberland Sound and Nugumiut.

NOTE 2.

Page 538. In 1884 and 1885 a lively intercourse existed between Padli and Cumber-
Jand Sound, and in the spring of the latter year the dog’s disease broke out for the
first time on the coast of Davis Strait, and spread, so far as is known, to the north-
ern part of Home Bay.

NOTE 3.

Page 574. A peculiar game is sometimes played on the ice in spring. The men
stand in a circle on the ice, and one of them walks, the toes turned inward, in a
devious track. It is said that only a few are able to do thisin the right way. Then
the rest of the men have to follow him in exactly the same track.

One of their gymnastic exercises requires considerable knack and strength. <A
pole is tied with one end to a stone or to a piece of wood that is firmly secured in
the snow. A man then lies down on his back, embracing the pole, his feet turned
toward the place where the pole is tied to the rock. Then he must rise without
bending his body.

In another of their gymnastic exercises they lie down on their stomachs, the
arms bent so that the hands lie close together on the breast, palms turned down-
ward. Then they have to jump forward without bending their body, using only
their toes and hands. Some are said to be able to jump several feet in this manner.

Note 4.

Page 582. In the Report of the Hudson Bay Expedition of 1886, p. 16, Lieut. A.
Gordon remarks that the same custom is reported from Port Burwell, near Cape
Chidleigh, Labrador. He says: “There lived between the Cape and Aulatsivik a
good Eskimo hunter whose native name is not given, but who was christened by
our station men ‘Qld Wicked.’ He was a passionate man and was continually

667

668 APPENDIX. (Boas

threatening to do some bodily harm to the other more peaceably inclined natives.
* * * His arrogance and petty annoyances to the other natives became at length
unbearable. It appears that these unfortunates held a meeting and decided that
Old Wicked was a public nuisance which must be abated, and they therefore decreed
that he should be shot, and shot he was accordingly one afternoon when he was
busily engaged in repairing the ravages which a storm had made in his ‘igdlu’”
or snow house. The executioner shot him in the back, killing him instantly. The
murderer or executioner (one hardly knows to which title he is more justly entitled)
then takes Old Wicked’s wives and all his children and agrees to keep them * * *
so that they shall be no burden on the company.”

The fact that the custom is found among tribes so widely separated will justify a
description of those events which came under my own observation. There was a
native of Padli by the name of Padlu. He had induced the wife of a Cumberland
Sound native to desert her husband and follow him. The deserted husband, medi-
tating revenge, cut off the upper part of the barrel of his gun so that he could con-
ceal it under his jacket. He crossed the land and visited his friends in Padli, but
before he could accomplish his intention of killing Padlu the latter shot him. When
this news was reported in Qeqgerten, the brother of the murdered man went to Padli
to avenge the death of his brother; but he also was killed by Padlu. <A third native
of Cumberland Sound, who wished to avenge the death of his relatives, was also
murdered by him. On account of all these outrages the natives wanted to get rid
of Padlu, but yet they did not dare to attack him. When the pimain of the Akudnir-
miut in Niaqonaujang learned of these events he started southward and asked
every man in Padli whether Padlu should be killed. All agreed ; so he went with
the latter deer hunting in the upper part of Pangnirtung, northwest of Padli, and
near the head of the fjord he shot Padlu in the back.

In another instance a man in Qeqgerten had made himself odious. After it was
agreed that he was a bad man an old man of Qeqerten, Pakaq, attacked him on
board a Scottish whaler, but was prevented from killing him.

NOTE 5.

Page 594. The following performance was observed in Umanaqtuaq, on the
southwestern coast of Cumberland Sound, in the winter of 1886—87: An angakoq
began his incantations in a hut after the lamps were lowered. Suddenly he jumped
up and rushed out of the hut to where a mounted harpoon was standing. He threw
himself upon the harpoon, which penetrated his breast and came out at the back.
Three men followed him and holding the harpoon line led the angakoq, bleeding pro-
fusely, to all the huts of the village. When they arrived again at the first hut he
pulled out the harpoon, lay down on the bed, and was put to sleep by the songs of
another angakog. When he awoke after a while he showed to the people that he
was not hurt, although his clothing was torn and they had seen him bleeding.

Another angakoq performed a similar feat on the island Utussivik in the summer
of 1887. He thrust a harpoon through his body and was led by about twenty-five
men through the village. It is said that he imitated the movements and voice of
a walrus while on the circuit.

Still another exhibition was witnessed by the whalers in the fall of 1886 in Uma-
naqtuaq. An angakoq stripped off his outer jacket and began his incantations while
walking about in the village. When the men heard him, one after the other came
out of his hut, each carrying his gun. After a while the angakoq descended to the
beach; the men followed him, and suddenly fired a volley at him. The angakogq, of
course, was not hurt, and then the women each gave him a cup of water, which he
drank. Then he put on his jacket, and the performance was ended. The similarity
of this performance with part of the festival which is described on pp. 605 et seq.
is evident.

]
>
;

BOAS.] APPENDIX. 669

Note 6.

Page 606. The same feast was celebrated in 1886 in Umanaqtuaq, in Cumberland
Sound, where all the Talirpingmiut had gathered. The witnesses of this festival
describe it exactly in the same way as I described it above. One thing ought to be
added, which I did not mention because it seemed to me accidental, but as it was
repeated in the same way in 1886 it must have some meaning. I noticed that the
Qailertetang, after having invoked the wind, hop about, making a grunting noise
and accosting the people. When doing so they are attacked by the natives and
killed. According to the description of the whalers they imitate sometimes deer,
sometimes walrus. Perhaps this fact gave rise to Kumlien’s description of the
“killing of the evil spirit of the deer.” It is remarkable that in 1883 in Qeqerten
and in 1886 in Umanaqtuaq the festival was celebrated on exactly the same day,
the 10th of November. This can hardly be accidental, and does not agree with the
idea sometimes advanced, that the festival refers to the winter solstice. Unfortu-
nately Hall (I, p. 528) does not give the dates of the festival in Nugumiut. On the
western coast of Hudson Bay a festival in which masks were used was celebrated
about the end of January, 1866 (Hall II, p. 219), but itis hardly possible to draw
conclusions from Nourse’s superficial account of Hall’s observations.

NOTE 7.

Page 615. It may be of interest to learn that in 1885 and 1886 two instances of
this kind occurred in Cumberland Sound. There was a very old woman in Qeqer-
ten by the name of Qayodloaping. She was well provided for by her relatives, but
it seems that one of the most influential men in Qeqerten, Pakaq, whom I men-
tioned above (p. 668) as the executioner of a murderer, deemed it right that she
should die. So, although she resisted him, he took her out of her hut one day to a hill
and buried her alive under stones. Another case was that of an old woman whose
health had been failing for a number of years. She lived with her son, whose wife
died late in the autumn of 1886. According to the religious ideas of the Eskimo, the
young man had to throw away his clothing. When, later on, his mother felt as
though she could not live through the winter, she insisted upon being killed, as she
did not want to compel her son to cast away a second set of clothing. At last her
son complied with her request. She stripped off her outside jacket and breeches,
and was conveyed on a sledge to a near island, where she was left alone to die from
cold and hunger. The son who took her there did not use his own sledge nor any
other Eskimo sledge for this purpose, but borrowed that of the Scottish whaling
station.

INDEX.

Page.
Acoma, collections of J. Stevenson from . xlix
ZAG ALA An (Ope Corel Seon ea cee nas COMO ee 262
Adlet and Qadlunait, origin of the........ 637
Ae tron TRI ie Ute a Oe eiere siete ie ereisisiaiae clea 640

Aggomiut Eskimo tribe, situation and
SUbGIVISIONS Of- 7 on) esiele vce een de

Aglio, Augustina, fae simile of Dresden
WOdexNDYeAt-cen a eae sass 263-266
Agutit Eskimo tribe, situation of........ 450, 451
Aivillirmiut Eskimo tribe, situation of .... 445-450
Akudnirmiut Eskimo tribe, situation of.. 440-442
Akuliarmiut Eskimo tribe, situation of. . . 421

A askan Indians, illustration of ornamen-
CA DIONF DYE Seseteeise clereccinlercleresrciaincets : 199

Alligator, utilization of,in Chiriquian art. 130-140,
166, 173-176, 178, 80,183
American Museum of Natural History, ac-

knowledgments to .
figured specimens from
Ancient art of the province of Chiriqui,
paper by W..H. Holmes on.........
Ancon, Peru, examples of ornamentation
from graves at...... 212, 230, 231, 236, 243, 248

Anderson and Stewart, cited............. 458, 459
Apache, illustrations of ornamentation

I Named gouaraadedsodesctnpoecnes 198, 213, 223
Ardnainiq, fabulous tribe in Eskimo tra-

(VinGyeieee” caehsocendinaaesoenn eancicee 640
Arrowpoints and spearheads of Chiriqui- - 34
B.

BACK (CILGd, -pranrs<wie ctercite mise tle alelsicelerelese sities 485
Baffin Land, Gecosvaiion (Or: SBS BOSS Hone Sone 415, 416
distribution of tribes in............... 421-444
traditions of, w:th comparisons. 641-643
Balboa, ornaments captured by... ...... 35
Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologie
ete.,Verhandlungen der, cited...... 409, 616
Bessels Mma CIGEd) veielatele aieleie cle eres sta ecst> 412, 460, 486
Bibliography of the Languages of the
North American Indians......... XXiV-XXVi
Bickford, F. T., field work of.... : mee ehocs Xxviii
Bill Nix (W. P. Matthews), Osage tradi-
tions dictated by. .............:206. 37
Black incised group of Chiriquian pottery. 80
Boas, F., remarks on paper respecting
Central Eskimo by .. .........-.... lvi, vii
paper on Central Eskimo by ......... 399-669
Bollaert, W., cited..... BEiet coout Se aBREOnn 41,45
Boothia Felix and Back River, tribes of... 452-459

Page.
Bottiger, C. ; mention of Dresden Co-
dex aan tats 0 262
controversy with ‘Abert. concer ming
Dresdeni Codexen nt metsstesameeece 267
Brasseur, copy of the Manuscript Troano
DY ai aetccecae ceca ene 84, 286, 343
Cited. nate 0 nb 350
British Guiana Indians, illustrations of
ornamentation by ......... ....-... 217
Cc,
Calendar system, tabular view of........ 270-274
Castillo del Oro, name given by Columbus
COR Chirigiin. wscmat- eRe parm e 35
(tehiga-English dictionary ................ xlviii
Celts, collection of, from Chiriqui,..... 29-34

Central Eskimo, remarks on paper of F.
Boas on.......
paper on, by F. OAS!
Charency, H. de, cited
Chimu, Peru, ornamentation of
arabesques” at

\vi, lvii
399-669
2Be

“hall of

- 201, 252

Chiriqui, collections fro Tome Ce eee xlix
ancient art of the province of, by W.

IER EL OLIN OS Sere ars tesateietiye nite ee teisis 13-187

Cibola, identification of aaitomt cities of .. xivi

Clallam Indians, illustrations of ornamen-
Laonibyee st sps.acseeceeene 207
Codex Cortesianus, similarity of, to Mane

seript Troano and Dresden Codex.. 286
Collinson, cited. .......... 508
Color in textile art.......... 201, 202
Color phenomena in textile or Sarena - 215-232

Comanche Indians, linguistic work of A. S.
Gatschet among ‘ sate ha 2 oshy
Costa Riea, origin of name of
Cranz iD Scited. iocceac ene aeee . 412, 586,590
Cumberland Sound, deseription of settle-

mmaentsaOkercaie<secers PARAS oRAA 428-440
Curtin, J., linguistic field seni of .XXXVii, XXXViii
Cushing, F. H., office work of............. xlvi

D.
Dakota, organization of the............... 396
Darien, capture of, by Balboa............ 35
| Davis Strait Indian tribes, snow houses of. 541-544
Dease and Simpson, cited................. 458

De Zeltner, A. See Zeltner, A. de.
Diller, J. S., acknowledgment to....
Dogs and sledges of Eskimo

672 INDEX.

Page. i.

Dorsey, J. O., linguistic field work of... .. Xxxvi | j ; Page.
Office wOrksOl ener es cece sees xlviii | Haida Indians, art among ................ xii, xiii
remarks on paper respecting Osage Hall, C. F., acknowledgments to 409

traditions by...........---:++: cited! <n... 411, 422, 432, 442, 443, 444, 445, 446, 447,
paper by, on Osage traditions......... y | 48, 449, 450, 452, 456, 457, 459, 462, 463, 464,

Dresden Codex, numerals in..............

Drums of ancient Chiriqui...............- a 160
E.

Ebert, F. A., description of Dresden Codex
lhyonnnonobncsprcssssGspac0eaassasAToo5 263

controversy with Béttiger concerning
Dresden COGSR sre eretcileletels/lan terete 267
Eenoolooapik, cited. . 410, 425, 464
Egede, H., cited .. 412
TH IDfarqcteler Clmt=sbell\ Cis omeran as ooceodcndode 85
Ellesmere Land, natives of................ 459, 460
Emigration of the Sagdlirmiut........... 618-620
Emmert, J. W., field work of.......... XXvVi, XXvii
Forman ns H)} CLUCG se sreretelecyeiat jenni asel ekal cl ade 412, 597
Eskimo, the Central, inp F. iross Sed boobs 399-669

Eg.

Falkenstein, K. C., preservation of Dres-
deni CadexbDysmet n= - ee ects Rhae 268
MY G WOr yas eeeleu ness tive steiner Sysaod xxvi-xlii
Figurines of Chiriquian art............... 151-153
Fillmore, exhumation of sepulcher at.... xii
Financial statement ................2...-- liii
Fishing, Eskimo methods of............. 518-516

Fleischer, H. L., mention of Dresden Co-
GOrS)0\/Sosaneanodphodonsescoaccotcbon 263
We ht to WWeimoones - crc semteceaiiclei ieee 598, 599

Form in textile art and its relation to
ornament, with illustrations from
Indian work . ee . 196-201

Férstemann, E., citation ‘from Die Maya-

aMGSchritt Oke. venice reise niet 261-269
cited eceeee 272, 278, 281, 283, 290, 292, 293,

300, 301, 302, 303, 304, 305,
320, 322, 329, 330, 339, 340
Howke, G., fleld workiof::.............:.-

XXvVi
robishers Mey. citeds. .comece se ence 410, 469, 558
Frobisher Bay, use of, by Eskimo ....... 423
G.

Gallatin, A., mention of classification of
Indian languages by xliv
Garlic, C. A., field work of an P.0.ab<
Gatschet, A.S., linguistic field work Si. . Xxxili-
XXXvVi
Office WOLPEROL eer aiss ctisrcinns creme seietacincioee xiviii
Geography, Eskimo knowledge of........ 643-647

Geometric design, relations of, to textile
(ORTAITION tre ajeraretaciersistelate tie or acaeterererente 202-244
Gilder, W. H., cited .411, 456, 457, 458, 459, 466, 498, 522
Glossary of Eskimo terms... ............ 663-669
Gordon, A. R., cited.......... 412, 463
Gosiats, water burial among. A xii

Gotze, J. C., preservation of inreeden
GOdex DY: Hyannis 5.5 elstevarstaucls cele 261
biographical sketch of................ 261, 262

486, 499, 503, 509, 547, 578, 583, 589, £94, 595,
596, 601, 602, 606, 607, 608, 611, 614,615 639
Hallock, W., on Chiriquian methods of

(eine a apn gic odue sad psddaaned .I50d 38
Handled group of Chiriquian pottery. .... 90-97
Harpoons of Eskimo, mode of construct-

IB je craynsatess a= saeioteieventeraiaie)olsiolsisin sep tece 489-494
Henshaw, H. W., linguistic field work of.. xxxi-

Xxxill
office worky Of/-4... secenccenieontemaenees xiv
TOLrera,, CHtOdy <scc erates acne ceslecistse eestor 35
Hewett, J. N. B., field work of........... XXX, XXxi
Hoffman, W. J., field work of.............. xii xiii
office work of......... Poucnont nee neene xiv
Holmes, W, H., office work of........... xl viii, xlix
abstract of paper on ancient art of the
province of Chiriqui by ............ liliv
abstract of paper on textile art in its
relation to the development of form

and ornament: bY... 6.0.02. ccs nee liv, lv

paper by, on ancient art of the prov-

mnce\ofiChiriqnil, wa.-w epee esas 13-187

paper by, on textile art in its relation

to the development of form and or-

MEN ap oocanecaoqocobamnoonsgenses 189-252
Huacals, exploration of, in Chiriqui...... 16,17
Hudson Bay, tribes of western shore of... 444-452
Hudson Bay district, geographic descrip-

GION ZOLA: ies bese a ees, pe eee 414-418
Hudson Bay Indians, snow houses of..... 547
Humboldt, A, von, notice of Dresden Co-

262, 263
Hunting, Eskimo methods of............. 1-513
I.
Igdlumiut Eskimo tribe, situation of..... 463
Igdlungajung, fabulous tribe in Eskimo
traditionicse ss rasan ae

Igimarasugdjuqdjuaq the cannibal Saas
Iglulik Eskimo tribe, snow houses of .

Iglulirmiut Eskimo tribe, situation of..... 444
Tjirang, fabulous people in Eskimo tradi-

TOD eee ee Se Cee 640
Indian tribes, synonymy of............... xliii-xlv
Tnuarudligang, fabulous tribe in Eskimo

tradition .......... 640
TInugpaqdjuqdjualung -. 638
Tnuit race, divisions of......... 420
Towa, secret society among.... 396
Ig UEyby EMER See noc ac nabs con ndsonoposconb sco 615-618
Itivimiut Eskimo tribe, situation of....... 463

J.
Jones, Mrs. J. A., Onondaga manuscriptof xxxi
K.
Kadlu the thunderer’:..... sess eeee cece 600
Kaiowé language, researches of A. S. Gat-

TNDEX. 673
Page. | Page
Kangivamiut Eskimo tribe, situation of.. 463 | Mealing stones of Chiriqui................ 25-27
Kansa, secret society among.............. BOGn | Me@rribtsd iss 9 CHUGH: em cin cle nlelaiets eletreivierni= =e 14, 16,49
Kayak, construction of................... 486-489 exploration of Bugaba cemetery by... .17, 18, 20
Keam, T., Tusayan products collected by. xlix | Metates of Chiriqui, nature and use of.... 25-27
Kingnaitmiut Eskimo tribe, situation of. . 424 | Mexican Antiquities, by Lord Kingsbor-
Kingsborough, Lord, Dresden Codex cop- OURB (Cited lads. cz stentssanmsiiess Petane 266, 267
TOON DY) OLGST: Ole crate acca ere elem elesinni 262 | Middleton, J. D., field work of ........ XXVi-XXViil
Mexican Antiquities of, cited.......... 266 | Mindeleff, C., office work of ........... xlvii, xlviii
Kinipetu or Agutit Eskimo tribe, situa- Mindeleff, V., field work of ..........-... XXix, Xxx
tion of...... -. 450,451 OPA CE WOLRA OL nie micteicsiasleleiciaieeeiataicts xvii, xlviii
Tats a no6 Benes} opgoeneDudens doe SDosno 621 COUSEHONS OF ae eet eeeiecsee ees pnt xlix
Klamath Indians, illustrations of orna- Mintzer, W., acknowledgments to........ 409
TENA GION IDY5 <teleleta-'areivie.< @!-In)eleini= = 208,209,227 | Modoc Indians, linguistic work among .... xxxvi,
Klamath language, work by A. S. Gatschet XXXVii
on grammar of ..........--- classic xlviii | Moki, illustrations of ornamentation by. . .197, 205,
Kleinschmidt, Eskimo orthography of... . 413 224, 225, 226, 238, 240

Klutschak, H. W., cited... .411, 448, 449, 451, 457, 458,
459, 466, 502, 509, 510, 516, 552,
553, 570, 582, 595, 596, 614, 615

Kouksoarmiut Eskimo tribe, situation of. . 463
Kumlien, L., acknowledgments to 409
Cited ceceres * | 412, 471, 474, 475, 482, 483, 524, 549,
550, 567, 589, 596, 606, 607, 610

Kunz, G. F.,on use of insects as models in
casting metals ....--...-.....-...-.- 38
on Chiriquian methods of plating...,, 39

La Fort, D., Onondaga manuscript of ..... xxi
Teen Bien CAVE ee celeste sista seis oiciele|ateroselelaisie.ninieie 348
Landa’s alphabet, insufficiency of........ 259, 347
NSE PSTUS se CLUE amietem eral yelnereletminis sle=i4.</s/n1vicie «is 413

Lipan Indians, linguistic work of A. 8.
Gatschet among.............. ....: Xxxiii
“Tost color’ of Chiriquian art, nature of 86
Lost color group of Chiriquian pottery... 113-130
Lyon, G. F., cited ......... 410, 451, 463, 487, 497, 511,

579, 585, 586, 587, 588, 589, 590,
592,593, 610, 612, 613, 614, 615

MG
M’Donald, A., cited........... Seng taAdooO 410
MeGuire, J. D., collections of ............. 1
Maclean, J. P., field work of.............. XXVii
M’Clintock, Captain, cited ......... 411, 455, 456, 458
McCloud River Indians, illustrations of or-
namentation by................ ae 221
MeNiel, J. A., collection of relics from
xlix
14, 15, 20
17, 22, 23, 27 31,40, 41, 43, 46, 107
xiv
516-526
Manuscript Troano, copy of, by Bras-
GOTO nod Sconhonsone ne pBbegodeeoSe 285, 286, 343
study of, by C. Thomas, cited......... 339, 343,
344, 345, 350, 365, 366, 367, 370
Maroon group of Chiriquian pottery..... 107-109
Mason, O. T., acknowledgments to........ 409
Matthews, W., field work of.............xxxviii-xl |
Matthews, W. P. (Bill Nix),Osage traditions
dictated (by/i-s./ssac.tescese dessa. 377
Maya and Mexican manuscripts, C. Thom-
as on, cited 280
Maya Codices, aids to the study of, by C.
AN OMAS ee steerer sta stelonre dette selclers/e 253-371

_Navigation, Eskimo proficien

Moravian missionaries, cited.............. 463
Mound explorations, field work on... .xxXVi-xXxVill
Mountain chant of Navajo Indians...... XXXix, xl
Museum fiir Vélkerkunde, Berlin, acknowl-
edgementsito) tn nce <-es0 ee oe eeeee 409

figured specimens from. .472, 473, 474, 477, 479,
480, 481, 483, 486, 487, 488, 496, 508,
518, 514, 515, 518, 519, 520, 523, 531,
582, 554, 555, 556, 557, 5! y
568, 569,570, 571, 576, 618, 634, 644

Music and poetry of the Eskimo.......... 648-658
N.
Nadaillac, Marquis, cited.............-.... 14,38
on Chiriquian methods of casting..... 38
Na-ishi Apache Indians, linguistic work
fheato ate Sonor mgg bonus sonnsbancson ode XXXV
Narwhal, origin of the.................... 625-627
National Museum, acknowledgments to... 409
figuredspecimensfrom............ 474, 479, 480,

481, 487, 488, 489, 490, 492, 493, 494,
495, 496, 502, 503, 504, 505, 506, 507,
512,518, 515, 516, 518, 521, 522, 523,
524, 525, 526, 530, 531, 532, 535, 539,
555, 556, 559, 560, 563, 565, 566, 576
Navajo Indians, field work of W. Matthews
QMONE se cece eect cts

Needlecases (?) of Chiriqui. .
Nelson, E. W., collection of earthen vessels

from eastern central Arizona by .... 1
Netchillirmiut Eskimo tribe, situation of.. 452-158
New Granada, burial customs in.......... 19,20
Niqgotlizi, ceremonies at...............-.XXxix, xl
Norris, P. W., field work and death of..... Xxvi
Northeastern America, geography of..... 414-418
North Greenlanders..............-.+-..--+ 460
Northwest Coast Indians, illustrations of

ornamentation by.........--- 218, 218, 227, 230
Nourse, cited. ....... Hoa oie ements 452
Nugumiut Eskimo tribe, situation of...... 44

oO.
Omaha, reticence of, as to secret societies. 396
Onondaga, work of J.N.B. Hewitt among. Xxx,
XxX
Oqomiut Eskimo tribe, situation and sub-
divisions of.............2--+5+. -.. 424-440

674 INDEX.
Page Page.
Origin of the Adlet and the Qadlunait. . . 637 | Rosny, L. de, cited............-.... 267, B47, 355, 357
Origin'of the narwhal -. 2-2... 8.60... ee 625-627 | Ross, J., cited......... 410, 451, 453, 454, 455, 456, 458,
Osage Indians, traditions among.......... lvi 469, 471, 478, 485, 508, 552, 553, 579
Osage traditions, paper on, by J. O. Dor- Royce, C. C., office work of...............-- Lili
CEVA Gosboog Cann tee PP ROPLRUPE DOF .. 373-397
Otis, F. M., paper on Panama ornaments s.
by, mentioned 46
Owen's Valley, California, pictographic Sagdlirmiut Eskimo tribe, situation of... 444
materialfrom.........-.-+----+-+--- xlii_| Sagdlirmiut of Southampton Island...... 451
San Mateo Mountains, Indians near ...... XxXxXiX
P. Santa Barbara, Cal., pictographs at....... xiii
Santa Barbara Indians, linguistic work of
Padlimiut Eskimo tribe, situation of ...... 440-442 H. W. Henshaw among......-... XXXi-XXxiii

Parry, W. E.,cited..... 410, 443, 444, 447, 451, 458,464,
474, 475, 478, 487, 492, 494, 502, 509,
510, 517, 523, 533, 544, 545, 547, 552,
556, 557, 558, 559, 572, 574, 603, 614

PenniweaM PUM DEL. eo cent -eeiete cielo note 233
Is ven Aen ek sancrcdeces ce onosocossa se dso 425

Peruvians, ancient, illustrations of orna-
mentation by....... 211, 212, 214, 228, 230, 231,
235, 236, 237, 242, 243, 248

Petermanns Mitteilungen, cited........... 409, note
Petitot, E., cited. . 412,516
Piedra pintal, description of, by Seemann, 21, 22
Pilingmiut Eskimo tribe, situation of..... 444
Pilling, J. C., Bibliography of the Lan-
guages of the North American In-

Dans biyas sete eevee aeecinerecies XXiV-xxvi

OfMicenmorko£ eccsaceiceetieinen xlv, xlvi
Pima Indians, illustrations of ornamenta-

WOW OWS ooan -cdoaSaooAspanshosstau pads 220
PinsrtaAeila albedo tpiemera seria 14, 15, 20, 22
Piute Indians, illustrations of ornamenta-

IOMN DY sits. cey Peierls - 198, 205
Poetry and music of the Eskimo......... 648-658

Polychrome group of Chiriquian pottery 140-147
Polynesian ornamentation, illustrations of 249, 250
Ponka, secret society among.............. 396
Pottery, of Chiniquis =m...
Powell, J. W.,report of operations of Bu-

reau of Ethnology by ............. xxili-lviii
Pueblo Indians, researches among... .xxviii, xxix

Qailertétang, fabulous people in Eskimo

tradition .
Qaudjaqdjuq.........2...:..:.
Qaumauangmiut Eskimo tribe, situation

(Get oaeOnaunteobragueastspocestsessas 421, 422
Qinguamiut Eskimo tribe, situation of... . d24

Quapaw Indians, linguistic work among.. xxxvii

Rae, John, cited... .... 411, 445, 446, 448, 450, 451, 452,

455, 459, 478, 485, 510, 597

Rattles of ancient Chiriqui............... 156, 157
Red line group of Chiriquian pottery..... 109-111 |

Religious ideas of the Eskimo............ 583-609

Riggs, R.B., analyses by .................. 49

Rink SH eiCited y74-mmreses scene an aeeeiacee: 411, 420,

580, 586, 587,590, 591, 598, 599

acknowledgments to.................. 412

Rogan, J. P., field work of.............. XXVi, Xxvii

Saumingmiut Eskimo tribe, situation of.. 424
Scarified group of Chiriquian pottery.... 87-90
Schellhas, P., cited......... 345, 359, 360, 361, 362, 364
Schultz-Sellack, K., cited\..:-...-.-.-..---. 278
Schwatka, F., cited. .... 445, 457 458, 459, 464, 465, 470
Science and the arts among the Eskimo... 643-658
Seal hunting, Eskimo method of .......... 471-501
Sedna and the fulmar........... . 583-587
Sedna rfeaste. -pacwye cert. meee serccer 594
Seemann, description of piedra pintal by 21,22
Seminole Indians, illustrations of orna-
MENtatION! Dyess eee ee 207

Sikosuilarmiut Eskimo tribe, situation of . 421,463
Siletz Agency, linguistic work of J. O.

IDIOTS Yai Gl beccre sede otter ele ee eee ste XXXvVi
Silvestre, E., Paléographie universelle of,

CHEM Soe ciefasectlc a encaiQaes eine sees 267
BSiMPSON Uk gp CLUCC ey areterers) sate pencil ate rete . 411,597
Simpson, T., cited......., . 410, 458
Singing house of Eskimo......... - 600-602
Sinimiut Eskimo tribe, situation of........ 451
Sledges and boats, description of Eskimo. 527-538
Smith, Mrs. E. A., field work of.......... XXX, XXxi

OMlCeWOLkaO Leecher ses etomeette xiv
collectionslofys..a-cce secre eee xlix,1]
Smith Sound, Eskimo tribes of............ 459, 460
Snow houses, of Davis Strait Eskimo..... 541-544
of Iglulik Eskimo tribe .......-... 544
of Hudson Bay Indians ......... : 5AT
Social life and customs of Eskimo 57578
Songish Indians, burial customs and re-
IMENT () Ranhc onc cdons ac onAoscaexeons xiii
Spicer, J. O., acknowledgments to........ 409
Cited sre Bees 489, 511, 587, 588, 611
Spindle whorls of Chiriqui...........-.... 149, 150
Stearns, J. B., specimens in archeological

collections of.............. 24, 41, 43, 45, 48, 49

Stevenson, J., field work of.......-.... XXvili, Xxix
collection of objects of Pueblo art by xlix
Stevenson, Mrs. J., researches among the

VAI occ toce sonsh caso dsonoeo Tobe. xxix
Stools of ancient Chiriqui...........--... 154-156
Sturgis, A., acknowledgments to.......... 409

(OUCGl Song! Googcs, casaareqonnoodjooenesS 491
T.
Talirpingmiut Eskimo tribe, situation of.. 424

Tents of Eskimo, mode of construction of 551-553

Terra cotta group of Chiriquian pottery.. 67
Textile art in its relation to the develop-

ment of form and ornament, paper

by W.H. Holmes on.........-+-:--- 189-252

INDEX. 675
ce BEES Page.
Thing, L. H., field work of..... Beeches xxvii, xxviii | [pgavimiut Eskimo tribe,situation of... 463
Thlinkit ivory and wood earvings......... xlii |
Thomas, C., field work of......... XXVI-XXViii, Xxx | Vv.
OL CO RV OUR OL e= aerafeysetelticieletaiaie ecorsieiai<'sln xivii P
collection from mounds by........... 1 Vater, J.S., cited........ 0.0... .s.ese22- 262
abstract of paper on aids to the study w.
of the Maya codices by............. ly-lvi
paper on aids to the study of the Maya Wali; modelo fener emia ete xlvii

COPIER DY erie eaters eer. nirelv ess DS oh | WWALITIO Why CALE oie}nrs nn. oe vin clatels) nis sin ete eres 425, 583
Tonkawe {dians, linguistic work of A.S. Whistles of ancient Chiriqui.............. 164-171

Gatschet among .........--- _.xxxiii, xxiv | White, B. B., description of cemetery in
Tornait and angakut...............-.....+ 591-598 New Granada by.................... 19
Mormitathe scene -eesecces e _. 634-636, 640 | White line group of Chiriquian pottery.. 111-113
Trade and intercourse between Eskimo Wiener cited Meee ernment are eeys 242

cat nap oli cos ee _... 462-470 | Wind instruments of ancient Chiriqui.... 160-171
Tripod group of Chiriquian pottery. . 97-107 | Winnebago, sacred songs of the Iowa in.. 396
Troano Manuscript, copy of, by Bras-

Siti Gece esschel oe ee 285, 286, 343 ¥.

Tule River Indians, illustrations of orna- Yarrow, H.C., collections of. xlix

MMA NOM Ia acs SoqcnSDMaceeonsoS 219 | field work of............. .. xbxli
Tununirmiut Eskimo tribe, situation of... 442444 office work of. iia eet 1
Tununirusirmiut Eskimo tribe, situation Yokut Indians, illustrations of ornamenta-

Gln. Sanco ada 2unde coor oouaeeiccareas 442-444 GIONGDY, ase ee cers en eee eee eee 238, 234
Turner, L. M., cited. . .420, 462, 520, 565, 567,608, note | Yuchi Indians, linguistic work among. .... xXXV
Tusayan, model of the seven villages of.. xvii

collection of fictile products of....... xlix Z.

Tusayan ornament, illustrations of....... 247,248 | Zeltner, A. de, observations on graves in
< (Chiriquibyteace eee 14, 18, 19, 41, 42
rs Cine. Vonsiginto mactoauenco eas ana 20, 22, 27, 43, 45, 140
(Uae GhyHel.: Se poadeonauencneSponseeneececne 636, 637 description of Chiriquian vases by.... 145-147
Ugjulirmiut Eskimo tribe, situation of.... 458 | Zuni, studies of Mrs.J.Stevensonamong.. xxix
WIEST ais ga ssedhce: eo. poesenecpnocdcs aos 621 culture growth of.................-.-Xlvi, Xlvii
fabulous people in Eskimo tradition. . 640 collection made at...... ............- xlix
Ukusiksalirmiut Eskimo tribe, situation of 458 illustrations of ornamentation by.... 239

aed se

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

\ SIXTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE
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Julius Bien & Co. Lith.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

SIXTH ANNUAL REPORT PLATE TIL.

ESKIMO TRIBES

NORTH-EAST AMERICA, |

BY DR.F.BOAS.

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